MINISTERUL CULTURII
MUZEUL NAȚIONAL DE ISTORIE A TRANSILVANIEI
ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS
50
HISTORICA
II
2013
CLUJ-NAPOCA
2013
CONSILIUL EDITORIAL:
NICOLAE BOCȘAN (Universitatea Babeș-Bolyai), NICOLAE EDROIU (Academia Română, Institutul
de Istorie George Bariț, Cluj-Napoca), STEPHEN FISCHER-GALATI (Universitatea Colorado, SUA),
KONRAD GUNDISCH (Institutul de Cultură și Istorie a Germanilor din Europa de Est, Oldenburg,
Germania), IOAN-AUREL POP (Academia Română, Universitatea Babeș-Bolyai), MARIUS PORUMB
(Academia Română, Institutul de Arheologie și Istoria Artei, Cluj-Napoca), DORU RADOSAV (Biblioteca
Centrală Universitară Lucian Blaga, Universitatea Babeș-Bolyai), NICOLAE SABĂU (Universitatea
Babeș-Bolyai), TUDOR SĂLĂGEAN (Muzeul Etnografic al Transilvaniei, Cluj-Napoca), TORBAGY
MELINDA (Muzeul Național Maghiar, Budapesta), RUDOLF DINU (Institutul Român de Cultură și
Cercetare Umanistica, Veneția), IOAN DRĂGAN (Arhivele Naționale din România)
COLEGIUL DE REDACȚIE:
HORAȚIU BODALE, CLAUDIA BONȚA, MELINDA MIHALY, DANIELA COMȘA, IOANA
GRUIȚĂ SAVU - secretar de redacție AnA MARIA GRUIA - secretar de redacție, MELINDA MITU,
OVIDIU MUNTEAN, VOICHIȚA DAMIAN, LIVIA CĂLIAN - redactor responsabil.
TRADUCEREA STUDIILOR ÎN LIMBA ENGLEZĂ:
CARMEN BORBELY
FOTO:
SERGIU ODENIE, AUTORII
COPERTA:
TOROK KĂROLYI
ILUSTRAȚIA COPERTEI:
Seria editorială Acta Musei Napocensis din perioada 1964-2012
FONDATOR:
CONSTANTIN DAICOVICIU
MUZEUL NAȚIONAL DE ISTORIE A TRANSILVANIEI
ISSN 1454-1521
ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS
Publicație a Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei. Corespondența se va adresa: Muzeul
Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, 400020, Cluj-
Napoca, str. C. Daicoviciu, nr. 2, Tel/fax: 004 0264
591718; Tel: 004 0264 595677.
Email: secretariat@mnit.museum.utcluj.ro
ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS
Publication. du Musee National d’Histoire de la
Transylvanie. Toute correspondence sera envoyee a
l’adresse: Musee National d’Histoire de la Transylvanie,
400020, Cluj-Napoca, rue C. Daicoviciu, n° 2, Roumanie,
tel/fax: 004 0264 591718; Tel: 004 0264 595677.
Email: secretariat@mnit.museum.utcluj.ro
Editura Argonaut
Cluj-Napoca
Str. Ciucaș nr.5/15
www.editura-argonaut.ro
Contents
50th Anniversary
NICOLAE BOCȘAN
Acta Musei Napocensis at Its Anniversary....................................7
CONSTANTIN POP
The 50th Issue of Acta Musei Napocensis....................................8
LIVIA CĂLIAN
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List.....................................9
Studies
RĂZVAN MIHAI NEAGU
The beneficial policy of Pope Clement VI in the Diocese of Transylvania ..83
MIHAI FLORIN HASAN
Anthroponymy and modes of Anthroponym transmission in the Transylvanian noble families in
the late thirteenth century and throughout the fourteenth century[II] ....97
DRAGOȘ-LUCIAN ȚIGĂU
New information concerning the presence of students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
prior to 1550 ...........................................................102
CORINA TOMA
The undated Denarii minted by Vladislav II - New Monetary subtypes and the Issue of their
sequence ................................................................117
HORAȚIU GROZA
Aspects concerning the Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda ..................139
ANDREAFEHER
Family life in eighteenth-century Transylvania. Case study: the Halmagyi family........154
PAULA VIRAG
Aspects of the Revolutionary Movements of 1848-1849, in Satu Mare county...............166
OVIDIU MUNTEAN
Photography and History. The Photographic Camera Collection of the National Museum of
Transylvanian History(the nineteenth century - the early twentieth century)............174
CRISTINA ADAM TOMA
Characteristics of Collectionism in Wallachia .........................................192
AURA COMĂNESCU
The Image of the Jews from Maramureș during the Interwar Period. An oral history study.203
CLAUDIU CĂLIN
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha and the Theological Seminary of the Roman Catholic Diocese
of Timișoara(Part I)...................................................................212
LUCIAN IENĂȘESCU
The Rural Libraries from Arad during the Interwar Period ......................224
IULIA-DORINA STANCIU
Between lived history and narrated history: Representations of space, social relations and
Manifestations of love in times of war.........................................233
MARIUS OANȚĂ
The situation of the catholic denomination in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest
(1948-1964) ...................................................................249
ALEXANDRU IOAN HELTIANU
A case of romanian espionage in Italy during the 1950S: The Inquiry against Dumitru Dobre   261
DANIELA COMȘA
Letters from the “Eternal City”, Hadrian Daicoviciu - Constantin Daicoviciu.274
ION CÂRJA
Between Historiography and Politics. The reception of Avram Iancu after 1989 ..283
Restoration
CLAUDIA M. BONȚA, TUDOR TOMESCU
The restoration of ceramic pot from the Roman Period...........................293
ADRIANA BULBUC
The restoration of a twentieth-century Book of Prayers ........................297
TUDOR TOMESCU
The restoration of an urn from the Bronze Age, the Wietenberg culture..........303
Reviews
GRIGORE MOLDOVAN
Miodrag Milin (editor), Sârbii din România în secolul XX [The Serbs from Romania in the
twentieth century], Cluj-Napoca, Argonaut, 2012, ISBN 978-973-109-337-6, 328 p.309
GRIGORE MOLDOVAN
Vadim Guzun (editor), Rusia înfometată. Acțiunea umanitară europeană în documentele din
arhivele românești 1919-1923[Starving Russia. European humanitarian action in the Romanian
archival documents 1919-1923], Târgu-Lăpuș, Galaxia Gutenberg, 2012, ISBN 978-973-141-
450-8, 663 p...................................................................310
ANDREA FEHER
SigunSur Gylfi Magnusson, Istvân M. Szijarto, What Is Microhistory? Theory and Practice.
London - New York, Routledge, 2013. ISBN 9 780415 692090. 181 p................312
50th Anniversary

NICOLAE BOCȘAN
Acta Musei Napocensis at Its Anniversary
It is half a century since the very first volume of Acta Musei Napocensis saw the
light of print. For a scientific journal, this is an achievement that not too many museums
can boast about. Its publication over the course of five decades was, no doubt, the fruit
of the labours of the museum directors who have succeeded themselves at the helm of
this institution over time, of the editorial team and, especially, of the editorial secretaries
of the volumes, as well as of the entire staff of the museum, who have dedicated
themselves in exemplary manner to supporting the publication during the most difficult
periods in its history.
Acta Musei Napocensis is an icon of the scientific work carried out by the
curators and researchers from the National History Museum of Transylvania. Its
thematic range is of great variety, covering virtually all the areas of historical research,
museography, the auxiliary sciences or political studies. Equally, over the years the
journal has managed to pool together everything that scientific research in the field of
history has meant in Cluj. It is here that, besides the museum’s body of researchers, a
wide array of authors have published their studies, including professors from “Babes-
Bolyai” University in Cluj, from the History Institute of the Romanian Academy, from
the other museums of Cluj, or from archives, libraries and other cultural institutions.
Acta Musei Napocensis is also an icon of the historiography produced in Cluj, attesting
to the professionalism of the devotees of the Muse Clio, a model of scientific
cooperation between the local historians, a centre of scientific and cultural emulation, of
commitment to discipline they serve.
Throughout the years, the journal has published the work of numerous historians
in the country and abroad; the latter, whose numbers increased after 1989, have
participated in the contemporary scientific dialogue, in the exchanges between the
different scientific schools with which the museum and the historians from Cluj have
come into contact.
Thematically, the journal has prevalently approached aspects of Transylvania’s
history, of the nations that have lived together in this multicultural and pluriconfessional
space, from antiquity until contemporaneity. It has equally focused on issues pertaining
to the role of Transylvania in the context of national or continental history, on subjects
of national and world history.
Acta Musei Napocensis is a fresco of Transylvanian historiography over the past
50 years, a testimony to the scientific potential of a venerable museum institution,
whose mark of professionalism is undeniably illustrated by this journal.
Happy anniversary, Acta Musei Napocensis!
CONSTANTIN POP
The 50th Issue of Acta Musei Napocensis
The year 2013 marks the well-deserved semicentennial anniversary of the
yearbook issued by the National History Museum of Transylvania in Cluj, namely Acta
Musei Napocensis, highly appreciated in a wide circle of Romanian and foreign
historians.
This annual series came into being in the year 1964, at the initiative of
Academician Constantin Daicoviciu, the Director of the Cluj museum, who also became
head of the editorial board of this important publication. This anniversary is an
opportunity for me, as a former member, for many years, and then as secretary of the
editorial committee, to recall the words expressing full confidence in the future of the
journal which were uttered by this erudite scholar when the first issue of Acta Musei
Napocensis saw the light of print, in 1964: “We would like this herald of the Museum of
History in Cluj to stand as witness to the work and thought of the museum members and
of those who are among the collaborators of this institution. Like the Museum itself, and
its Yearbook will embrace all the eras of our history [...]. Through its periodical
publication, the History Museum in Cluj will establish ever closer relations with
institutions and the specialists in the country and abroad, representing, at the same time,
a new and eloquent testimony as to the achievements that are made in the field of
science and culture...” (C. Daicoviciu, “Foreword” Acta Musei Napocensis, I, Cluj,
1964). In this context, I also wish to make known the names of the members who
formed the first editorial board of the yearbook, which oversaw the launching of the
journal and included leading personalities of the “Alma Mater” university life, of the
History Institute and the museum in Cluj: Acad. Constantin Daicoviciu (Director),
Acad. Ștefan Pascu, Professors Mihail Macrea, Hadrian Daicoviciu, Bujor Surdu,
Kovăcs Jozsef, loan I. Russu, Vajda Lajos, Ferenczi Istvăn, George A. Protopescu, and
Petre Bunta.
Over the course of time, the impressive amount of valuable works pooled by the
editorial staff exceeded by far the compulsory number of pages for a yearbook. This led,
starting from issues no. 26-30 (1989-1993), to the publication of the yearly journal in
two parts, one being devoted to articles on prehistory, ancient history and archaeology,
and the other focusing on problems of history, from the Middle Ages until the
contemporary period.
However, the pages of the Acta Musei Napocensis journal are not limited to the
publication of actual studies, strictly specialized on historical subjects, as they also
include interesting articles, reports, notes and discussions, excavation reports, problems
of museography, restoration-conservation, museum patrimony protection, art history,
numismatics and phaleristics, travelogues, annual chronicles charting the archaeological
projects or the activity of the various departments of this prestigious scientific and
The 50th Issue of Acta Musei Napocensis
9
cultural institution from Cluj, the list of its members’ participation in various sessions or
thematic workshops, both at home and abroad, the organization of various exhibitions
by the museum itself or in collaboration, reviews, book presentations, bibliographical
notes, stages abroad, the enrichment of the museum’s patrimony collections by listing
the items acquired from research, donations and purchases.
In addition to this, the yearbook published in Cluj mirrors the numerous
contributions of internal and external collaborators. Year by year, the prestige of this
journal has increased, there being a steadily growing demand for its issues from
libraries, research institutes and universities both in the country and in Europe or
America, its presence being signalled in a series of catalogues published by cultural
institutions of global importance.
In conclusion to this “Foreword,” we wish sincerely, from the heart, that this
valuable publication may enjoy the success that will continue to ensure its foremost
position among the most important specialized editorial achievements from the country
and from abroad.
LIVIA CĂLIAN
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
1.	ACHIM, Valeriu, Reflectarea conștiinței naționale a românilor în presa din nord - vestul țării (1848
- 1918), XX, 1983,p. 551.
2.	ALEXANDRESCU, Mihai, V. Pușcaș, România despre Uniunea Europeană. Negocierile de
aderare /2000 - 2004), [R], 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p.344.
3.	ALFOLDY - GĂZDAC, Agnes, Găzdac, C., The coinage "Privincia Dacia" - a coinage for one
province only? (AD 246 - 257), 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 247.
4.	ALTAROZZI, Giordano, Tra stato e chiesa: le nunziature apostoliche nella prima etă moderna,
48/II, 2011, p. 45.
5.	AGOTHA, Andrei; Resch, F., Ceramica Petrești, grup Foeni de la Parța - Tell 2, 34, I, 1997, p. 473.
6.	ALLEN, Thimothy, Interim report on two seasons of excavations of a burial enclosure in the East
cemetery of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, Romania, 26 - 30, 1989 /93, p. 397.
7.	ALEXA, I., Ferenczi, Șt., Șteiu, N., Sondaje arheologice la Huedin "Boldic", II, 1965,p. 637.
8.	ALICU, Adrian; Alicu, D.; Marian, C., Prelucrarea datelor obținute în urma efectuării unor
prospecțiuni arheologice prin măsurarea rezistivității solului, 33, I, 1996, p. 569.
9.	ALICU, Dorin, Turnuri de porți la castrele romane din Dacia, X, 1973, p. 107.
10.	Alicu, D.; Rusu, A., Cîteva reprezentări ale Gorgonei Meduza în Dacia intracarpatică, XI, 1974, p. 93.
11.	Alicu, D., Integrarea monumentelor de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa în circuitul turistic și
muzeistic, XIII, 1976, p. 141.
12.	Alicu, D.; Pop, C.; Cățănaș, V., Ateliere depietrărie la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XIII, 1976, p. 125.
13.	Alicu, D., Corrigenda la Roman Lamps from Sarmizegetusa, XIV, 1977, p. 153.
14.	Idem, Templul zeițe Nemesis de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XV, 1978, p. 173.
15.	Alicu, D.; Pop, C., Hermes - Mercurius la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XVI, 1979, p. 93.
16.	Alicu, D., Tehnici de construcție la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XVII, 1980, p. 447.
17.	Idem, D.M. Bailey, A Catalogue of the Lamps in the British Museum, I, Greek, Hellenistic and Early
Roman Pottery Lamps, II. Roman Lamps made in Italy, [R], XVII, 1980, p. 889.
18.	Idem, Instalații de hypocaustum la Sarmizegetusa, XVIII, 1981, p. 425.
19.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XVIII, 1981: Sheppard Frere, Britannia. A History of Roman Britannia, p. 714.;
Hans Bogli, La Suisse ă l'epoque romaine, p. 713.; Gudea, Nicolae, Note critice în legătură cu
lucrarea lui N. Branga, Urbanismul în Dacia romană, p. 715.
20.	Alicu, D.; Nemeș, E., Obiecte de os descoperite la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XIX, 1982, p. 345.
21.	Alicu, D:, Elemente de echipament militar descoperite la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, (I), XX,
1983, p. 391.
22.	Idem, Două cuptoare de ars țigle și cărămizi de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XXI, 1984, p. 467.
23.	Alicu, D.; Cociș, S., Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. Bibliografie selectivă, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 589.
24.	Alicu, D.; Paki, A., O inscripție "inedită" din amfiteatrul roman de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa,
XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 469.
25.	Alicu, D.; Cociș, S.; Paki, A., Raport privind cercetările arheologice efectuate în satul Mircești, jud.
Cluj, 26 - 30, I / 2, 1989 /93, p. 495.
26.	Alicu, D.; Pop, C.; Cociș, S., Săpături arheologice la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, (1985 - 1989), 26
- 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 435.
27.	Idem: Dr. Heinz Menzel (1914 - 1989) [N], 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 594.
28.	Alicu, D.; Popa, V.; Pop, C.; Bota, E.; Vomir, M., Cercetări arheologice la Sarmizegetusa. Campania
1992 - 1993: clădirile EM 30 - EM 31, 31, I, 1994, p. 461.
29.	Alicu, D.; Popa, V.; Bota, E., Cercetări arheologice la Sarmizegetusa. Campania 1993: amfiteatrul,
31, I, 1994, p. 487.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
11
30.	Alicu, D., Cercetări arheologice la Cluj - Napoca: villa rustica din Valea Chintăului. Campaniile
1990 -1992, 31, I, 1994, p. 539.
31.	Alicu, D.; Cociș, S.; Ferenczi, I.; Paki, A.; Ilieș, C., Villa rustica din Valea Chintăului. Campania
1988, 32, I, 1995, p. 619.
32.	Alicu, D.; Popa, V.; Bota, E., Cercetări arheologice la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. Campania
1994, 32, I, 1995, p. 665.
33.	Alicu, D., Die tempel aus Micia (I), 38/I, 2001. p. 155.
34.	ALICU, Grațiana, Un manuscris inedit de la sfîrșitul sec. XVIII, XIII, 1976, p. 409.
35.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (i), XV, 1978, p. 401.
36.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (Ii), XVI, 1979, p. 791.
37.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (III), XVII, 1980, p. 769.
38.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (IV), XVIII, 1981, p. 681.
39.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (V), XIX, 1982, p. 673.
40.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (VI), XX, 1983, p. 771.
41.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (VII), XXI, 1984, p. 779.
42.	Idem, Circulația cărții vechi românești în județul Cluj (VIIi), XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86,p. 713.
43.	ALUPOAIE, Elena, Alexandru Ioan Cuza's economic reforms reflected in the Romanian Press from
Transylvania: Telegraful Român and Gazeta Transilvaniei (1859 - 1866), 49/II, 2012, p. 196.
44.	ANDEA, Avram; Andea, Susana, Date despre cartea românească veche în județele Cluj și Bistrița-
Năsăud, XIX, 1982, p. 695.
45.	Idem, Date despre cartea românească veche din Maramureș, XX, 1983, p. 783.
46.	ANDEA, Susana; Andea, Avram, Date privind cartea românească veche din nord - vestul
Transilvaniei, XXI, 1984, p. 795.
47.	Idem, Consemnări de carte românească veche în inventare bisericești din Transilvania, 26 - 30, II,
1989 /93, p. 545.
48.	ANDRIȚOIU, loan, Contribuții la cunoașterea culturii Otomani din sud - vestul Transilvaniei, XV,
1978, p. 63.
49.	ANTAL, Adriana, The cult of Venus within the forts from Dacia, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 91.
50.	ARDELEAN, Florin, Legislație militară și politică fiscală în timpul lui Ioan Sigismund Zapolya
(1556 - 1570), 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 39.
51.	Idem, Aspecte privind evoluția domeniului fiscal în principatul automom al Transilvaniei, 47/II, 2010,
p. 101.
52.	ARDEȚ, Adrian, Cercetările arheologice la biserica medievală de la Cărbunari - Țigănești (sec.
XIII - XIV), 33, I, p. 415.
53.	ARDEVAN, Radu, Le college des fabres â Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XV, 1978, p. 167.
54.	Idem, Les lecticaires â Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XVI, 1979, p. 87.
55.	Ardevan, R.; Someșfălean, L., Asupra unui mozaic din Apulum, XVII, 1980, p. 667.
56.	Ardevan, R., Praefectus quinquennalis pro imperatore, XVIII, 1981, p. 437.
57.	Idem, Nocturni Napocensis, XIX, 1982, p. 287.
58.	Idem, Limes. Akten des XI internationalen Limeskongresses, [R], XIX, 1982, p. 741.
59.	Idem, Mercurius de la Gherla, XX, 1983, p. 397.
60.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XX, 1983: Gerold Walser, Romische Inschrften in der Schweiz, I - III, p. 897.;
Franco is Wible, Forum Claudii Vallensium. La ville romaine de Martigny, p. 895.; Al VlII-lea
Congres internațional de epigrafie greacă și latină, p. 937.; Felipe Arias Vilas, Patrick le Roux, Alain
Tranoy, Inscriptions romaines de la province de Lugo, p. 899.
61.	Idem, Duumvirat et quattuovirat dans la Dacie romaine, XXI, 1984, p. 95.
62.	Ardevan, Radu; Hica - Câmpeanu, Ioana, Inscriptions romaines reutilisees de Napoca, XXII - XXIII,
1985 /86, p. 541.
63.	Ardevan, R.: N. Josan , Muzeul Unirii Alba Iulia, [R], XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 805.
64.	Idem, Viața și activitatea lui Ștefan Bezdechi, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1155.
65.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88: P. Liptak, Avars and ancient Hungarians, p. 1188.; Al
IX-lea Congres internațional de epigrafie greacă și latină (Sofia, 1987), p. 1212.
12
Livia Călian
66.	Idem: recenzii și necrolog în vol. 26 - 30, 1989/93: Beneficiarii. Kolloquium uber eine romische
Heerescharge (3 - 5 decembrie 1990, Osterburken), p. 585.; Al Xl-lea Congres internațional de
numismatică, p. 587.; Nicolae Lascu, (1908 - 1989) [N], p. 592.; Eugen Chirilă (1921 - 1991) [N], p. 595
67.	Idem, CIL, III, 1570 - o revizuire, 31, I, 1994, p. 269.
68.	Idem, Encore une inscription reutilisse de Napoca, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 189.
69.	Ardevan, R., Hica, I., Inscriptions de Napoca, 37/I, 2000, p. 234.
70.	Ardevan, R., In memoriam Adela Paki, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 281.
71.	ARDOS, Alexandru, Considerații privind modernizarea bazei tehnice a intreprinderii "Metalul
Roșu" din Cluj - Napoca, XIV, 1977, p. 569.
72.	Idem, O vioară de meșter, XV, 1978, p. 397.
73.	Idem, Colecția didactică Brassai Sămuel din Cluj - Napoca, XVI, 1979, p. 827.
74.	Idem, Cîteva piese inedite din colecția didactică Brassai Sămuel, XVII, 1980, p. 787.
75.	Idem, Un ceas muzical din sec. XVII - XVIII în colecția Muzeului de Istorie al Transilvaniei, XIX,
1982, p. 643.
76.	Idem, Un vechi instrument de calcul, XX, 1983, p. 849.
77.	ARDOS, Ana Maria; Lakatos, Șt., Instrumentele muzicale ale Muzeului de Istorie Clu j, III, 1966, p. 257.
78.	Ardos, A. M., Expoziții industriale în Transilvania înainte de 1848, VIII, 1971, p. 635.
79.	Idem, Date privindparticiparea Transilvaniei la expoziția mondială de la Viena (1873), XI, 1974, p. 323.
80.	Idem, Aspecte de psiho - pedagogie școlară ale ghidajului la muzeul de istorie, XII, 1975, p. 413.
81.	Idem, Rolul muzeului de istorie în procesul instructiv - educativ școlar, XIII, 1976, p. 621.
82.	Idem, "Prietenii Muzeului", un experiment reușit al Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, XV, 1978, p. 647.
83.	Ardos, A.M.; Mirel, M., Considerații privind înființarea societăților culturale transilvănene "Astra" și
"Asociația Muzeului Ardelean", XVIII, 1981, p. 531.
84.	Idem, Preocupări ale Muzeului ardelean pentru conservarea și restaurarea bunurilor muzeale, XX,
1983, p. 725.
85.	Ardos, A.M.; Mirel, M.; Glodariu, E., Muzeul județean de istorie Cluj - Napoca la a 125-a
aniversare, XXI, 1984, p. 673.
86.	AVRAM, V., Un act revoluționar: naționalizarea principalelor mijloace de producție, V, 1968, p. 619.
87.	BACIU, Anamaria, Boroș, D., Aspecte metodologice ale restaurării picturii murale de la biserica
Adormirea Maicii Domnului a mînăstirii Răchitoasa, Bacău, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 259.
88.	Idem, Cercetare stratigrafică asupra unui frangment din pictura murală exterioară de la biserica
Buna Vestire a mănăstirii Moldovița, jud. Suceava, 48/II, 2011, p. 283.
89.	BADER, Tiberiu, Despre figurile antropomorfe în cadrul culturii Criș, V, 1973, p. 485.
90.	Idem, Tezaurul monetar cu imitații tip Filip II, descoperit la Turulung (jud. Satu Mare), XII, 1975, p. 75.
91.	Idem, Tudor Soroceanu - Studien zur Mureș - kultur [R], Piso, I., Băeștean, 38/I, 2001, p. 265.
92.	BAICU, Graziella, In memoriam. Dix ans depuis la disparition du professeur docteur I. Spielmann,
34, II, 1998, p. 569.
93.	BAJUS, Istvân; Cociș, Sorin, Fibule romane de la Porolissum, 43, I, 1997, p. 521.
94.	BAKAMSKA, Aneta; Juraj, P., Die rotbemalte Keramik und der Anfangder Starcevo -Kultur, 32, I,
1995, p. 29.
95.	BALLA, E.; Mihu, I., Aspecte ale luptelor greviste din Turda și Uioara în anii 1919 - 1920, VIII,
1971, p. 675.
96.	BALOG, Marin Iosif, Political regimes, economic crises, continuity and discontinuity in the
economic modernization ofperipheral regions of the Habsburg Monarchy in the second half of the
nineteenth century. The case of Transylvania, 49/II, 2012, p. 247.
97.	BALTAG, Gheorghe, Ofibulă de formă necunoscută descoperită la Sighișoara - Dealul Viilor (sec.
IV - V e.n.), XXIV-XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 619.
98.	BARTOȘ, Gheorghe, Horea, Cloșca și Crișan în iconografia vremii, VIII, 1971, p. 267.
99.	BATHORY, Ludovic, Luptele revendicative și mișcarea sindicală a minerilor din Banat între anii
1918 - 1921, X, 1973, p. 755.
100.	Idem, Luptele muncitorilor de la Uzinele de fier ale statului din Hunedoara pentru îmbunătățirea
condițiilor de muncă și de trai (1919 - 1940, I), XVIII, 1981, p. 237.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
13
101.	Idem, Lupta muncitorilor de la uzinele de fier ale statului din Hunedoara pentru îmbunătățirea
condițiilor de muncă și de trai (1919-1940, Ii), XIX, 1982, p. 187.
102.	Idem, Muncitorii din întreprinderile societății Titan - Nădrag - Călan în luptă pentru drepturi
politice, pentru ameliorarea situației lor social - economice (1919 - 1940, I), XX, 1983, p. 293.
103.	Idem, Muncitorii din intreprinderile Societății Titan - Nădrag - Călan în lupta pentru drepturi
politice, pentru ameliorarea situației lor social - economice (1919 - 1940) (II), XXI, 1984, p. 353.
104.	Idem, Asociațiile patronale industriale din România după primul război mondial (1918 - 1930), 31,
II, 1994, p. 193.
105.	BAUMAN, Victor H., Cîteva precizări rezultate din cercetarea monumentului paleocreștin din
comuna Niculițel (jud. Tulcea), XIV, 1977, p. 245.
106.	BĂDĂU - WITTENBERGER, Mihai, Considerații privind unele materiale tegulare de la Ulpia
Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 481.
107.	Idem, Considerații privind stampilele Legiunii XIII Gemina de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa,
XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 615.
108.	Idem, Considerații despre cultura Naua în Transilvania, 31, I, 1994, p. 151.
109.	Idem, Șantierul arheologic Buza (ud. Cluj), 31, I, 1994, p. 367.
110.	Idem, The Bronze Age pitfrom Buza, 34, I, 1997, p. 703.
111.	Idem, Economical life in Noua culture in the Transylvanian late bronze age, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007
(2008), p. 5.
112.	BĂLĂNESCU, Dana, Un nou tezaur cu monede romane imperiale din sec. IV, descoperit la
Moldova Veche (jud. Caraș - Severin, XIX, 1982, p. 375.
113.	Bălănescu, Dana; Gudea, Nicolae, Tezaurul monetar de la Răcășdia (III), XX, 1983, p. 485.
114.	BĂLUȚĂ, Cloșca L.,Lămpile romane din Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, 33, I, 1996, p. 89.
115.	Idem, Tipar trivalv pentru oglinzi cu ramă de plumb descoperit la Apulum, 34, I, 1997, p. 559.
116.	BĂRBULESCU, Mihai, Despre cultul zeiței Bendis la geto - daci, VIII, 1971, p. 91.
117.	Idem, Marcus Aurelius Apollinarius procurator augusti Daciae Porolissensis, X, 1973, p. 171.
118.	Idem, Cultul lui Hercules în Dacia romană (I), XIV, 1977, p. 173.
119.	Idem, Cultul lui Hercules în Dacia romană, (II), XV, 1978, p. 219.
120.	Idem: Glodariu, Ioan; Iaroslavschi, Eugen, Civilizația fierului la daci, [R], XVII, 1980, p. 877.
121.	Idem, Relieful "narativ" în Dacia, XVIII, 1981, p. 455.
122.	Idem: Silviu Sanie, Culte orientale în Dacia romană. Cultele siriene și palmiriene, [R], XIX, 1982, p. 747.
123.	BÂRCĂ, Meda Diana, Alexandria, un manuscris necunoscut, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 209.
124.	BÂRCĂ, Vitalie, Considerații privind armamentul, tipul de trupe și tactica militară la sarmați, 31, I,
1994, p. 55.
125.	Idem, Die defnsive Ausrustung und Bewa fnung der Geto - Daker um die dako - romischen Kriege,
34, I, 1997, p. 189.
126.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 34, I, 1997: Svetlana Ivanovna Andruh, Nijnedunaiskaia Skifia v VI - naciale I
v. do. N.e. Zaporojie, p. 885.; V: M: Zubar, Hersones Tavriceski I rimskaia Imperia. Ocerki voenno -
politiceskoi istorii, p. 891.; Natalia Alexandrovna Son, Tira rimskogo vremeni, p. 907.
127.	Idem, Die Schwere reiterei bei den Bosporanen, 35, I, 1998, p. 43.
128.	Bârcă, V:, Sîrbu, Valeriu, Daces et romains au nord de l'embouchure du Danube (Ier - IIIe siecles
apres J-C). Nouvelles donnees archeologiques, 37/I, 2000, p. 69.
129.	BÂRLEA, Eugenia, Andrei Șaguna and the Telegraful Român during the decade of neoabsolutism
(1853 - 1860), Ecclesiascal, educational and cultural aspects, 49/II, 2012, p. 211.
130.	BEJAN, Adrian, Un atelier metalurgic din sec. VI e.n. de la Drobeta Turnu - Severin, XIII, 1976, p. 257.
131.	Idem, Necropola de inhumație de sec. VIII - IX e.n. de la Timișoara - Podul Modoș, XX, 1983, p. 489.
132.	Idem, Contribuții arheologice la cunoașterea așezărilor rurale românești databile în sec. VIII - IX,
XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 223.
133.	Idem, Dovezi privind prelucrarea metalelor la Remetea Mare (jud. Timiș) în sec. VIII - X, 32, I, 1995,
p. 775.
134.	Idem, 41 -42/I, Observations on the situation in the North - Pontic region in the IIIrd century B.C.,
2004 -2005, p. 33.
135.	BELU, Sabin, Noi contribuții la istoria satelor din Munții Apuseni, XV, 1978, p 387.
136.	BENEA, Doina; Șchiopu, A., Un monument gnostic de la Dierna, XI, 1974, p. 115.
14
Livia Călian
137.	Benea, D., Oficina militară de la Dierna (sec. III - IV e.n.), XIII, 1976, p. 205.
138.	Idem, Cîteva considerații cu privire la topografia Drobetei în sec. II - III, XIV, 1977, p. 133.
139.	Idem, Die V. Makedonische Legion auf den nordlichen Donaulimes im 3 - 4 Jahrhundert, XV, 1978,
p. 235.
140.	Idem, Capsule romane pentru protejarea sigiliilor, descoperite la Tibiscum, XIX, 1982, p. 337.
141.	Idem: Bogdan Soultov (1930 - 1982) [N], XX, 1983, p. 941.
142.	Benea, D.; Bejan, A., Viața rurală în sud - vestul Daciei în sec. II - IVe.n. (t), XXIV - XXV, 1987
/88, p. 247.
143.	Idem, Viața rurală în sud - vestul Daciei în sec. II - IV e.n. (II), 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 127.
144.	Benea, D., Cohors IBrittonum » Ulpia torquata Pia Fidelis civium Romanorum, 34, I 1997, p. 53.
145.	Idem, In regard to a possible abandonment of the province ofDacia under Gallienus, 47 - 48/I, 2010
- 2011 (2012), p. 205.
146.	BENEA, Marcel, Metode de lucru utilizate în stabilirea provenienței pieselor arheologice de
marmură, 33, I, 1996, p. 597.
147.	Benea, M.; Muller H. W.; Schwaighofer, B., Die Gesteine des Forums von Sarmizegetusa, 34, I,
1997, p. 837.
148.	Benea, M., Săsăran, L., Rotea, M., Palatca - Togul lui Mândrușcă. Analysis of a part of the lithic
material fron the bronze workshop, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 75.
149.	BERCIU, Ioan: Două monografii referitoare la antichitățile descoperite la Ulpia Traiana
Sarmizegetusa [R], XVII, 1980, p. 887.
150.	BERDAN, Lucian, Masca - simbol în riturile funerare, 32, I, 1995, p. 272.
151.	BERETEU, Dinu Ioan, The Dacian fortification from Someșu Rece - Dealul Custurii (Gilău, Cluj
county), 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 63.
152.	BIELZ, Iuliu, Castelul de la Buia, I, 1964, p. 225.
153.	BINDEA, Diana, Kelemen, Imola, Archaeozoological aspects concerning the economic life during
late Bronze age in Palatca, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 53.
154.	BIRTZ, Mircea, V. Ciorbă, Biserica ortodoxă din Basarabia și Transilvania (1940 - 2010), [R],
49/II, 2012, p. 474.
155.	BITAY, I., Contribuții la studiul culturii antice în Transilvania în sec. XVI, III, 1966, p. 183.
156.	Idem, Antichitatea în istoriografia săsească din Transilvania în sec. XVII, VII, 1970, p. 585.
157.	BLASEN, Philippe Henri, De sancta Agnete Romana e fontibus Latinis antiquissimi...Sainte Agnes
de Rome dans les sources latines les plus anciennes jusqu'ă Augustin d'Hippone, 45 - 46/I, 2008 -
2009 (2011), p. 283.
158.	Idem, Images de l'empereur en France au XIX-e siecle, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 241.
159.	BLĂJAN, Mihai, Așezarea de tip Petrești de la Turdaș (jud. Alba), XII, 1975, p. 35.
160.	Blăjan, M.; Moga, V., Un bronz roman în Muzeul de Istorie Mediaș (jud. Sibiu), XIV, 1977, p. 195.
161.	Blăjan, M., Așezări din cultura Schneckenberg descoperite la Copșa Mică (jud. Sibiu), 33, I, 1996, p.
145.
162.	BODALE, Horațiu, Intelectuali români în Italia 1860 -1918, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 145.
163.	Idem, Ideologia politică pașoptistă și Risorgimento - ul italian, , 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 77.
164.	Idem, The Romanians, the Italians and the national ideal, 47/II, 2010, p. 157.
165.	Idem, Națiuni și loialități. Românii și italienii din Monarhia habsburgică la jumătatea sec XIX, 48/II,
2011, p. 85.
166.	Idem, The moment "Rome, the capital of modern Italy", as reflected in the pages of Gazeta
Transilvaniei, 49/II, 2012, p. 281.
167.	BODEA, Gheorghe I., Acțiuni revoluționare ale minerilor de la Aghireș (Șorecam) din anii 1929 -
1932, II, 1965, p. 565.
168.	Idem Date noi despre utecistul Filimon Sârbu, II, 1965, p. 701.
169.	Idem, Din acțiunile regiunii Maramureș pentru eliberarea întregului teritoriu al patriei și zdrobirea
fascismului (23 august 1944 - 25 oct. 1944), III, 1966, p. 351.
170.	Idem, Din lupta comună a maselor populare române și a naționalităților conlocuitoare din nordul
Transilvaniei pentru triumful democrației (23 aug. 1944 - 6 mart. 1945), VII, 1970, p. 449.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
15
171.	Idem, Acțiuni revoluționare ale tineretului din Cluj în frunte cu uteciștii, în anii 1929 - 1933, IX,
1972, p. 327.
172.	Idem, Lupta curentelor opoziționiste în sînul partidului maghiar din România pentru întărirea unității
frățești a oamenilor muncii (1918 - 1928), X, 1973, p. 409.
173.	Idem, Date noi despre Uniunea Tineretului Muncitor din Ardeal și Banat (1921 - 1923) (I), XIX,
1982, p. 155.
174.	Idem, Date noi despre Uniunea Tineretul Muncitor din Ardeal și Banat 1921 - 1923 (II), XX, 1983,
p. 313.
175.	Idem, Date noi despre Uniunea Tineretului Muncitor din Ardeal și Banat, 1921 - 1923 (III), XXI,
1984, p. 307.
176.	Idem, Aspecte ale teroarei hortysto - fasciste în nord - vestul Transilvaniei.Holocaustul evreiesc din
anul 1944, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 341.
177.	Idem, Date noi despre Uniunea Tineretului Muncitor din Ardeal și Banat, 1921 - 1923 (IV), XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 417.
178.	Idem, O pagină dureroasă, mai puțin cunoscută, din istoria Maramureșului, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 387.
179.	Idem, Petru Bunta /1928 - 1992) [N], 26 - 30, 1989/93, p. 673
180.	BODEA, Monica, Actul de a înmormânta copii în vatra și lângă vatra locuinței, 34, I, 1997, p. 735.
181.	BODOR, Andrei, Contribuții la problema cuceririi Daciei, I, 1964, p. 137.
182.	Idem, Note asupra artei romane provinciale. Pe marginea cărții profesorului J:M:C: Toyenbee, V,
1968, p. 495.
183.	Bodor, A.; Winkler, I., Un atelier de artizanat de la Dierna (Orșova), XVI, 1979, p. 141.
184.	Bodor, A.: Dumitru Tudor (1908 - 1982) [N], XIX, 1982, p. 789.
185.	Idem, Contribuții la istoria orașului Napoca și a monumentelor sale sculpturale în piatră (I), XXII -
XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 185.
186.	Idem, Contribuții la istoria orașului Napoca și a monumentelor sale sculpturale în piatră (II),
XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 193.
187.	Idem, Contribuții la istoria orașului Napoca pe baza monumentelor sale sculpturale în piatră (III),
31, I, 1994, p. 253.
188.	BOGDAN CĂTĂNICIU, Ioana, Despre sud - estul Transilvaniei în epoca romană, VI, 1969, p. 477.
189.	Idem, Metodica cercetării ceramicii romane, XVII, 1980, p. 679.
190.	Idem, Die Klientel - Bevolkerung in Muntenia (1 - 3 Jh. UZ), XX, 1983, p. 67.
191.	Idem, Cu privire la Muntenia în sistemul defensiv al imperiului roman, XXI, 1984, p. 125.
192.	Idem, Gr^fe keramischer Paterae aus dem romischen Dakien, 34, I, 1997, p. 325.
193.	Idem, Ceramica dacică din castellum de la Rucăr, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 201.
194.	Idem, Ptolemeu și provincia Dacia, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 145.
195.	Idem, Fortfcations de terre trajanes en Dacie et dans le nord de la Moesie Inferieure, 26 30, I/1,
1989 /93, p. 49.
196.	BOLDEA, Ligia, Cîteva opinii privitoare la originea și evoluția nobilimii române din Banat (sec.
XIV - XV), XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 1119.
197.	BOLINDEȚ Viorica, ...SE1A, Quaderni dell'Instituto di Storia Antica. Universită degli Studi di
Palermo, 1, [R], 26 - 30, I/2 1989 /93, p.585.
198.	Idem, Griffe keramischer Paterae aus dem romischen Dakien, 34, I, 1997, p. 325.
199.	Bolindeț, V., Voișan, V., Cociș, S., Thepottery in late La Tene tradition of Napoca, 37/I, 2000, p. 141.
200.	Idem, New data on the imported terra sigillata from Napoca, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 195.
201.	BOLOMEY, Alexandra, Expertiza oaselor de animale din așezarea de tip Witenberg de la Noșlac
(jud. Alba(, XXI, 1984, p. 440.
202.	BOLOVAN, Ioan, Considerații privind geneza și înființarea Asociațiunii naționale arădene pentru
cultura poporului român, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 631.
203.	Idem, Asociația națională arădană pentru cultura poporului român, factor de solidarizare și unitate
națională /1863 - 1918), XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 701.
204.	Idem, Contribuții documentare privind politica demografică a Ungariei la începutul sec. XX, 34, II,
1998, p. 293.
16
Livia Călian
205.	BONA, Petru, Traian Doda, luptător pentru drepturile naționale ale românilor bănățeni, XV, 1978,
p. 495.
206.	Bona, P.; Petrovzky, R.; Petrovzky, M., Tibiscum, cercetări arheologice (i), 1976 - 1979, XIX, 1982,
p. 311.
207.	Idem, Tibiscum, cercetări arheologice (II), 1976 - 1979, XX, 1983, p. 405.
208.	Bona, P.; Rogozea, P., Necropola dacică de la Iaz, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 439.
209.	Bona, P.; Rogozea, P.; Pop, C., Noi piese figurative descoperite la Tibiscum, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86,
p. 537.
210.	BONȚA, Claudia, Medale - casetă dedicată păcii de la Hubertsburg, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 419.
211.	Idem, Restaurarea unui ves ceramic aparținând culturii Wietenberg, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 447.
212.	Idem, 1683. Asediul Vienei reflectat în medalistică, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 283.
213.	restaurarea unor vase ceramice de epocă premodernă, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 369.
214.	Idem, Portrete aristocratice de secol AVI - XVII în pinacotecile clujene. Studii de caz: Elisabeta de
Brabant și Albert de Austria, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 201.
215.	Idem, Galerie de portrete imperiale. Casa de Austria în medalistica sec. XVII și XVIII, 45 - 46/II,
2008 - 2009, p. 271.
216.	Idem, Considerații privind restaurarea unui vas dacic cu brâu și butoni, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 329.
217.	Idem, Grafică satirică din sec. XVIII în colecțiile Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei.
William Hogarth și "Cele patru momente ale zilei", 47/II, 2010, p. 213.
218.	Idem, Religiozitate barocă: impactul temelor sacre în medalistica central - europeană, 47/II, 2010, p. 251.
219.	Idem, Proiecții satirice în medalistica barocă, 48/II, 2011, p. 165.
220.	Idem, restaurarea unei urne funerare aparținând epocii bronzului, 48/II, 2011, p. 269.
221.	Idem, The bicentennial of Carol Popp de Szathmari. Carol Popp de Szathmari's sketches from the
collection ofthe National Museum of Trasylvanian Historyfrom Cluj - Napoca, 49/II, 2012, p. 289.
222.	Idem, A selective overview of the activies carried out by the History Department of the National
Museum of Transylvanian History in Cluj - Napoca 2004 - 2012, 49/II, 2012, p. 457.
223.	BONIS, Johanna, Din istoria breslelor târgumureșene, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 61.
224.	Idem, Muzeul Secuiesc de Artă Industrială dim Târgu Mureș și colecția lui, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001.
p. 329.
225.	BOROȘ, Doina; Bodea, M., Materiale, intervenții și conservarea în situri arheologice, XXI, 1984, p. 703.
226.	Boroș, D., Investigația chimică în conservarea monumentelor de piatră, XXIV - XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 873.
227.	Idem, Pigmenți și tencuieli folosite în pictura murală a unor biserici medievale din Țara Zarandului și
a Hațegului, 31, I, 1994, p. 579.
228.	Boroș, D.; Dărăban, L.; Fiat, T., Analiza unor monede de argint din tezaurul de la Bărăbanț, jud. Alba
/sec. XI - XII), prin metoda analizei prin activare cu neutroni, 32, I, 1995, p. 231.
229.	Boroș, D., Tezaurul de la Bărăbanț, jud. Alba (sec. XI - XII). Investigații de laborator, 32, I, 1995, p. 327.
230.	Boroș, D.; Vajda, C., Probleme legate de curățirea pieselor textile cu ornamente metalice, 33, II,
1997, p. 347.
231.	Boroș, D., Etica restaurării unui piaptăn de os din sec. IV p. Ch., 34, II, 1997, p. 803.
232.	Boroș, D.; Vajda, C., O piesă inedită din patrimoniul Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei
(investigații și restaurare), 35 - 35, II, 1999, p. 369.
233.	Boroș, D., Note on the restoring of the Liber Paterstatue from Apulum, 38/I, 2001. p. 177.
234.	Idem, Technical data concerning the mummy and its accesories in the collection of the National
History Museum of Transylvania, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 373.
235.	Boroș, D., Vajda, C., Reconstituirea unei bonete din sec. al XVI-lea aparținând Mizeului Național de
Istorie a Transilvaniei, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 375.
236.	Idem, Reconstituirea unei piese de vestimentație din sec. al XVI-lea aparținînd Muzeului Național de
Istorie a Transilvaniei, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 437.
237.	Idem, Tipuri morfologice de țesături și accesorii identificate în textile arheologice, 41 -44/II, 2004 -
2007, p. 375.
238.	BORUGĂ, Elena, Contribuția lui Traian Vuia la lupta pentru unitate națională, oglindită în
articolele publicate în revista "La Transylvanie" (1918 - 1919). XV, 1978, p. 531.
239.	Idem, Activitatea despărțămîntului Bocșa al "Astrei" (1898 - 1918), XVII, 1980, p. 607.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
17
240.	Idem, Legăturile asociației "Astra" cu Banatul în perioada 1861 -1895, XX, 1983, p. 575.
241.	BOTA, Emilian, Palmkapitelle aus Dakien, 36, I, 1999, p. 163.
242.	BOTEZAN, Ioana, Un document din anul 1861 privind strădaniile românilor din Transilvania de a
cuceri drepturi politice, XV, 1978, p. 489.
243.	Idem, Activitatea tipografică a lui Timotei Cipariu între anii 1835 - 1865, XVI, 1979, p. 669.
244.	Botezan, I.; Cuibus, I., Șase documente referitoare la activitatea lui T. Cipariu din anii 1849 - 1852,
XVIII, 1981, p. 515.
245.	Botezan, I.; Dani, I., Documente privind întărirea legăturilor culturale dintre românii transilvăneni
și bucovineni în anii absolutismului restaurat, XX, 1983, p. 561.
246.	Botezan, I.; Botezan, L., O dispută istorică între Cipariu și bucovineniipumniști, XXI, 1984, p. 603.
247.	Botezan, I., Patru scrisori adresate de Partenie Cosma lui G. Barițiu în vara anului 1861, XXIV -
XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 687.
248.	Idem, Corespondența moldoveanului Grigore Crețu cu Ioan Micu Moldovan între anii 1870 - 1876,
32,	II, 1996, p. 419.
249.	Idem, Din arhiva personală a lui Ioan Micu Moldovan. Vol. IV. Manuscrise, 34, II, 1998, p. 277.
250.	BOTEZAN, Liviu; Roșca - Rosen, Maria, Contribuții la problema premizelor sociale ale mișcărilor
revoluționare de la 1848 pe teritoriul țării noastre, II, 1965, p. 435.
251.	Idem, Contribuții la studiul organizării locurilor curiale pe moșiile nobiliare din comitatele
transilvănene (1785 - 1820), III, 1966, p. 239.
252.	Botezan, L., Organizarea pămînturilor arătoare și a fînațurilor alodiale în Transilvania, VI, 1969, p. 243.
253.	Idem, Dijmele iobăgești din comitatele Transilvaniei în perioada 1785 - 1820, IX, 1972, p. 205.
254.	Idem, Slujba iobăgească din Transilvania în perioada 1785 - 1820, X, 1973, p. 271.
255.	Idem, Ideea eliberării iobagilor din Transilvania de dependență feudală reflectată în actele
conscripției czirakyene, XI, 1974, p. 243.
256.	Idem, Accentuarea procesului de deposedare a iobagilor din Transilvania de posesiunile lor obștești
în perioada 1785 - 1820, XIII, 1976, p. 399.
257.	Idem, Încercări de colaborare politică româno - maghiară în primii ani ai dualismului, XIV, 1977, p. 459.
258.	Idem, Aspecte ale vînzării forței de muncă de către iobagii transilvăneni la începutul veacului al XIX-
lea, oglindite în conscrpția czirakyană (I), XVI, 1979, p. 337.
259.	Idem, Aspecte ale vînzării forței de muncă de către iobagii transilvăneni la începutul veacului al XIX-
lea, oglindite în conscripția czirakyană (II), XVII, 1980, p. 241.
260.	Idem, Contribuții la problema recrutării de voluntari dintre românii transilvăneni ajunși prizonieri în
Rusia în primul război mondial, XX, 1983, p. 273.
261.	Idem, Concepția lui Timotei Cipariu despre formarea limbii și a poporului român, XXII - XXIII,
1986 / 87, p. 621.
262.	Idem, Activitatea politică a lui T. Cipariu între anii 1861 - 1865, XXIV - XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 325.
263.	Idem, Robota, cauză a participării țărănimii transilvănene la revoluția de la 1848 . 1849, 31, II, 1994,
p. 59.
264.	BOTEVA, Dilyana, The greaves (?) from Agighiol (Romania) and Vratsa (Bulgaria) reconsidered,
45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 81.
265.	BOTTEZ, Valentin, Emperor worship in Latin settlements ofLower Moesia )1st - 3rd c. A.D.), 43 -
44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 11.
266.	BOULEY, Elisabeth, Le culte de Nemesis et les jeux de l'amphitheatre dans les provinces
balkaniques et danubiennnes, 26 - 30, 1989 /93, p. 105.
267.	BRAICA, Gheorghe Dragoș, Contribuția localității Mărgău (ud. Cluj la lupta pentru eliberare
națională, XVI, 1979, p. 709.
268.	Idem, Călata, pagini de istorie, XVII, 1980, p. 697.
269.	BRATU, Constantin, Un luptător pentru unirea Banatului cu România: învățătorul Damaschin
Daicoviciu, XIV, 1977, p. 523.
270.	BRATU, Ion; Herchi, I., Aspecte ale climatului revoluționar din județul Bihor în perioada 1928 -
1933.Conflictele de muncă, XV, 1978, p. 567.
271.	Bratu, I., Urbariul satului Dicănești (Possessio Decanyest) la 1772, XVIII, 1981, p. 505.
272.	Idem, Domeniul Velența la 1776, XXI, 1984, p. 575.
18
Livia Călian
273.	BRĂTESCU, Gheorghe, Musees et collections dans le cadre de l'ancienne Faculte de Medicine de
Bucharest, 34, II, 1998, p. 513.
274.	BREZINSKA, Jadwiga, Nouveau motif dans un ex - libris pharmacien, 34, II, 1998, p. 551.
275.	BRORSSON, Torbjorn, Gronberg, Emma, The pottery from the ritual complex of the Wietenberg
culture in Cluj - Napoca, Romania, 38/I, 2001. p. 7.
276.	BUDAHAZY, Ștefan; Badahazy, M., Despre câteva colecții muzeale farmaceutice din Europa, 34,
II, 1998, p. 561.
277.	BULAI - ȘTIRBU, Maria, Studiul restului de faună neolitică din stațiunea Tăulaș, XXI, 1984, p. 45.
278.	BULBUC, Adriana, Restaurarea unei cărți din sec. al XVIII-lea prin principiul minimei intervenții,
39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 443.
279.	Idem, Conservarea unor manuscrise armenești din sec. XVIII - XIX, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 381.
280.	Idem, Arta restaurării cărții vechi - o misiune nobilă, 48/II, 2011, p. 273.
281.	BULBUC, Aurel, Noi descoperiri și cercetări arheologice de suprafață în hotarul comunei Iclod (II),
XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 411.
282.	Idem, Noi descoperiri arheologice de suprafață în hotarul comunei Iclod (III), XXIV - XXV, 1987
/88, p. 529.
283.	BULZAN, Sorin, Alexander as Hercules on a small bronze from Sarmizegetusa, 35, I, 1998, p. 77.
284.	BUNEA, A., Parlamentul României pentru o politică externă favorabilă unirii Transilvaniei cu
România (1892 - 1899), VII, 1970, p. 329.
285.	BUNTA, Magdalena, Contribuții la istoria destrămării breslelor din Cluj, I, 1964, p. 237.
286.	Idem, Situația și lupta calfelor din Cluj în a doua jumătate a sec. XVIII și prima jumătate a sec. XIX,
II,	1965, p. 403.
287.	Idem, Un tipar de sigiliu din sec. XVI, II, 1965, p. 679.
288.	Idem, Sigilii de breaslă în colecția Muzeului de Istorie Cluj, III, 1966, p. 213.
289.	Bunta, M.; Iosub, V., Tablele și semnele de breaslă în colecțiile muzeelor de istorie Cluj și
Sighișoara, IV, 1967, p. 199.
290.	Bunta, M., Tiparul sigiliului mare al domnului Țării Românești Pătrașcu cel Bun, V, 1968, p. 533.
291.	Bunta, M.; Gyulai, Paul, Atelierele de lucru și materia primă folosită la manufactura de faianță fină
de la Batiz, VI, 1969, p. 253.
292.	Bunta, M., Habanii în Transilvania, VII, 1970, p. 201.
293.	Idem, Faianța habană din Transilvania, VIII, 1971, p. 219.
294.	Idem, "Comuna" anabaptistă de la Vințul de Jos în sec. XVII. Structura ei internă. Ideologia ei, X,
1973, p. 231.
295.	Idem, Clujul medieval în gravuri, XI, 1974, p. 185.
296.	Idem, Tezaurul de la Cetatea de Baltă (sec. XVI), XII, 1975, p. 219.
297.	Idem, Aurari clujeni și operele lor (sec. XVI - XVII) (I), XIII, 1976, p. 329.
298.	Idem, Aurari clujeni și operele lor (sec. XVI - XVII9 (II), XIV, 1977, p. 349.
299.	Bunta, M.; Katona, I., Cronica habană de la Cluj, XV, 1978, p. 315.
300.	Bunta, M., La formation et le developpement des metiers au moyen âge (V-e - XlV-e siecles), [R],
XV, 1978, p. 695.
301.	Idem, Meșteșugari habani în Transilvania. Activitatea, rolul și importanța lor în economia
Transilvaniei secolului al XVII -lea, XVI, 1979, p. 251.
302.	Idem: P. Weiner, Zinngiessermarken in Ungarn. 16 - 19 Jhdrt, [R], XVI, 1979, p. 901.
303.	Idem, Contribuții la studiul produselor artistice ale glăjăriei de la Porumbac (sec. XVII - XVIII),
XVII, 1980, p. 219.
304.	Idem, Obiecte de podoabă din inventarul unui mormînt descoperit la Cluj, XVIII, 1981, p. 501.
305.	Idem, Călătoriile calfelor de aurari, mijloc de difuziune a formelor și tehnicilor de ornamentare, XIX,
1982, p. 397.
306.	BUNTA, Petru, Insurecția armată din august 1944, cotitură istorică în viața poporului român, I,
1964, p. 1.
307.	Idem, Revoluția populară din țara noastră - necesitate obiectivă, I, 1964, p. 421.
308.	Idem, Tactica PCR pentru închegarea unui larg front democratic în perioada 23 august 1944 - 6
martie 1945, II, 1965, p. 581.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
19
309.	Bunta, P.; Glodariu, E., Din colecția de man,feste și afișe a Muzeului de istorie Cluj, II, 1965, p. 707.
310.	Bunta, P., Acțiuni greviste ale muncitorilor metalurgiști de la fabrica Phoebus - Oradea, III, 1966, p. 329.
311.	Bunta, P.; Glodariu, E., Aspecte din lupta forțelor democratice în alegerile din 1946, în fostul județ
Cluj, III, 1966, p. 547.
312.	Bunta, P., Structura socială și situația materială a maselor din România (dec. 4 - 5 ale sec. XX), IV,
1967, p. 335.
313.	Idem, Formele și caracterul luptei maselor pentru instaurarea regimului democrat - popular, V,
1968, p. 329.
314.	Idem, Lupta PCR pentru înfăptuirea Frontului popular antifascist, VI, 1969, p. 389 - 419.
315.	Idem, Întrunirile, mitingurile și demonstrațiile - forme importante ale luptei maselor pentru
instaurarea guvernului revoluționar democratic, VII, 1970, p. 425.
316.	Bunta, P.; Țuțui, Gh., Întărirea organizatorică a PCR și creșterea influenței sale politice (1944 -
1945), VIII, 1971, p. 391.
317.	Idem, PCR după Conferința Națională. Victoria blocului partidelor democratice în alegerile din
1946, IX, 1972, p. 341.
318.	Bunta, P., Unele probleme privind muzeologia istorică, X, 1973, p. 433.
319.	Idem, Primul statut cunoscut al Asociaței Generale a Muncitorilor din Timișoara, XI, 1974, p. 295.
320.	Idem, Situația organizatorică a clasei muncitoare și lupta ei pentru revendicări economice și politice
în anii 1921 - 1928, XII, 1975, p. 393.
321.	Idem, Marginalii la ultima ședință a Consiliului de Miniștri prezidată de generalul N. Rădulescu,
XIII, 1976, p. 579.
322.	Idem, În frunte cu PCR pentru trecerea la etapa socialistă a revoluției populare, XIV, 1977, p. 621.
323.	Idem, Procesele intentate de către autoritățile hortyste comuniștilor din partea de nord a
Transilvaniei (1941 - 1944), XV, 1978, p. 583.
324.	Idem, Opinia publică despre marele proces muncitoresc din 1928 de la Cluj (Aspecte din presa
vremii, I), XVI, 1979, p. 717.
325.	Bunta, P.; Protopopescu, G., Aspecte ale insurecției naționale armate, antifasciste și antiimperialiste
din august 1944, XVI, 1979, p. 371.
326.	Bunta, P., Opinia publică despre marele proces muncitoresc din 1928 de la Cluj (Aspecte din presa
vremii, II), XVII, 1980, p. 615.
327.	Idem, Opinia publică despre marele proces muncitoresc din 1928 de la Cluj (Aspecte din presa
vremii, III), XVIII, 1981, p. 585.
328.	Bunta, P.; Ardos, A.M., Procese antifasciste din 1935 și 1937 de la Cluj și opinia publică (Aspecte
din presa vremii, I), XIX, 1982, p. 521.
329.	Bunta, P.; Protopopescu, G., Primele statute ale mișcării muncitorești din Transilvania, XIX, 1982, p. 455.
330.	Bunta, P.; Ardos, A.M., Procesele antifasciste din 1935 și 1937 de la Cluj și opinia publică (Aspecte
din presa vremii, II), XX, 1983, p. 669.
331.	Bunta, P.; Protopopescu, G., Actul de la 23 August 1944 - piatră de hotar în istoria modernă și
contemporană a României, XXI, 1984, p. IX.
332.	Bunta, P.; Ardos, A.M., Procesele antifasciste din 1935 și 1937 de la Cluj și opinia publică (Aspecte
din presa vremii, II), XXI, 1984, p. 641.
333.	BUSETTO, Riccardo, La difensa strategica tardo romana in Africa e nel Vicino Oriente. Aspetti di
due dferenti realită confmarie, 34, I, 1997, p. 453.
334.	Idem, Giovani Tyimisce e Svjatoslav di Kiev. Le operazioni militari bizantine nei Balcani (969 - 971),
33, II, 1997, p. 9.
335.	BUZILĂ, Adriana, Biserica Adormirea Maicii Domnului din Lugoj, ctitorie a cnezilor români din
Banatul secolului al XVIII - lea, XVIII, 1981, p. 641.
336.	CĂDARIU, Ștefan; Cădariu, F., Curățarea podoabelor de argint din tezaurul de la Macoviște (jud.
Caraș - Severin), XX, 1983, p. 873.
337.	CĂLIAN, Livia, Despre starea Cabinetului numismatic al Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei (1992 - 1993), 31, II, 1994, p. 371.
338.	Idem, Medalia Memorial de St. Helene din colecția Fr. Roeser, 32, II, 1996, p. 397.
20
Livia Călian
339.	Idem, Alte medalii napoleoniene din Cabinetul Numismatic al Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei, 32, II, 1996, p. 549.
340.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 32, II, 1996: Cien Anos de Historia Făbrica National de Moneda y Timbre, p.
617; Catalog numismatic. Moneda metalică 1867 -1994. Numismatic Catalogue. Metal Coin, p. 621.
341.	Idem, O monedă de platină în colecțiile muzeului clujean, 33, II, 1997, p. 327.
342.	Idem, A doua conferință internațională a muzeelor numismatice și bancare, 33, II, 1997, p. 465.
343.	Idem, Patru medalii transilvănene de încoronare din colecția Esterhăzy, 34, II, 1998, p. 391.
344.	Idem, Again aboutMichael the Brave's goldmedal, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 273.
345.	Idem, Medalii românești din colecția numismatică a Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei (I)
1600 - 1947, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 369.
346.	Idem, Reprezentări genealogice convenționale și figurate în medalistica familiei de Habsburg (sec.
XVII - XVIII), 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 271.
347.	Idem, Acta Musei Napocensis - 45 de ani de activitate editorială (1964 - 2009), 47/II, 2010, p. 325.
348.	Idem, Galeria împăraților romani a lui Christian Wermuth (I), 48/II, 2011, p. 189.
349.	Idem, Christian Wetmuth's gallery of the Roman Emperors (II), 49/II, 2012, p. 332.
350.	CĂPÂLNA, Emil, Diversitatea și dificultatea restaurării, 34, II, 1998, p. 419.
351.	Idem, Restaurarea a două statuete "putti muzicanti" din sec. XVIII de la Muzeul Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei Cluj - Napoca, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 373.
352.	Idem, Restaurarea unui "gheridon", piesă de mobilier care face parte din colecția Muzeului Național
di Istorie a Transilvaniei din Cluj - Napoca, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 383.
353.	CĂTINAȘ, Ana, Noi descoperiri romane pe Dealulu Zînelor - Turda, XV, 1978, p. 195.
354.	Cătinaș, A.; Hopârtean, A., Două monumente funerare fragmentare descoperite la Potaissa, XV,
1978, p. 207.
355.	Cătinaș, Ana; Bărbulescu, M., Cella Vinaria de la Potaissa, XVI, 1979, p. 101.
356.	Cătinaș, Ana, Ceramica stampilată de la Potaissa, (II), XXI, 1984, p. 481.
357.	Idem, Ceramique romaine dans les collections de Turda, 32, I, 1995, p. 463.
358.	Idem, Activitatea arheologică a lui loan Țigăra, 32, I, 1995, p. 791.
359.	CÂMPEANU, Liviu, Nefericitul voievod Dan cel Tânăr. Intervențiile Ungariei în problemele
dinastice ale Țării Românești, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 13.
360.	Idem, De la comitat la scaun principal. Evoluția administrativ - juridică a Sibiului și a provinciei
aferente în evul mediu, 47/II, 2010, p. 81.
361.	CÂMPEANU, Remus, Contribuții la istoria intelectualității române din Transilvania în sec. XVIII,
31, II, 1994, p. 41.
362.	CÂRJA, Ion, Organizarea instituției mitropolitane în biserica greco - catolică românească în
perioada lui Ion Vancea de Buteasa (1869 - 1892), , 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 91.
363.	Idem, Învățământul sibian în sec. XVIII. Aspecte bibliografice și arhivistice, 33, II, 1997, p. 203.
364.	Idem, On the symbolism of the national identity. The flags of Cluj at the end of World War I, 49/II,
2012, p. 297.
365.	CHIDIOȘAN, Nicolae; Nănăssy, Z., Un mormînt din perioada prefeudală descoperit la Săcuieni, V,
1968, p. 517.
366.	CHINDRIȘ, Ioan, Cartea românească veche la Viena, 32, II, 1996, p. 373.
367.	Idem, Cartea veche românească la Budapesta (I), 33, II, 1997, p. 215.
368.	CHIRILĂ, Eugen, Relațiile dintre daci și romani pînă la expediția lui Marcus Vinicius, I, 1964, p. 125.
369.	Idem, Un pasaj din Scholia Bernensia despre daci, I, 1964, p. 465.
370.	Chirilă, E.; Chidioșan, N., Tezaurul de monede dacice de la Almaș, II, 1965, p. 111.
371.	Chirilă, E.; Chidioșan, N., Lucăcel, V; Milea, Z; Ordentlich, I, Descoperiri monetare antice în
Transilvania, II, 1965, p. 645.
372.	Chirilă, E.; Lucăcel, V.; Chifor, I, Descoperiri monetare antice în Transilvania (III), III, 1966, p. 421.
373.	Chirilă, E.; Lucăcel, V.; Pepelea, V.; Togan, G., Descoperiri monetare antice și bizantine îm
Transilvania, IV, 1967, p. 457.
374.	Chirilă, E.: Mihail Macrea ( 1908 - 1967) [N], IV, 1967, p. 589.
375.	Chirilă, E.; Aldea, I. A.,, Tezaurul monetar de la Dăbîca, sec. II î.e.n. - I e.n., V, 1968, p. 429.
376.	Chirilă, E., Descoperiri monetare antice în Transilvania (V), VI, 1969, p. 475.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
21
377.	Chirilă, E.; Lucăcel, V.; Milea, Z.; Nemeti, I.; Ordentlich, I, Descoperiri monetare antice în
Transilvania (VII), VII, 1970, p. 507.
378.	Chirilă, E.; Emodi, I.; Nănăsi, Z., Descoperiri monetare antice în Transilvania (VIIi), VIII, 1971, p. 567.
379.	Chirilă, E., Iaroslavschi, E., Tezaurul monetar de la Bobaia, sec. II -1 î.e.n., XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88,
p. 69.
380.	CHIȘU, loan, Lupta PCR împotriva pericolului fascist, pentru apărarea independenței naționale,
oglindită în manifeste și materiale (1934 - 1938), VI, 1969, p. 375.
381.	Idem, Internaționalismul proletar - o constantă a istorie PCR (1921 - 1944), VIII, 1971, p. 371.
382.	Idem, Politica PCR de atragere a armatei la lupta revoluționară, antifascistă și antihitleristă a
poporului, XIII, 1976, p. 557.
383.	Idem, Falimentul programelor politice liberale după 23 August 1944, XVII, 1980, p. 379.
384.	CID, Felip, L'oljet medical et l'histoire de la medicine, 34, II, 1998, p. 501.
385.	CIHO, Miron, Figurine funerare egiptene antice din muzeele transilvănene, XXIV - XXV, 1987
/88, p. 459.
386.	CIOFU, I. Valerian, Câteva medalii ale expozițiilor transilvănene din al treilea pătrar al sec. XIX,
33, II, 1997, p. 331.
387.	Idem, Transilvania în medalii mai puțin cunoscute, de la Diploma leopoldină la Dictatul de la Viena,
35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 305.
388.	Idem, Medalii din materiale și tehnologii neconvenționale, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 313.
389.	Idem, Câteva medalii excepționale privind Marea Unire a României, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 311.
390.	Ciofu, V., Dimulescu, A.N., Ciofu, S.V., Medaliile Octavian Goga din 1938, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009,
p. 287.
391.	CIONGRADI, Carmen, Die von den Fabri Gewidmeten Stelen aus Sarmizegetusa, 35, I, 1998, p. 87.
392.	Idem, Anikonische Stelen aus Sarmizegetusa, 36, I, 1999, p. 155.
393.	Idem, Ioana Oltean, Dacia - landscape, colonisation, romanisation, [R], 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011
(2012), p. 267.
394.	CIORTEA, Camelia, Vlad Țepeș - mitologie politică, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 211.
395.	Idem, Vlad Țepeș în mentalul colectiv al epocii, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 217.
396.	Idem, Litografii de Bărabăs Miklos în Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p.
343.
397.	CIORTEA, Mihai; Lazarovici, Gh., Corelații între metalurgia din Transilvania și Anatolia.
Prelucrări din date de baze cantitative, 33, I, 1996, p. 647.
398.	CIPĂIANU [SZOKE], Ana Maria, Din istoricul orfevrăriei transilvănene. Acele de păr din
tezaurul de la Huedin, X, 1973, p. 653.
399.	Idem, Obiecte medievale de artă decorativă în muzeele de istorie. Valențe muzeografice, metode de
prezentare, XIII, 1976, p. 603.
400.	Idem, On a medieval embroidery belonging to the History Museum of Transylvania, XV, 1978, p. 367.
401.	Idem, Ancheta SPV. 1977 la Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei. Rezultate și concluzii, XVI, 1979, p. 747.
402.	Idem, Broderii de tip oriental în colecția de textile a Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, XVII, 1980,
p. 735.
403.	Idem, Piese de interior orășenesc transilvan din sec. XVI - XVIII (ceramică, metale, broderii), XVIII,
1981, p. 626.
404.	Idem, O piesă vestimentară brodată din secolul al XVIII -lea, XIX, 1982, p. 627.
405.	Idem, Materiale și tehnici utilizate la broderiile transilvănene din sec. XVII - XVIII, XXI, 1984, p. 735.
406.	Idem, Tipuri compoziționale ale broderiilor din colecția Muzeului județean de istorie Cluj, XXII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 697.
407.	Idem, Broderii baroce în colecția de textile a Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, 26 - 30, II,
1989 /93, p. 151.
408.	[Cipăianu] Szoke, A.M.; Boroș, D., Broderii de epocă - investigarea firelor metalice, 26 - 30, II,
1989 /93, p. 535.
409.	[Cipăianu] Szoke, A.M., Țesături de artă în colecția de textile a Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei (sec. XVII - XVIII) (I), 31, II, 1994, p. 357.
22
Livia Călian
410.	Idem, Țesături de artă decorativă în colecția de textile a Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei
(sec. XVII - XVIII( /h), 32, II, 1996, p. 503.
411.	Idem, Țesături de artă în colecția de textile a Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei (se. XV11 -
XVIII), (III), 33, II, 1997, p. 301.
412.	Idem, David Istvan, MuemlekorgonakErdelyben, [R], 33, II, 1997, p. 483.
413.	Idem, Meșteri broderi și operele lor, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 323.
414.	Idem, Broderii de cultîn Muzeul de Istorie Gherla, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 353.
415.	CIPĂIANU, George, Idei progresiste în gîndirea lui Vincențiu Babeș, VII, 1970, p. 355.
416.	Idem, Ziarul "Albina" (1866 - 1876); apariție, colaboratori, orientare generală, X, 1973, p. 313.
417.	Cipăianu, G.; Cipăianu, A.M., Ziare maghiare din Transilvania și Ungaria despre inițiative și acțiuni
culturale ale românilor din monarhia habsburgică (1860 - 1863), XI, 1974, p. 263.
418.	Cipăianu, G., Contribuții documentare la istoria presei românești din Austro - Ungaria (1867 -
1874), XIX, 1982, p. 441.
419.	Idem: P. Teodor, Enlightenment and Rmanian Society, [R], XIX, 1982, p. 769.
420.	Idem, La Grande Bretagne et la paix separee de la Roumanie (automne 1917 - printemps 1918), 26 -
30, II, 1989 /93, p. 263.
421.	CISMAȘ, Emilia, Teodor Angheluță. Portret de intelectual transilvănean interbelic (1882 - 1964),
48/II, 2011, p. 121.
422.	CIUBĂNCAN, T. Vasile, Contribuții transilvănene la dezideratul național de apărare a graniței de
vest a țării în perioada interbelică, XVII, 1980, p. 339.
423.	Idem, Apărarea frontierei de vest a României, deziderat național. Adeziuni clujene interbelice (II),
XIX, 1983, p. 205.
424.	Idem, Apărarea învățămîntului în limba română, obiectiv al rezistenței antihortyste în nord-vestul
Transilvaniei (1 sept. 1940 - 25 oct. 1944), XX, 1983, p. 335.
425.	Idem, Rezistența antihortystă în nord - vestul României. Contribuția asociației Astra și a Universității
clujene (II), XXI, 1984, p. 369.
426.	Idem, Contribuții, adeziuni clujene interbelice la dezideratul național al apărării frontierei de vest a
României (III), XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 331.
427.	Idem, Date noi privind sistemul cooperației din România (Federala din Aiud) după Dictatul de la
Viena, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 821.
428.	Idem, Sistemul cooperatist din nord - vestul Transilvaniei după Dictatul de la Viena. IV. Federala
Hangya din Tg. Mureș, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 417.
429.	CIUGUDEAN, Daniela, O descoperire ilustrând fabricarea oglinzilor de plumb la Apulum, 31, I,
1994, p. 231.
430.	CIUGUDEAN, Horea, Noi contribuții la cercetarea necropolelor tumulare din Munții Trascăului și
ai Bedeului, XIV, 1977, p. 43.
431.	Idem, Săpăturile de salvare de la Aiud "Cetățuie", XV, 1978, p. 49.
432.	Idem, Mormântul dacic de la Blandiana (jud. Alba), XVII, 1980, p. 425.
433.	CIULEI, G., Locatio operarum în tripticele din Transilvania, VIII, 1971, p. 555.
434.	CIUPEA, Ioan, Manifeste comuniste adresate tineretului editate la Cluj în anii 1931 - 1933, XVII,
1980, p. 639.
435.	Idem, Ajutoarele primite din România de școala capitală Negru Vodă din Făgăraș (1860 - 1873),
XVIII, 1981, p. 191.
436.	Idem, Bonuri și bilete de casă aflate în colecțiile Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, XIX, 1982, p. 661.
437.	Idem, Țara Făgărașului în timpul campaniei armatei române în Transilvania, august - septembrie
1916, XX, 1983, p. 615.
438.	Idem, Valeriu Literat (1885 - 1927) - un nume pre puțin cunoscut, XXII - XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 685.
439.	Idem, Observații asupra toponimiei și antroponimiei Țării Făgărașului (I), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88,
p. 277.
440.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 33, II, 1997: V. Literat, Biserici vechi românești din Țara Oltului, p. 479.; V.
Branuște, Scrisori din închisoare (Seghedin, 1918), p. 481.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
23
441.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 34, II, 1998: Cărți și note privind relațiile româno -franceze, p. 435.; S. Mitu,
Geneza identității naționale la românii ardeleni, p. 447.; R.H. Markham, România sub jugul sovietic,
p. 451.; D. Volkogonov, Lenin. O nouă biografie, p.453.
442.	Idem, Misiunile lui A.I. Vâșinski în România (Din istoria relațiilor româno - sovietice 1944 - 1946).
Documente secrete,[R]], 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 389.
443.	Idem, Un destin în vâltoarea istoriei - învățătorul și preotul greco - catolic Simion Colceriu, 37 -
38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 293.
444.	Idem, O încercare privind obținerea de reparații pentru victimele ocupației și războiului, Cluj, 1946,
39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 209.
445.	CIURTIN, Costică, Acțiuni ale moților din județul Cluj pentru înfăptuirea reformei agrare din 1921,
XXII - XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 671.
446.	COCIȘ, Sorin; Nemeș, E., Fibule romane de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XX, 1983, p. 433.
447.	Cociș, S., Un olan de ventilație de la Ulpuia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XXI, 1984, p. 505.
448.	Idem, Fibule romane din Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei (I), XXII - XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 527.
449.	Cociș, S.; Paki, A., Bibliografia Dacie romane (1949 - 1965), XXII - XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 569.
450.	Idem, Bibliografia Daciei romne (II), XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 567.
451.	Cociș, S., Cercetările arheologice de la Suceag (jud. Cluj). Campania din 1989. Cuptoarele de ars
ceramică (sec. III - IV), 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 477.
452.	Cociș, S.; Paki, A., Bibliografia Daciei romane (III), 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 557.
453.	Idem, Sondajul arheologic de la Huedin - Bolic, 26 -30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 389.
454.	Idem, Bibliografia Daciei romane (IV), 31, I, 1994, p. 237.
455.	Cociș, S.; Opreanu, C., Cercetările arheologice de la Suceagu (jud. Cluj). Săpăturile din 1991, 31, I,
1994, p. 341.
456.	Cociș, S., Ateliere de bronzieri din Dacia romană, 32, I, 1995, p. 383.
457.	Cociș, S.; Voișan, V.; Paki, A., Rotea, M., Raport preliminar privind cercetările arheologice din
strada V. Deleu în Cluj . Napoca. I. Campaniile 1992 - 1994, 32, I, 1995, p. 635.
458.	Cociș, S.; Voișan, V., Notițe arheologice clujene (I), 32, I, 1995, p. 785.
459.	Cociș, S.; Paki, A., Bibliografia Daciei romane (V), 1981 - 1989, 32, I, 1995, p. 827.
460.	Idem, Bibliografia Daciei romane (VI), 1990 - 1994, 33, I, 1996, p. 699.
461.	Cociș, S.; Opreanu, C., Barbarische fibeln aus dem Romischen dakien: ihre historische bedeutung, 35,
I, 1998, p. 195.
462.	Cociș, S., Beu - Dachin, Eugenia, Voișan, V., Un altare votivo a Silvano, scoperto a Napoca, 39 -
40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 235.
463.	COMITETUL DE REDACȚIE, Un sfert de veac de la eliberarea patriei, VI, 1969, p. VII.; Sub
steagul leninismului, VII, 1970, p. VII.; 50 de ani de lupte și victorii sub steagul glorios al PCR, VIII,
1971, p. V.
464.	Idem, Lăslo Ferenc (1873 - 1925). In memoriam, X, 1973, p. 797.
465.	Idem, Nicolae Gostar (1922 - 1978) [N], XV, 1978, p. 707.
466.	Idem, Membrii onorifici ai Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei: John Nandriș, Hans Bogli,
32, I, 1995, p. 879.
467.	Idem, Membrii onorifici ai Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei: Pierre Julien, Costel Alic,
33, I, 1996, p. 735.
468.	Idem, George Alfons Protopopescu [N], 33, II, 1997, p. 487.
469.	Idem, Ana - Maria Szoke, [N], 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 479.
470.	Idem, Gheorghe Bodea, [N], 49/II, 2012, p. 479.
471.	COMȘA, Alexandru; Schuster, Ch., Unele aspecte ale practicării sacrificiului uman în prima
perioadă a epocii metalelor pe teritoriul României, 32, I, 1995, p. 279.
472.	COMȘA, Daniela, Reforma agrară din 1921 în viziunea lui Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, XVIII, 1981, p. 255.
473.	Idem, Consiliul Național Român din comuna Gheja, jud. Mureș, XIX, 1982, p. 501.
474.	Comșa, D.; Ardevan, R., Senatul Național Român din Ardeal (I), XX, 1983, p. 647.
475.	Idem, Senatul Național Român din Ardeal (II), XXI, 1984, p. 637.
476.	Idem, Senatul Național Român din Ardeal (III), XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 313.
477.	Comșa, D.; Comșa, M., Periodizarea istoriei naționale în opera lui N. Iorga, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 625.
24
Livia Călian
478.	Idem, Viziunea lui A.D.Xenopol asupra periodizării istoriei României, 32, II, 1996, p. 441.
479.	Comșa, D.; Jude, M.M., Nicolae P. Rațiu și Augustin Rațiu, promotori ai idealului național, 34, II,
1998, p. 325.
480.	Comșa, D., Cronică selectivă a activității secțiilor de istorie ale Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei în perioada 1990 -1997, 34, II, 1998, p. 457.
481.	Comșa, D.; Jude, M.M., Reuniunea Meseriașilor Români din Turda în slujba idealului național, 35 -
36, II, 1999, p. 141.
482.	Comșa, D., Acțiuni ale reuniunilor de meseriași pentru promovarea clasei mijlocii românești în
Ardeal după Marea Unire, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 225.
483.	Idem, Alexandru Vaida - Voievod între contestare, ignorare și reconsiderare (1872 - 1950), 39 -
40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 195.
484.	Idem, Cronică selectivă a activității secției de istorie medievală, modernă și contemporană a
Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei (2002 - 2003), 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 473.
485.	Idem, Alexandru Vaida Voievod. Corespondență inedită, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 303.
486.	Idem Corespondeța lui Alexandru Vaida Voievod cu bunicul său, Alexandru Bohățel, 45 - 46/II, 2008
- 2009, p. 293.
487.	Idem, Hadrian Daicoviciu 1932 - 1984, 49/II, 2012, p. 7.
488.	COMȘA, Eugen, Une aglomeration de type Starcevo dans l'Ouest de la Muntenie, 32, 1995, p. 47.
489.	Idem, Morminte ale purtătorilor culturii Starcevo - Criș descoperite în Moldova, 32, I, 1995, p. 245.
490.	Idem, Ritul și ritualul funerar al purtătorilor culturii Boian și Gumelnița din Muntenia, 32, I, 1995, p.
257.
491.	Idem, Gesturi redate de figurinele neolitice din sudul României, 33, I, 1996, p. 191.
492.	COMȘA, Maria, Câteva date referitoare la folosirea lutului ars și nears în ritualul funerar al unor
morminte de incinerație din sec. VI - X de pe teritoriul României, 33, I, 1996, p. 225.
493.	CORDOȘ, Nicolae, Problema industrializării în paginile revistei Economul din Blaj (1873 - 1880),
III, 1966, p. 531.
494.	Cordoș, N.; Kovăcs, I., Preocupări ale literaturii agrare românești în a doua jumătate a sec. XIX, III,
1966, p. 291.
495.	Cordoș, N.; Teodor, P., Activitatea economică a doctorului Pavel Vasici, IV, 1967, p. 571.
496.	Cordoș, N., Un plan de școală românească din anul 1828, VI, 1969, p. 585.
497.	Idem, Protestul naționalităților din ianuarie 1898, VIII, 1971, p. 661.
498.	Idem, Memorandul naționalităților, IX, 1972, p. 255.
499.	Idem, Un profesor clujean - pionier al aeronauticii, XI, 1974, p. 335.
500.	Idem, Plecarea lui Gustav Augustini de la "Tribuna", XII, 1975, p. 361.
501.	Cordoș, N.; Mîndruț, S., Bibliographische Beitrăge zum Thema Geschichte der rumănisch - serbisch
- slowakischen Beziehungen von 1821 bis 1918 im Spiegel der rumănischen Geschichtsschreibung
nach 1918 (I), XVII, 1980, p. 811.
502.	Cordoș, N.; Jude, M.M., Petiția juriștilor români transilvăneni din 1880, XVIII, 1981, p. 537.
503.	Cordoș, N., Din istoricul elaborării și tipăririi "Replicii", XX, 1983, p. 187.
504.	Cordoș, N.; Jude, M.M., Contribuții documentare referitoare la Emanuil Gojdu și fundația sa, 26 -
30, II, 1989 /93, p. 573.
505.	Cordoș. N., Societatea revoluționară română (1893 - 1894), 31, II, 1994, p. 313.
506.	Idem, Din activitatea organizatorică și de presă a PNR (1911), 32, II, 1996, p. 451.
507.	Cordoș, N.; Mândruț, S., Bibliographische Beltraege zum thema geschichte der Rumanisch - Serbisch
. Slowakischen beziehungen von 1821 bis 1918 im Spiegel der Rumaenischen Geschichtsschreibung
nach 1918 (1980 - 1995), 33, II, 1997, p. 251.
508.	Cordoș, N., O încercare de aplanare a crizei Partidului Național Român (1896), 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 113.
509.	Idem, Din frământările Partidului Național Român transilvănean între anii 1894 - 1898, 37 - 38/II,
2000 - 2001, p. 179.
510.	CORDUNEANU, Victoria Isabela, Oral history as a method for historical researches, 35 - 36, II,
1999, p. 239.
511.	COSMA, Călin, Political status of West Northwest Romania in the 9th and 10th centuries A.D., 39 -
40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 23.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
25
512.	COSMA, Ela, Heinrich von Wlislocki, 31, II, 1994, p. 347.
513.	Idem, ZiarulSiebenburger Bote în anii 1848 -1849, 33, II, 1997, p. 61.
514.	COSTEA, Florea, Așezarea dacică de la Copăcel (com. Hîrseni, jud. Brașov), XXIV - XXV, 1987
/88, p. 97.
515.	Idem, Construcții civile din așezarea dacică fortificată de la Râșnov - Cetate (ud. Brașov), 31, I,
1994, p. 185.
516.	COSTEA, lonuț, Sub semnul lui lanus. Relațiile dintre nobilime și principe în Transilvania în sec.
XVII, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 153.
517.	COZA, Mihaela, Catalogul medaliilor și monedelor jubiliare din Muzeul de Istorie Aiud (I), 35 - 36,
II, 1999, p. 279.
518.	Idem, Catalogul medaliilor și monedelor jubiliare din Muzeul de Istorie Aiud (II), 37 - 38/II, 2000 -
2001. p. 317.
519.	COZĂRESCU, Epifanie; Clocotici, O., Muzeul medico - farmaceutic al Spitalului din Roman, 34,
II, 1998, p. 587.
520.	CRĂCIUN, Cornel, Cronică artistică și ilustrație grafică în revista "Societatea de Mâine", 26 - 30,
II, 1989 - 1993, p. 485.
521.	Idem: M. Joray, La sculpture moderne en Suisse, vol. IV [R], 26 - 30, II, 1989 / 93, p. 662.
522.	Idem, Viața culturală și reclama în Gherla și Huedin. Considerații privind perioada interbelică, 31,
II, 1994, p. 221.
523.	Idem, Reclama în paginile revistei Plaiuri săcelene (1934 - 1940), 32, II, 1996, p. 459.
524.	Idem, Viața culturală în presa românească interbelică din Tulcea, 34, II, 1998, p. 341.
525.	CRĂCIUN, Florina, Aspecte privindforma și tehnologia de prelucrare a topoarelor din cupru, 33, I,
1996, p. 155.
526.	CRIȘAN, Eva, Un craniu trepanat din necropola scitică de la Cristești, I, 1964, p. 79.
527.	Idem, Contribuție la studiul vaselor farmaceutice confecționate în manufactura de la Batiz, III, 1966,
p. 505.
528.	Idem, Un biberon hallstattian, V, 1968, p. 405.
529.	Idem, Standurile de Holic ale colecției de istorie a farmaciei din Cluj, VI, 1969, p. 577.
530.	Idem, Ex voto - uri anatomice de la Veii în Muzeul de Istorie Cluj, VII, 1970, p. 489.
531.	Idem, Prima "Taxa pharmaceutica" (Lista de prețuri farmaceutice din Transilvania), X, 1973, p. 255.
532.	Idem, Prima "Taxa pharmaceutica" (Lista de prețurifarmaceutice din Transilvania) (II), XI, 1974, p. 219.
533.	Idem, Prima "Taxa pharmaceutica" (lista de prețuri farmaceutice din Transilvania) (III), XII, 1975,
p. 265.
534.	Idem, Probleme specifice ale organizării expoziției într-un muzeu de istorie a farmaciei, XIV, 1977,
p. 645.
535.	Idem, Aspecte din asistența medicală a muncitorilorferoviari din sec. XIX, XV, 1978, p. 461.
536.	CRIȘAN, Ioan Horațiu, Morminte inedite din sec. III î.e.n. în Transilvania, I, 1964, p. 87.
537.	Idem, Săpături și sondaje în valea mijlocie a Mureșului, II, 1965, p. 39.
538.	Idem, Sanctuarul dacic de la Pecica, III, 1966, p. 91.
539.	Idem, Despre agatîrși, IV, 1967, p. 439.
540.	Idem, Contribuții la problema unității culturii materiale daco - getice, V, 1986, p. 21.
541.	Idem, Contribuții la problema lucrării podoabelor dacice, VI, 1969, p. 93.
542.	Crișan, I.H.; Milea, Z, Descoperiri celtice la Papiu Ilarian (ud. Mureș), VII, p. 65.
543.	Crișan, I.H., Necropola celtică de la Apahida, VIII, 1971, p. 37.
544.	Idem, Descoperiri celtice de la Cluj, Pețelea și Șeica Mică, X, 1973, p. 39.
545.	CRIȘAN, Viorica, Despre situația demografică din estul Transilvaniei în sec. II - I î.e.n., 26 - 30,
I/1, 1989 /93, p. 79.
546.	Crișan, V.; Lazarovici, Gh.; Maxim, Z., Prospecțiuni arheologice de-a lungul drumului roman din
zona orașului Gherla, 31, I, 1994, p. 215.
547.	Crișan, V., Săpăturile de salvare de la Viștea - Păluta, 31, I, 1994, p. 357.
548.	Crișan, V.; Ferenczi, Șt., Așezarea dacică de la Merești (ud. Harghita). Cercetările arheologice din
anii 1986 / 93, 31, I, 1994, p. 377.
26
Livia Călian
549.	Crișan, V., Așezările dacice din estul Transilvaniei în contextul schimburilor comerciale și a
circulației monetare (sec. III a. Ch. -1 p. Ch.), 32, I, 1995, p. 359.
550.	Idem, Așezarea dacică de la Sântimbru - Pomii verzi (jud. Harghita), 33, I, 1996, p. 360.
551.	Idem, Săpăturile de salvare din Cluj - Napoca, strada Prahovei nr. 12, 33, I, 1996, p.385.
552.	CRÎNGACI ȚIPLIC, Maria - Emilia, Oța, S., Piese inedite din colecția Muzeului Național de
Istorie a României descoperite în necropola de secol XII de la catedrala romano - catolică de la Alba
Iulia, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 91.
553.	Crângaci Țiplic, M.E., Rit și ritual funerar la sașii din sudul Transilvaniei în sec. XII - XIII, 41 -44/II,
2004 - 2007, p. 45.
554.	CSAPO, Emoke, Bucureștiul seolului alXX-lea în descrierile călătorilor maghiari, 48/II, 2011, p. 73.
555.	CSETRI, A.; Kovâcs, I., Repartizarea mașinilor agricole în Transilvania la sfîrșitul sec. XIX, IV,
1967, p. 265.
556.	CSETRI, Elek; Mureșan, Fl., Documente noi privind ecoul revoluției franceze în Transilvania.
Măsurile puterii centrale din primăvara anului 1793 și circulara episcopului ortodox Gherasim
Adamovici, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 33.
557.	CUCOȘ, Ștefan, Începuturile perioadei de tranziție de la eneolitic la epoca bronzului în zona
subcarpatică a Moldovei, XIX, 1982, p. 253.
558.	CULCER, Alexandru; Winkler, I., Vestigii romane de la Porolissum, VII, 1970, p. 537.
559.	CUMURCIUC, Andreea, The importance of water in the sanctuaries of Aesulapius. A study
regarding the northe provinces of the Roman Empire, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 207.
560.	Idem, Neptune and the significance of its cult in the Northen limes area, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011
(2012), p. 115.
561.	CUPCEA, George, Speculatores in Dacia. Missions and careers, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 263.
562.	DAICOVICIU, Beatrice, Despre eliberarea ilegală a liților și a sclavilor la francii salieni, III, 1966,
p. 467.
563.	Idem, Mărturii apusene despre latinitatea și continuitatea românilor (sec. XV - XVIII), V, 1968, p. 203.
564.	Idem, Aspecte demografice în Cronica lui Grigore din Tours, XIII, 1976, p. 279.
565.	Idem, Dispariția termenului "nobiles" în izvoarele merovingiene, XIV, 1977, p. 305.
566.	Idem, Accepțiunile termenului "villa" în izvoarele merovingiene, XVI, 1979, p. 593.
567.	Idem, Caracterul proprietății în epoca merovingiană, XVII, 1980, p. 501.
568.	Idem, Persistența elementului păgîn la franci între sec. VI - VIII, XXI, 1984, p. 175.
569.	DAICOVICIU, Constantin, Cuvînt inainte [despre volumul Muzeului], I, 1964, p. V.
570.	Daicoviciu, C.; Protase, D., O diplomă militară din Dacia Porolissensis. Știri noi despre organizarea
Daciei romane, I, 1964, p. 163.
571.	Daicoviciu, C:, Coniuratus dacus, II, 1965, p. 649.
572.	Idem, E Malva la Cioroiul Nou?, II, 1965, p. 654.
573.	Idem, Tabula Imperii Romani. Drobeta - Romula - Sucidava, II, 1965, p. 651.
574.	Daicoviciu, C.; Groza, L., Diploma militară de la Tibiscum, II, 1965, p. 135.
575.	Daicoviciu, C., PCR, conducătorul destinelor istorice ale poporului român, III, 1966, p. 1.
576.	Idem, Severus Alexander și provincia Dacia, III, 1966, p. 153.
577.	Idem, Un nou Sacerdos Arae Augusti în Dacia, IV, 1967, p. 469.
578.	Daicoviciu, C.; Daicoviciu, H:, Noi considerații asupra Daciei Malvensis, IV, 1967, p. 73.
579.	Daicoviciu, C., Orașe, tîrguri și sate în Dacia romană, VI, 1969, p. 537.
580.	Idem, Rubobostes = Burebistas? , VI, 1969, p. 459.
581.	Idem, Profesor Rudolf Egger [N], VI, 1969, p. 657.
582.	Idem, Pe marginea cărților, VII, 1970, p. 125.
583.	Idem, "Romanitatea scitică"de la Dunărea de Jos, VIII, 1971, p. 187.
584.	Idem, Corrigenda, X, 1973, p. 611.
585.	DAICOVICIU, Hadrian, Addenda la "Așezările dacice din Munții Orăștiei", I, 1964, p. 111.
586.	Idem, Coson sau Cotiso?, II, 1965, p. 107.
587.	Idem, "Regatul" lui Remaxos, IV, 1967, p. 445.
588.	Idem, Dacii și civilizația lor în sec. I î.e.n. - I e.n., V, 1968, p. 51.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
27
589.	Daicoviciu, H.; Glodariu, I:, Considerații asupra cronologiei așezării dacice de la Fețele Albe, VI,
1969, p. 465.
590.	Daicoviciu, H, Notes sur la premiere guerre dacique de Trajan, VII, 1970, p. 109.
591.	Idem, Descoperiri monetare romane în Banatul secolului al XIX-lea, VIII, 1971, p. 561.
592.	Daicoviciu, H.; Glodariu, I.; Piso, I., Un complex de construcții în terase din așezarea dacică de la
Fețele Albe, X, 1973, p. 65.
593.	Daicoviciu, H.; Vlassa, N., Considerații privind unele descoperiri arheologice din zona Cluj -
Napoca, XI, 1974, p. 5.
594.	Daicoviciu, H.; Piso, I., Sarmizagetusa și războaiele marcomanice, XII, 1975, p. 159.
595.	Daicoviciu, H.; Glodariu, I., Puncte de reper pentru cronologia cetăților și așezărilor dacice din
Munții Orăștiei, XIII, 1976, p. 71.
596.	Daicoviciu, H.; Piso, I., Inscripții din Sarmizegetusa, XIII, 1976, p. 89.
597.	Daicoviciu, H.: recenzii în vol. XIII, 1976: I.I. Rusu, Iscripțiile Daciei romane, vol I, p. 651.;
Publicațiile Muzeului Național, p. 665.
598.	Idem, Un fragment ceramic cu inscripție de la Porolissum, XIV, 1977, p. 201.
599.	Idem, Miscellanea epigraphica, XV, 1978, p. 115.
600.	Idem, Între originalitate și adevăr, XVI, 1979, p. 495.
601.	Idem, C. Daicoviciu. Retrospectivă Ion Berciu. Bibliografie selectivă, XVI, [R] 1979, p. 917.
602.	Idem, Le sanctuaire A de Sarmizegetusa Regia, XVII, 1980, p. 65.
603.	Daicoviciu, H.; Alicu, D., Edificii de cult la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (I), XVIII, 1981, p. 59
604.	Daicoviciu, H., Moștenirea lui Vasile Pârvan, XIX, 1982, p. 777.
605.	Daicoviciu, H.; Alicu, D., Edificii de cult la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (II), XIX, 1982, p. 59.
606.	Daicoviciu, H.: Gheorghe Matei (1900 - 1982) [N], XIX, 1982, p. 793.
607.	Idem, Un manuscris inedit a lui C. Daicoviciu, XX, 1983, p. 705.
608.	Idem: Eugen Cizek, Neron, Fayard, [R], XX, 1983, p. 891.
609.	Idem, La romanisation de la province de Dacie, XXI, 1984, p. 81.
610.	Daicoviciu, H.; Alicu, D.; Cociș, S.; Diaconescu, Al.; Pop, C.; Opreanu, C.; Paki, A., Săpăturile
arheologice din 1984 de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 409.
611.	Daicoviciu, H.; Alicu, D.; Cociș, S.; Ilieș, C.; Meylan, Ch.; Paki, A.; Piso, I., Săpăturile arheologice
din 1983 la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, 31, I, 1994, p. 433.
612.	DAMIAN, Voichița, Recent publications from National Museum of Transylvanian History libraty,
49/II, 2012, p. 464.
613.	DAN, Mihail P., Din istoria iobăgimii române transilvane. Iobagi români în Polonia în secolul XVI,
II, 1965, p. 345.
614.	Dan, M.; Șchiopu, V., Opinia publică din România față de acordul de la Munchen și consecințale lui,
V, 1968, p. 311.
615.	Dan, M.; Cordoș, N., O încercare de colaborare politică româno - sîrbă în 1891, VII, 1970, p. 637.
616.	Dan, M., Negustori clujeni la Cracovia în ultimul deceniu al sec. al XVI - lea, VIII, 1971, p. 205.
617.	Idem, Schimbul de mărfuri între Cluj și Cracovia în ultimul deceniu al sec. XVI (I), XI, 1974, p. 151.
618.	Idem, Schimbul de mărfuri între Cluj și Cracovia în ultimul deceniu al sec. XVI (II), XII, 1975, p. 203.
619.	DANA, Dan, Articles de Dacie â Tebtynis, Egipte, lie siecle apr. J - Chr. (P. Tebt. II 686), 38/I,
2001. p. 191.
620.	Dana, D., Nemeti, S., La dacie dans les Res geste Saporis, 38/I, 2001. p. 239.
621.	Idem, Traditions onomastiques, brassages et mobilite de populations d'apres un diplome militaire
pour la Dacie Superieure de 123 (RGZM 22), 41 -42/I, 2004 -2005, p. 69.
622.	DANCU, Lidia; Simion, S., Aprecieri privind arta Daciei romane, 31, I, 1994, p. 235.
623.	DAROCZI, Tiboe - Tamas, From "diachronic judgement"to the Theory of Possible Types of
Symmetry: an investigatin into Cycladic and Transylvanian bronze age relations, 47 - 48/I, 2010 -
2011 (2012), p. 47.
624.	DASCĂLU, Nicolae, Poziția statelor din Africa, America și Asia față de războiul italo - etiopean
(1935 - 1936) analizată de diplomația SUA, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 373.
625.	DAVID, Lucia; Pintea,V.,Un monumentfunerar din Dacia Porolissensis, III, 1966, p. 459.
626.	David, L.; Mărghitan, L., Monumente sculpturale de la Micia (I), V, 1968, p. 125.
28
Livia Călian
627.	DAVIDESCU, M.; Florescu, R., Două plăci de la Drobeta reprezentînd cavalerii danubieni, V,
1968, p. 491.
628.	DAWSON, Michael, Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa: Extra Muros 23 excavations 1982 - 1984. An
interim opinion, 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 - 1993, p. 401.
629.	DĂNILĂ, Ștefan, Un medalion funerarroman de la Ilișua (ud. Bistrița - Năsăud), X, 1973, p. 605.
630.	DĂRĂBANȚ, Maria, Ceramica dacică pictată cu motive vegetale, geometrice și zoomorfe, XVI,
1979, p. 519.
631.	DEAC, A.; Vajda, L., 1907 și Transilvania, IV, 1967, p. 1.
632.	DEMBSKI, Gunther, Keltische munze in Ostosterreich - Boier und Burebista, 36, I, 1999, p. 51.
633.	DENES, Istvân; Ferenczi, I., Investigarea unei porțiuni de limes din estul Daciei intracarpatice
(între valea Homorodului Mic și defileul Oltului la Tușnad), 32, I, 1995, p. 393.
634.	DIACONESCU, Alexandru, Un fragment de stelă din Dacia Porolissensis cu peprezentarea
banchetului funebru, XVI, 1979, p. 545.
635.	Idem, Propuneri pentru reconstituirea unor elemente de fortificații ale castrului de la Gilău, XXI,
1984, p.145.
636.	Idem, Notă asupra terminologiei latine privind părțile componente ale clădirii comandamentului
castrelor auxiliare, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p.459.
637.	Idem, Dacia under Tra(an. Some observations on Roman tactics and strategy, 34, I, 1997, p. 13.
638.	Idem, A bronze maenadfrom Sarmizegetusa, 35, I, 1998, p. 77.
639.	Idem, Ornamenta dignitatis. Gradabzeichen und symbole des sozialen status bei den lokalen eliten
von Dakien nach dem Aurelianischen ruckzug, 36, I, 1999, p. 203.
640.	Idem, A statue of Liber Paterfrom Apulum (Alba Iulia), 38/I, 2001. p. 161.
641.	Diaconescu, A., Bota, E., La decoration architectonique et sculpturale du forum vetus de
Sarmizegetusa: origine, evolution et chronologie, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 155.
642.	Diaconescu, A., Temple of ethnic communities (assembly halls) in Roman Dacia,. An architectural
prospective, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 135.
643.	Idem, Male andfemale funerary statues from Roman Dacia, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 125.
644.	DIACONU, Crina, Rusia 1917 - 1921: revoluție, război civil și implicare externă, 37 - 38/II, 2000 -
2001. p. 273.
645.	DOBEȘ, Andrea, Anchete în sistemul penitenciar românesc. Studiu de caz: Vasile Ciolpan (1955),
41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 187.
646.	DOMUȚA, Emil, Înființarea "Asociației pentru cultura poporului român din Maramureș" și
activitatea sa în perioada 1860 - 1869, XXI, 1984, p. 251.
647.	DORDEA, Ioan, Un manuscris din veacul al XVIII - lea despre producția și comercializarea sării
din Transilvania și Maramureș, XVII, 1980, p. 567.
648.	DORNER, Anton E., Epidemia de ciumă în scaunul Orăștiei în prima(umătate a secolului al XVIII
-lea, XX, 1983, p. 541.
649.	Idem: RetyiPeter naploja, [R], XX, 1983, p. 923.
650.	Idem, Statutul de breaslă al căruțașilor și fierarilor din Orăștie, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 643.
651.	Idem, Un statut de breaslă din 1807 al croitorilor din Orăștie, 26 - 30, II, 1989 (93, p. 169.
652.	DORNER, Egon, Urme ale Legiunii a V -a Macedonica la Aradul Nou?, VIII, 1971, p. 503.
653.	DRAGNE, Florea, Relațiile româno - cehoslovace (1918 - 1921), VI, 1969, p. 613.
654.	DRAGOMIR, Nicolae; Lazarovici, Gh.; Tîrnovan, I., Măsurarea rezistivității în tumulul de la
Tureni, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 919.
655.	DRAGOMIR, Silviu; Belu, S., Voievozi, cnezi și crainici români din Munții Apuseni și din regiunea
Bihorului în evul mediu, II, 1965, p. 173.
656.	DRAGOTĂ, Gheorghe; Pop, C., Cupa romană de la Dumbrăvița, 34, I, 1997, p. 575.
657.	DRĂGAN, Ioan, Un căpitan român pe frontul antiotoman: Ladislau Ficior de Ciula (? - 1492),
XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 261.
658.	DRĂGOI, Livia, Miklos Siko, portretist din Transilvania (sec. XIX), XV, 1978, p. 481.
659.	DRÂMBĂREAN, Matei, Numere incizate pe materiale ceramice de la Apulum, 34, I, 1997, p. 571.
660.	DUCULESCU, Victor, Sentința de la Viena: arbitraj sau dictat?, 32, II, 1996, p. 37.
661.	DUDAȘ, Florian, Descoperiri monetare antice în Țara Zarandului, XII, 1975, p. 135.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
29
662.	DUMITRACHE, Mariana, CastelulBethlen din Criș (ud. Mureș), 33, II, 1997, p. 283.
663.	DUMITRAN, Ana, Raporturile între doctrina protestantă și doctrina ortodoxă în sec. XVI - XVII în
Transilvania, 31, II, 1994, p. 23.
664.	Idem, Contribuții la studiul tipăriturilor românești din sec. XVI, 32, II, 1996, p. 83.
665.	DUMITRAȘCU, Gheorghe; Botoran, C., Greva muncitorilor metalurgiști de la uzinele Ferdinand și
Nădrag (martie 1939), IV, 1967, p. 321.
666.	DUMITRAȘCU, Sever; Bader, T., Așezarea dacică de la Medieșul Aurit, IV, 1967,p. 107.
667.	Dumitrașcu, S., Contribuții la cunoașterea graniței de vest a Daciei romane, VI, 1969, p. 483.
668.	Dimitrașcu, S.; Togan, G., Săpăturile arheologice de la Boarta "Cetățuie" (ud. Sibiu), VIII, 1971, p. 423.
669.	DUMITRESCU, Constantin, Veac vechi, veac nou. Mărturii [R], XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 799.
670.	DUMITRESCU, Hortensia, Cercetări arheologice de la Tăulaș-Deva (I), XXI, 1984,p. 3.
671.	DUMITRESCU, Vladimir, Cu privire la platformele de lut ars ale locuințelor unor culturi neolitice,
V, 1968, p. 389.
672.	Idem, Plastica neolitică din așezarea de la Rast ((ud. Dol(), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 29.
673.	DUȚU, Alesandru, Anularea Dictatuui de la Viena: cauza națiunii române, 32, II, 1996, p. 69.
674.	ECK, Werner, Macdonald, David, Pangerl, Andreas, Neue diplome fur auxiliartruppen in den
Dakischen provinzen, 38/I,2001, p. 17.
675.	Idem, Neue diplome fur auxiliartruppen von unterpannonien und die dakischen provinzen aus
Hadrianischer zeit, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 25.
676.	Eck, W., Andreas Pangerl, Ein diplom fur die truppen von Dacia Superior unter dem kommando des
Marcius Turbo im(ahr 119 n. Chr., 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 61.
677.	Idem, Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 185.
678.	Idem, Ein Diplom fur die ravennatischer Flotte unter dem Prafekten Aurelius Elpidephorus aus dem
Jahr 221 n. Chr., 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 193.
679.	EDROIU, Nicolae; Gyulai, P., Evoluția plugului în țările române în epoca feudală, II, 1965, p. 307.
680.	Edroiu, N., Prima istorie universală care vorbește despre răscoala lui Horea, III, 1966, p. 491.
681.	Idem, Un izvor narativ transilvănean privind "răscoala holerei" din Slovacia de est (1831), IV, 1967,
p. 549.
682.	Idem, Note de epigrafie româno - chirilică, XII, 1975, p. 259.
683.	Idem, Note de epigrafie româno - chirilică (II), XIII, 1976, p. 393.
684.	Idem, Un sigiliu ineler cu inscripție slavonă în colecțiile Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei din Clu(
- Napoca, XV, 1978, p. 311.
685.	Idem, Centenarul răscoalei lui Horea și publicistica română din Transilvania. Locul "Tribunei",
XXI, 1984, p. 581.
686.	Idem, Posesiunile transilvănene ale lui Ștefan Răzvan, domnul Moldovei (1595), și ale văduvei sale,
doamna Măriuca, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 513.
687.	Idem, David Prodan (1902 - 1992) [N], 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 667.
688.	Idem, Un ziar din Luxemburg (Journal Historique et Litteraire, 1785) despre răscoala lui Horea, 31,
II 1994, p. 279.
689.	Idem, Mihai Viteazul în contextul istoriei europene, 32, II, 1996, p. 75.
690.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 32, II, 1996: Inscripții medievale și din epoca modernă a României. Județul
istoric Argeș (sec. XIV - 1848), p. 603.; Inscripții medievale și din epoca modernă a României.
Orașul Iași, p. 605.
691.	EGYED, A., Marea industrie a morăritului în Transilvania în a doua (umătate a sec. XIX și începutul
sec. XX, II, 1966, p. 479.
692.	Idem, Unele caracteristici ale dezvoltării industriei în Transilvania la sfîrșitul sec. XIX, V, 1968, p. 251.
693.	Idem, Problema emigrării țărănimii din Transilvania la începutul sec. XX, VII, 1970, p. 365.
694.	EMODI, Ioan, Descoperiri ale culturii Coțofeni și Baden în peșterile Iglița și Izbîndiș, XXI, 1984, p. 405.
695.	Idem, Ceramica ornamentată cu șnur din peșterile de la Igrița și Izbîndiș ((ud. Bihor), XXIV - XXV,
1987 /88, p. 485.
696.	Idem, Descoperiri de la sfârșitul epocii bronzului în Peștera Ungurului ((ud. Bihor), 34, I, 1997, p. 485.
697.	ENEA, C., Aspecte ale descompunerii armatei austro - ungare (dezertări și răscoale ale soldaților
din Transilvania. 1914 - 1918), V, 1968, p. 275.
30
Livia Călian
698.	Enea, C.; Botezan, L., Mișcări țărănești din județul Cluj în anii primului război mondial, VIII, 1971,
p. 341.
699.	ETIENNE, Robert, Piso, I., Diaconescu, A., Les fouilles du forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa. Raport
general, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 59.
700.	FAUR, R.; Faur, V., Demersurile pentru constituirea Reuniunii învățătorilor români din Bihor (1888
- 1891), XVIII, 1981, p. 545.
701.	FAUR, Viorel, Manifestările românilor bihoreni din anul 1905 - expresie a reverimentului luptei lor
pentru drepturi și libertate națională, XX, 1983, p. 607.
702.	FAZAKAS, Istvan, Norma Regia, 33, II, 1997, p. 211.
703.	FELEZEU, Călin, relații bilaterale politico - diplomatice transilvano - otomane, 39 - 40/II, 2002 -
2003, p. 139.
704.	FENEȘAN, Costin, Un manuscris ardelean din a doua jumătate a sec. XVII, VIII, 1971, p. 603.
705.	FERENCZI, Geza; Ferenczi, I.., Săpăturile de salvare de la Doboșeni, I, 1964, p. 39.
706.	Idem, Săpăturile arheologice de la Mugeni. Studiu preliminar (I), XII, 1975, p. 45.
707.	Idem, Săpăturile arheologice de la Mugeni. Studiu preliminar (II), XIII, 1976, p. 239 - 255.
708.	Idem, Săpăturile arheologice da la Mugeni. Studiu preliminar (III), XIV, 1977, p. 295.
709.	Idem, Cercetări de topografie arheologică în bazinul superior al Tîrnavei Mari între anii 1957 -
1970. Raport preliminar (II), XV, 1978, p. 85.
710.	Idem, Observații de topografie arheologică în partea superioară a depresiunii Homoroadelor (jud.
Harghita) între anii 1957 - 1978. Raport preliminar (I), XVI, 1979, p. 411.
711.	Idem, Săpături noi în cetatea dacică de pămînt de la Porumbenii Mari (jud. Harghita), XVIII, 1981,
p. 387.
712.	Idem, Săpături arheologice în burgul roman de la Ocland (jud. Harghita), XIX, 1982, p. 279.
713.	Idem, Încercări de înființare a unui muzeu local la Odorheiul Secuiesc, XX, 1983, p. 711.
714.	Idem, Se poate identifica hidronimul antic Sargetias cu rîul Vîrghiș din estul Transilvaniei?, 26 - 30,
I/1, 1989 /93, p. 91.
715.	Idem, Contribuții la problema descifrării unor cuvinte scrise cu caractere runice maghiare și
considerente asupra originii scrisului runic maghiar, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 (93, p. 161.
716.	Idem, Așezarea întărită din epoca bronzului de la Dealu (jud. Harghita), 32, I, 1995, p. 729.
717.	FERENCZI, Iulia; Ferenczi, I. Jr.; Ferenczi, I., Așezarea întărită feudal - timpurie de la Lăpuștești
(com Râșca, jud. Cluj) (Primele vestigii arheologice din interiorul Munților Gilăului), 31, 1994, p. 305.
718.	FERENCZI, ISTVAN, Contribuții la cunoașterea așezării întărite din epoca hallstattiană de la
Someșul Rece, I, 1964, p. 67.
719.	Idem, Cimitirul scitic de la Ciumbrud (I), II, 1965, p. 77.
720.	Idem, Cimitirul scitic de la Ciumbrud (II), III, 1966, p. 49.
721.	Idem, Cimitirul scitic de la Ciumbrud (III), IV, 1967, p. 19.
722.	Idem, Observații cu privire la sistemul și caracterul așa - zisului "Limes Dacicus" V, 1968, p. 75.
723.	Idem, Cimitirul scitic de la Ciumbrud (IV), VI, 1969, p. 47.
724.	Idem, O descoperire slavă timpurie în Transilvania, VII, 1970, p. 565.
725.	Idem, Cimitirul scitic de la Ciumbrud (V), VIII, 1971, p. 11.
726.	Idem, Contribuții la problema Limesului de vest al Daciei (II/1), IX, 1972, p. 387.
727.	Idem, Contribuții la problema Limesului de vest al Daciei (II/2), X, 1973, p. 545.
728.	Idem: Edith B. Thomas, Helme. Schikde. Dolche. Studien uber romische -pannonische Wafenkunde,
[R], X, 1973, p. 795.
729.	Idem, Contribuții la problema Limesului de vest al Daciei (II/3), XI, 1974, p. 23.
730.	Idem, Contribuții la topografia arheologică a văii Someșului (în sectorul Vad - Surduc), XIII, 1976,
p. 37.
731.	Idem, Problema așezărilor civile dacice din Munții Orăștiei din punct de vedere geografic, XIV,
1977, p. 73.
732.	Idem, Addenda. În legătură cu restaurarea statuetei "Venus de la Gilău",XIV, 1977,p. 171.
733.	Idem, Oppida. The Beginnings of Urbanisation in Barbarian Europe, [R], XVI, 1979, p. 873.
734.	Idem, Considerații în legătură cu castrele de marș romane din partea centrală a Munților Șurianu,
XVIII, 1981, p. 409.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
31
735.	Ferenczi, I.; Petică, M, Cercetări de topografie arheologică în județul Mureș (i), XIX, 1982, p. 557.
736.	Idem, Cercetări de topografie arheologică în județul Mureș (Ii), XX, 1983, p. 113.
737.	Ferenczi, I.; Ursuț, D., Cercetări de topografie arheologică privind drumul roman imperial Napoca -
Porolissum (tronsonulBaciu -Șardu, jud. Cluj), XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 213.
738.	Ferenczi, I., Contribuții la problema cunoașterii sistemului de apărare roman de pe cursul Someșului,
XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p.171.
739.	FIROIU, Dumitru V., Locul Dietei de la Sibiu (1863 - 1864) în istoria politică a Transilvaniei, XI,
1974, p. 271.
740.	Idem, Despre contribuția lui Alexandru ioan Cuza la crearea dreptului României moderne, XIII,
1976, p. 469.
741.	Idem, Drepturile și libertățile cetățenești în proclamațiile adoptate în timpul revoluției burghezo -
democratice de la 1848 din cele trei țări române, XIV, 1977, p. 445.
742.	Idem, Dreptul la organizare în Transilvania (1849 - 1918), XVII, 1980, p. 259.
743.	FLOCA, Octavian; Valea, M., "Villa rustica" și necropola daco - romană de la Cinciș, II, 1965, p. 163.
744.	Floca, O., Monumente epigrafice și sculpturale de la Micia, V, 1968, p. 111.
745.	FLOREA, Bogdan, M. Mitu, O. Muntean, Rememorând Revoluția. 1848 - 2008, [R], 45 - 46/II,
2008 - 2009, p. 343.
746.	FLOREA, Gelu, Descoperiri de epocă dacică din județul Cluj, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 755.
747.	Idem, Ceramica dacică pictată cu motive vegetale și zoomorfe din Muzeul de istorie al
Transilvaniei, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1095.
748.	Idem, Archaeological observations concerning the Roman conquest of the area of the Dacian
Kingdom's capital, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 33.
749.	Florea A. Gelu, I.V. Ferencz, un nouveau "bouclier" de la fin du deuxieme âge du fer, decouvert ă
Piatra Roșie, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 47.
750.	FLORESCU, Radu, Cercetarea științifică în muzeu, XX, 1983, p. 743.
751.	FODOR, Ladislau, Acțiuni de luptă ale muncitorilor ceferiști din Cluj în ianuarie - februarie 1933,
I, 1964, p. 287.
752.	Idem, Unele aspecte ale luptei muncitorimii pentru apărarea caracterului de clasă al sindicatelor în
timpul ocupației hortyste în partea de nord a Transilvaniei, XIV, 1977, p. 593.
753.	FODOREAN, Florin, Ursuț, D., The villa silica strata Geoagiu - Băi - Cigmău. An archaelogical,
geo - topographical and technical study, 38/I, 2001. p. 203.
754.	Foderean, F., Ray Laurence - The roads of Roman italy. Mobility and cultural change, (R), 38/I,
2001. p. 271.
755.	Fodorean, F., Tabula Peutingeriana and the province ofDacia, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 51.
756.	Idem, Travel and geography in the Roman empire, (R), 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 297.
757.	FOLA, Nicolae Victor, Mișcarea națională a românilor din zona Târnavei Mici între anii 1900 -
1918, 33, II, 1997, p. 125.
758.	FRANZEN, Paul, Matei A.V., Marcu, F., The Roman for at Romita (Dacia). Results of the
geophisical survey, 41- 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 161.
759.	FRENȚIU, Militon; Lazarovici, Gh., Metode de clas,ficare automată în arheometrie, XXIV - XXV,
1987 /88, p. 909.
760.	FURDUI, Titus, O tipăritură românească veche în care se află un autograf atribuit lui Popa Șapcă,
XVIII, 1981, p. 695.
761.	Idem, Două tipărituri în limba germană despre evenimentele din 1784 - 1785 din Transilvania
(Contribuții la bibliografia românească veche), XX, 1983, p. 815.
762.	Idem, Cîteva aspecte istoriografice privitoare la "Cronica turcească" a studentului anonim de la
Sebeș - Alba (Preliminarii la primul incunabul românesc), XXI, 1984, p. 771.
763.	Idem, Considerații la circulația Cazaniei lui Varlaam în ținuturile maramureșene, XXIV - XXV,
1987 /88, p. 667.
764.	GAGA, Lidia Maria, Caracteristici ale gospodăriei tradiționale din sud - vestul României.
Prelucrări la un studiu interdisciplinar, 33, I, 1996, p. 239.
765.	GALL, I., Lupta muncitorimii din Transilvania, factor de seamă în pregătirea înfăptuirii unirii de la
1 decembrie 1918, V, 1968, p. 293.
32
Livia Călian
766.	GARDA, Dezideriu, Plugăritul în bazinul Giurgeului (sec. XVII-1848),XXI, 1984, p. 227.
767.	Idem, Aspecte ale structurii sociale a unor localități de pe valea superioară a Mureșului în sec. XVIII,
XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 279.
768.	Idem, Evoluția relațiilor agrare în valea superioară a Mureșului, XXIV-XXV, 1987/88, p. 657.
769.	Idem, Mediul geografic și evoluția socială în bazinul Giurgeului în sec. XVI - XVII, 26 - 30, II, 1989
/93, p. 85.
770.	GÂȚĂ, Gheorghe, Dragoman Alexandru, The Neolithic pottery from Vădastra: a tehnological study,
41 - 41/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 5.
771.	Gâță, Gh., Dragoman, Radu - Alexandru, A comparative technological study of the neolithic
burnished pottery from Vădastra and Crușovu (Romania), 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 27.
772.	GĂZDAC, Cristian, Bronzuri romane de la Gherla, 32, I, 1995, p. 401.
773.	Idem, Fighting style ofthe Roman cavalery in Dacia, 34, I, 1997, p. 151.
774.	Idem, The monetary circulation and the abandonment ofDacia - a comparative study, 35, I, 1998, p. 229.
775.	Găzdac, C., Alfoldy - Găzdac, A., The Roman law against counterfeiting between theory and
practice: the case ofRoman Dacia, 38/I, 2001. p. 137.
776.	GALL, Erwin, Gerrgely, B., Necropolele și descoperirile izolate de la Cluj și realitățile din
Transilvania în sec. X, 41 - 44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 9.
777.	Gall, E., Analiza preliminară a necropolei "din jurul bisericii" de la Dăbâca - incinta a IV-a. Câteva
idei despre termenul de cimitir necropolei "din jurul bisericii", 47/II, 2010, p. 9.
778.	GEOROCEANU, P.; Georoceanu, M.; Cheleșanu - Lisovschi, C., Observații faunistice asupra
mormintelor scitice din necropola de la Ozd, XIII, 1976, p. 51.
779.	Idem, Studiu osteologic al unui schelet de cal dintr-un mormînt avar din Transilvania, XIV, 1977, p. 285.
780.	Idem, Cercetări asupra faunei din așezarea de la Cicău "Săliște", XV, 1978, p. 273.
781.	GERMAN, Adina; German, I. Mărturii despre Al. Vaida Voievod, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 149.
782.	GHENESCU, Petruța - Mioara, Contribuții la istoria breslelor transilvănene, 47/II, 2010, p. 279.
783.	GHEORGHIU, Dragoș, Vasele binoclu - o interpretare etnoarheologică, 33, I, 1996, p. 209.
784.	GHEORGHIU, Gabriela, Cisterna dacică de la Grădiștea de Munte, 33, I, 1996, p. 375.
785.	GHERASIM, Dragoș, Semnele strămoșilor: rituri funerare și transmiterea lor în societatea
cucuteniană, 34, I, 1997, p. 727.
786.	GIUMLIA- MAIR, Alessandra, The analyses of the copper - basd finds from the LBA metallurgical
site at Palatca, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 39.
787.	GIURA, Lucian; Stoica, M., Aspecte privind viața și activitatea lui C. Diaconovich (1856 - 1923),
XIX, 1982, p. 475.
788.	GIURAN, Valeriu, Momente din istoricul regimentului 5 Vânători (1896 - 1944), 34, II, 1998, p.
353.
789.	Idem, Veteranii pe drumul onoarei și jertfei (1941 - 1945) de la Nistru la Marea Azov (iulie 1941 -
iulie 1942), [R], 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 387.
790.	GHIURCĂ, Virgil, Încercare de identificare topografică a unor geme romane din Muzeul Național
de Istorie a Transilvaniei, 31, 1994, p. 223.
791.	Idem, Gemologia arheologică și resursele gemologice actuale din partea de nord a Munților
Trascău, 34, I, 1997, p. 829.
792.	GLODARIU, Eugenia, Din lupta maselor muncitoare clujene în preajma primului război mondial,
II, 1965, p. 523.
793.	Idem, Din activitatea societății Iulia a studenților români la Cluj, V, 1968, p. 239.
794.	Idem, Biblioteci poporale ale Astrei (I), VI, 1969, p. 347.
795.	Idem, Biblioteci poporale ale Astrei (II), VII, 1970, p. 309.
796.	Idem, Din activitatea editorială a Astrei: Biblioteeca poporală a Asociațiunii, VIII, 1971, p. 311.
797.	Idem, Un moment din viața Astrei: modificarea statutelor (1897), IX, 1972, p. 277.
798.	Glodariu, E.; Cordoș, N., Reuniunea soldaților români din Cluj, X, 1973, p. 389.
799.	Glodariu, E., Societăți culturale românești din monarhia austro - ungară și Academia Română, XI,
1974, p. 284.
800.	Idem, Despărțămîntul Cluj al Astrei (1870 - 1914), XII, 1975, p. 373.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
33
801.	Idem, Înființarea, organizarea și activitatea culturală desfășurată de societatea Petru Maior a
studenților români din Budapesta, XIII, 1976, p. 505.
802.	Idem, Contribuția societății Petru Maior la mișcarea cultural - națională a românilor din Austro -
Ungaria, XIV, 1977, p. 505.
803.	Idem, Aportulfemeilor din Transilvania la mișcarea memorandistă, XV, 1978, p. 501.
804.	Idem, Activitatea secției române a Federațiunii internaționale a studenților Corda Fratres, XVI,
1979, p. 699.
805.	Idem, Participarea tineretului universitar român din Austro - Ungaria la mișcarea memorandistă,
XVII, 1980, p. 313.
806.	Idem, Opoziția față de proiectul Legii votului plural, aspect al luptei pentru votul universal în anul
1908, XVIII, 1981, p. 227.
807.	Idem, Elena Pop Hossu - Longin și mișcarea feministă din Transilvania, XIX, 1982,p. 487.
808.	Idem, Unele considerații privind mișcarea feministă din Transilvania (a doua jumătate a sec. XIX -
începutul sec. XX), XX, 1983, p. 231.
809.	Idem: Ana Maria Ardos (1935 - 1983) [N], XX, 1983, p. 943.
810.	Idem, Considerații privind implicarea Astrei în mișcarea național - politică a românilor din
Transilvania, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 287.
811.	Idem, Mărturii privind poziția tinerimii române universitare din Austro - Ungaria față de dualism,
XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 695.
812.	Idem, Opinia publică internațională și aspirațiile românilor reflectate în ziarul "La Roumanie"
(1918), 26 -30, II, 1989 /93, p. 297.
813.	Glodariu, E.; Stan, C.I., Congresele națiunilor asuprite din Austro - Ungaria și rolul lor în lupta
pentru independență și unitate națională, 31, II, 1994, p. 161.
814.	Glodariu, E., Casina română din Cluj, 32, II, 1996, p. 297.
815.	Glodariu, E.; Stan, C.I., Contribuții ale studenților români la Marea Unire din 1918, 33, II, 1997, p. 107.
816.	Glodariu, E., Congresele studențești - foruri de exprimare a solidarității și unității naționale, 34, II,
1998, p. 97.
817.	Idem, Sărbătorirea zilei de 3/15 mai 1848 - prilej de afirmare a identității naționale, 35 - 36, II,
1999, p. 123.
818.	Glodariu, E., Mihai Eminescu și societățile culturale ale tineretului studios român din monarhia
habsburgică, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 169.
819.	GLODARIU, Ioan, În legătură cu "torna, torna, fratre", I, 1964, p. 483.
820.	Idem, Sarmizegetusa dacică în timpul stăpînirii romane, II, 1965, p. 119.
821.	Idem, Un altar votiv roman în Muzeul de Istorie Cluj, II, 1965, p. 667.
822.	Idem, Legio IV Flavia Felix în Dacia, III, 1966, p. 429.
823.	Idem, Două fiare de plug de la Bicfalău, IV, 1967, p. 471.
824.	Idem, Leifunerari romani la Valea Sîngeorgiului, IV, 1967, p. 473.
825.	Idem, Tezaurul dacic de la Sărmășag, V, 1968, p. 409.
826.	Idem, Bemerkungen uber eine Dakerkonig, VII, 1970, p. 501.
827.	Idem, Considerații asupra circulației monedei străine în Dacia (sec. II î.e.n. - I î. e.n), VIII, 1971, p. 71.
828.	Idem, Așezarea dacică și daco - romană de la Slimnic, IX, 1972, p. 119 - 129.
829.	Idem, Un atelier de făurărie de la Sarmizegetusa dacică, XII, 1975, p. 107 - 134.
830.	Idem, Aspecte ale politicii demografice romane în zona de sud a Transilvaniei, XIV, 1977, p. 95.
831.	Idem, Considerații privind organizarea statului dac, XVII, 1980, p. 433.
832.	Idem: O nouă carte închinată civilizației dacice [R], XVII, 1980, p. 873.
833.	Idem, Sistemul defensiv al statului dac și întinderea provinciei Dacia, XIX, 1982, p. 23.
834.	Idem, Cetatea de la Căpîlna în sistemul defensiv al statului dac, XX, 1983, p. 59.
835.	Idem, "Brățările" cu nodozități Latene tîrzii în Dacia, XXI, 1984, p. 63.
836.	Idem, Cariere și exploatarea pietrei în Dacia preromană, XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 91.
837.	Idem, Reflexii asupra unei recenzii [R], XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 783.
838.	Idem, Opinii privitoare la stratificarea societății dacice (sec. I î.e.n. - I e.n.), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88,
p. 537.
839.	Idem, Sarmizegetusa Regia durant le regime de Trajan, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 19.
34
Livia Călian
840.	Idem, Addenda aux Points de reperepour la chronologie des citadelles et des etablissements daciques
des Monts d'Orăștie, 32, I, 1995, p. 119.
841.	Idem: E. Iaroslavschi, Tehnica la daci, [R], 34, I, 1997, p. 889.
842.	GOGÂLTAN, Anca, Imaginea țărăncii în pictura românească de la sfârșitul sec. XIX și începutul
sec. XX, 47/II, 2010, p. 223.
843.	GOGÂLTAN, Florin, Săpături de salvare la Tureni . Carieră, jud. Cluj, 26 . 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 365.
844.	GOLDENBERG, Samuel, Despre vama (vigesima) Sibiului în sec. XVI, II, 1965, p. 673.
845.	Goldenberg, S.; Belu, S., Două registre privind postăvăritul și comerțul cu postav la Brașov în sec.
XVI, IV, 1967, p. 127.
846.	Idem, Registrul producției și comerțul cu postav de la Brașov din 1576 -1582, VI, 1969, p. 565.
847.	Idem, Registrul producției și comerțul cu postav de la Brașov din 1576 -1582 (h), IX, 1972, p. 533.
848.	Goldenberg, S., Aprovizionarea și politica de prețuri a unor orașe din Transilvania în sec. XVI -
XVII, XVII, 1980, p. 199.
849.	GORUN, Hadrian, Problematica viitoarelor granițe ale României și impactul asupra relațiilor cu
Franța și Rusia în prima jumătate a anului 1915, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 339.
850.	Idem, Proiecte de constituire a unor unități transilvane alcătuite din foști prizonieri sau emigranți în
SUA (1917), 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 121.
851.	GOSTAR, Nicolae, Unitățile militare din castrul roman de la Tibiscum, V, 1968, p. 471.
852.	Idem, Inscripțiile din castrul roman de la Orăștioara de Sus, VI, 1969, p. 493.
853.	GRAPINI, Sabin Pompei, Pictura murală interioară a bisericii din Micești - Cluj. Recuperarea
programului iconografic prin cercetare stratigrafică extinsă, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 253.
854.	Idem, Intervenție de urgență pentru recuperarea și protejarea unor fragmente de pictură murală
descoperite în timpul cercetării arheologice efectuate la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa în campania
2011, 48/II, 2011, p. 277.
855.	GROSS, Lidia, Convergențe transilvane [R], 31, II, 1994, p. 381.
856.	GROZA, Horațiu, Despre ridicarea și dezvelirea statuii doctorului loan Rațiu din Turda, 34, II,
1998, p. 396.
857.	Idem, considerații generale privind pietrăritul și unele aspecte ale meșteșugului tradițional practicat
în satul Podeni, com. Moldovenești, jud. Cluj, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 364.
858.	Idem, Un monument de arhitectură medievală: Palatul voievodal din Turda, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009,
p. 233.
859.	Idem, Palatul voievodal din Turda în documente medievale și moderne, 47/II, 2010, p. 109.
860.	Idem, Dr. Augustin Rațiu - o personalitate marcantă a Turzii persecutată de regimul comunist din
România, 47/II, 2010, p. 293.
861.	Idem, The contribution ofthe Rațiu family to founding the Museum of Turda, 49/II, 2012, p. 266.
862.	GROZA, Liviu, Două interesante descoperiri arheologice din județul Caraș - Severin, XIII, 1976, p. 1.
863.	Groza, L.; Wollmann, V., Două inscripții romane din zona Caransebeș, XIII, 1976, p. 163.
864.	Groza, L., Un bănățean participant la războiul de independență: căpitanul Moise Groza, XIV, 1977,
p. 469.
865.	Idem, Unele aspecte privind organizarea regimentului grăniceresc din Caransebeș, XV, 1978, p. 447.
866.	Idem, Participarea grănicerilor bănățeni la războaiele împotriva lui Napoleon, XVII, 1980, p. 577.
867.	Idem, Testamentul generalului Ion Drăgălina, XVIII, 1981, p. 575.
868.	Idem, Participarea generalului Mihail Trapșa la lupta de la Custozza (1866), XIX, 1982, p. 429.
869.	Idem, Mărturii documentare privind colaborarea dintre Gheorghe Barițiu și generalul Mihail
Trapșa, XX, 1983, p. 593.
870.	Idem, Adeziunea unor cetățeni din România la lupta generalului Traian Doda pentru emanciparea
națională a românilor din Transilvania și Banat (1890), XXI, 1984, p. 629.
871.	Idem, Scrisori de adeziune adresate generalului Traian Doda în cîteva comune transilvănene, XXIV
- XXV, 1987 /88, p. 727.
872.	Idem, Blazonul de cavaler al generalului Mihail Trapșa, 26 -30, II, 1989 /93, p. 591.
873.	Idem, Statutul pentru înființarea Bibliotecii Asociației Învățătorilor din regimentul grăcineresc
Caransebeș, 31, II, 1994, p. 301.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
35
874.	GRUIA, Ana Maria, Saint George on medieval stove tiles from Transylvania, Moldavia and
Walachia. En iconographical approach, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 231.
875.	Idem, Winged Samson and popular iconography in sisteenth century Transylvania, 47/II, 2010, p. 203.
876.	Idem, Bears on late medieval stove tiles, 48/II, 2011, p. 149.
877.	Idem, K. Roșca, H. Klusch, Ceramica de breaslă, habană și manufacturieră din Transilvania, [R],
48/II, 2011, p. 291.
878.	Idem, Stove tile discovered at Râșnov (Brașov county), 49/II, 2012, p. 105.
879.	GUDEA, Nicolae, Ceramica dacică din castrul roman de la Bologa (jud. Cluj), VI, 1969, p. 503.
880.	Idem, O cărămidă cu stampilă din sec. IVla Șvinița, VII, 1970, p. 555.
881.	Idem, Limesul roman în zona castrului de la Bologa, VIII, 1971, p. 507.
882.	Idem, Inscripții și ștampile tegulare din castrul roman de la Bologa, IX, 1972, p. 413.
883.	Idem, O locuință rustică din epoca romană de la Gornea, X, 1973, p. 569 - 593.
884.	Idem, Tezaurul monetar de la Răcășdia, XII, 1975, p. 183.
885.	Idem, S. Soproni, Der spătromische Limes zwischen Esztergom und Szentendre, [R], XVI, 1979, p.
893.
886.	Gudea, N.; Alicu, D.; Branga, N., Aspecte și permanențe traco - romane, [R], XVII, 1980, p. 879.
887.	Gudea, N., Tezaurul monetar de la Răcășdia din sec. IV e.n. (II), XVIII, 1981, p. 483.
888.	Idem: Eszter Vâgo, Istvân Bona, Die Grăberfelder von Intercisa, [R], XVIII, 1981, p. 733.
889.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XIX, 1982: Judith Topâl, The Southern Cemetery of Matrica, p. 749..; Andrâs
Mocsy, Die spătromische Festung und das Grăberfeld von Tokod, p. 750..; Silviu Sanie, Civilizația
romană la est de Carpați și romanitatea pe teritoriul Moldovei, p. 752.
890.	Idem, Cîteva observații și note critice cu specială privire la partea istorică a monografiei Etnogeneza
românilor de I.I. Rusu, [R], XX, 1983, p. 903.
891.	Idem, Despre un vas de sticlă din castrul roman de la Bologa, XXI, 1984, p. 531.
892.	Idem: R. Merkelbach, Mithras [R], XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 790.
893.	Idem, Despre ceramica glazurată pannonică (sec. IV e.n.), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 545.
894.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88: Matronen und verwandte Gottheiten, p. 1176.; K.
Strobel, Untersuchungen zu den Dakerkriegen Trajan. Studien zur Geschichte des mittleren und
unteren Donau in der Hohen Kaiserzeit, p. 1177.; S. Soproni, Die letzte Jahrzehnte des Pannonischen
Limes, p. 1178.
895.	Idem, Ober eine Tonform von Barboși mit der Darstellung einer eselkopfigen menschlichen Gestalt.
Beitrăge zur Kenntnis desfruhen Christentums in der Provinz Moesia Inferior, 32, I, 1995, p. 149.
896.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 32, I, 1995: D. Knopp, Die romische Inschrften Dakiens in Siebenburgischen
Unteralt - Zibinbecken und ihr geschtlicher Hintergrund, p. 861.; A. Faber, Das romische
Auxiliarkastell und der vicus von Regensburg - Kumpfmuhl, p. 873.
897.	Idem, Die Nordgrenze der Provinz Moesia Superior in der Zeit des Bestehens Dakiens (106 - 275 n.
Chr.), 33, I, 1996, p. 49.
898.	Idem, Câteva observații în legătură cu procesul de romanizare. III. Romanizarea numelor de plante
în provinciile dacice (În legătură cu cartea Tereziei B. Tătaru), 33, I, 1996, p. 115.
899.	Idem, Note de lectură. III. Despre armata romană în provinciile dacice, 33, I, 1996, p. 169.
900.	Idem, Note epigrafice. IV. Inscripții gnostice, 33, I, 1996, p. 179.
901.	Idem, Beitrăge zur Militărgeschichte von Dacia Porolissensis. 5. Die Cohors I Hispanorum
quingenaria equitata, 34, I, 1997, p. 61.
902.	Idem, Limes or strategy? Critical notes on E.N. Luttwak's work The grand strategy of the Roman
Empire from the first century AD to thje third, 34, I, 1997, p. 213.
903.	Idem, Romische Drehmuhlen von Porolissum und aus den Romerkastellen des westlichen Limes der
Provinz Dacia Porolissensis, 34, I, 1997, p. 229.
904.	Idem, Buchbesprechung: Chr. Unz, E. Deschler - Erb, Katalog der Militaria aus Vindonissa, [R], 35,
I, 1998, p. 267.
905.	Idem: J. Napoli, Recherches sur les fortifications, [R], 36, I, 1999, p. 265.
906.	GUI, Daniela, Viața mondenă și intimitatea în pictura lui Th. Aman, 33, II, 1997, p. 337.
907.	Idem, Luchian în Franța, modernitate și clasicism, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 229
908.	GUMĂ, Marian, O nouă descoperire hallstattiană timpurie la Moldova Nouă, XVI, 1979, p. 481.
36
Livia Călian
909.	Idem, O nouă contribuție arheologică la studiul man,festărilor religioase ale geto - dacilor, XVIII,
1981, p. 45.
910.	GUNDISCH, Konrad G., Cel mai vechi registru de socoteli al orașului Bistrița (1461, 1462), XIV,
1977, p. 337.
911.	GYEMANT,Ladislau, O tipăritură românească necunoscută din vremea războiului ruso - austro -
turc din anii 1787 - 1792, XV, 1978, p. 411.
912.	GYORGY, Eniko, Die namengebung der sklaven und freigelassenen im Romischen Dakien, 36, I,
1999, p. 111.
913.	GYULAI, Paul, Un inventar iobăgesc din anul 1676, II, 1965, p. 685.
914.	Idem, Un trior - ciur din 1798 construit la Cluj, III, 1966, p. 497.
915.	Idem, Trei călimări medievale în Muzeul de Istorie Cluj, IV, 1967, p. 543.
916.	Idem, Expresia "bani păgîni" în documente din sec. XVI, VI, 1969, p. 553.
917.	Idem, Izvoarele și istoriografia privind tehnica și organizarea militară în Europa centrală și
Transilvania (sec. XVI - XVII), IX, 1972, p. 179.
918.	Idem, Inventarul cetății Oradea la 1632, X, 1973, p. 666.
919.	Gyulai, P.; Pap, F.; Palko, A., Atelier de falsuri monetare în cetatea Lita, XX, 1983, p. 521.
920.	HAINES, Ben, A point ofview about the Museum ofHistory ofMedicine and Pharmacy, 34, II, 1998,
p. 573.
921.	HALASU, Adriana, O siglă de meșter - doi argintari transilvăneni din sec. XVII, XV, 1978, p. 359.
922.	Idem, Contribuții la problema morfologiei unor piese de argintăriefeudală, XVI, 1979, p. 271.
923.	HANGA, Vladimir, Valoarea prezentă a eposului homeric, 33, I, 2996, p. 163.
924.	Idem, Pași spre cunoașterea omului. De la sofiști la Socrate, 34, I, 1997, p. 469.
925.	HANSON, W. S., Oltean, A.I., A multi-period site on Uroi hill, Hunedoara; an aerial perspective,
37/I, 2000, p. 21.
926.	HAPCA, Anca Ramona, Ipostaze ale relațiilor politice dintre maramureșeni și bistrițeni în sec. XVI,
47/II, 2010, p. 267.
927.	HARȚUCHE, N., Cercetări arheologice la Brad (ud. Hunedoara), VI, 1969, p. 439.
928.	HASAN, Marciana, The Western and the Romanian historiography of the medieval costume from
the fourteenth -fifteenth centuries. An overview, 49/II, 2012, p. 92.
929.	HASAN, Mihai Florin, Antroponimia clerului din registrele de dijme pontificale pe șase ani [1332 -
1337] cu referire la Transilvania, 47/II, 2010, p. 61.
930.	Idem, Antroponimia și modalități de transmitere a antroponimelor în cadrul familiilor nobiliare
transilvănene de la sfârșitul sec. XIII și din sec. XIV, 48/II, 2011, p. 9.
931.	Idem, Aspects of the Hungarian - Wallachian matrimonial relations of the fourteenth ang fifteenth
centuries, 49/II, 2012, p. 47.
932.	HAȚEGAN, loan, O controversă istorică legată de incursiunea otomană în Banat în anul 1415,
XVII, 1980, p. 531.
933.	Idem, Filippo Scolari și Iancu de Hunedoara, promotori ai latinității românilor în conștiința
europeană a sec. XV, XVIII, 1981, p. 163.
934.	Idem, Populație și habitat în Banatul sec. XVIII - XX, 32, II, 1996, p. 151.
935.	HĂGAN, Trofin, Contribuția sindicatelor revoluționare conduse de PCR în sprijinul frontului
antihitlerist, I, 1964, p. 441.
936.	Idem, Lupta sindicatelor sub conducerea PCR pentru îmbunătățirea condițiilor materiale ale
oamenilor muncii (6 martie 1945 - 30 decembrie 1947), II, 1965, p. 609.
937.	Idem, Contribuția minerilor din Valea Jiului la refacerea economiei naționale (1945 - 1947), IV,
1967, p. 389.
938.	Idem, Contribuția socialiștilor români la înfăptuirea unirii Transilvaniei cu România, V, 1968, p. 609.
939.	Idem, Minerii din Maramureș în procesul de reorganizare politico - profesională și sprijinire a
frontului antihitleris, XIV, 1977, p. 613.
940.	Idem, Minerii din Maramureș în procesul refacerii economiei naționale (1945 - 1947), XV, 1978, p. 633.
941.	HICA, Ioana; Blăjan, Mihai, Un cimitir de incinerație din sec. VIII la Turdaș (jud. Alba), X, 1973, p. 441.
942.	Hica-Cîmpeanu, I.: E.Garami, I.Kovrig, I.Gy.Szabo,Gy.Torok, Avar Finds in the Hungarian National
Museum.Cemeteries of the Avar Period (567-829) in Hungary, [R], XIII, 1976, p. 663.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
37
943.	Idem, Cu privire la unele morminte romane tîrzii de la Napoca, XIV, 1977, p. 221.
944.	Idem, Un grup de morminte de sec. VII e.n. de la Iclod (jud. Cluj), XV, 1978, p. 287.
945.	Idem, Riturile funerare în Transilvania de la sfîrșitul secolului al III-lea e.n. pînă în secolulu al V-lea
e.n., XVI, 1979, p. 157.
946.	Idem, Din colecțiile Muzeului de Istorie al Transilvaniei. Donația Torma Kăroly, XVII, 1980, p. 653.
947.	Idem, Din colecțiile Muzeului de Istorie al Transilvaniei. Donația Torma Kăroly. Unelte și arme
romane din zona Ilișua - Cristeștii Ciceului, XIX, 1982, p. 593.
948.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XIX, 1982:A. Kiss, Avar Cemeteries in County Baranya, p. 763.; Eva Garam,
Das awarenzeitliche Grăbeifeld von Kiskore, p. 764.
949.	Idem, Din colecțiile Muzeului de Istorie al Transilvaniei. Donația Torma Kăroly. O mască de lut din
zona Ilișua - Cristeștii Ciceului, XX, 1983, p. 755.
950.	HOREDT, Kurt, În legătură cu monumentul de la Adamklissi, III, 1966. p. 423.
951.	Idem, Cu privire la locul de descoperire a sabiei de la Morești, IV, 1967, p. 509.
952.	Idem, Interpretări arheologice, V, 1968, p. 419.
953.	Idem, Datarea tezaurului de la Pietroasa, VI, 1969, p. 549.
954.	Horedt, K.; Protase, D., Tezaurul de aur din epoca migrațiilor de la Cluj - Someșeni, VII, 1970, p. 186.
955.	Horedt, K., Zur Deutung des Grabefeldes von Soporul de Cîmpie, VIII, 1971, p. 583.
956.	Idem: K. Koloman Keresztes (1887 - 1980) [N], XVII, 1980, p. 919.
957.	HRISTODOL, Gheorghe, Dobrogea și Marea în publicistica transilvăneană la sfîrșitul sec. XIX, 26
- 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 599.
958.	HUMER, Franz, Găzdac, C., The hoard from Haus I in the civilian town of Carnuntum. A daily life
disaster, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 261.
959.	HUGEL, Peter; Pop, C., Despre două piese figurate din Muzeul Județean Arad, 34, I, 1997, p. 585.
960.	HUSAR, Adrian, The celtic gods in Roman Dacia, 32, I, 1995, p. 85.
961.	IAMBOR, Petru, În legătură cu localizarea cetății Sînmiclăuș (Turda), XIV, 1977, p. 309.
962.	Iambor, P.; Pap, Fr., Tezaurul monetar din sec. XVI - XVII de la Cluj - Napoca, XV, 1978, p. 331.
963.	Iambor, P., Nobilii de la Dăbîca și relațiile lor cu Țara Românească în veacul al XIV - lea, XVI,
1979, p. 215.
964.	Iambor, P.; Matei, Șt., Incinta fortificată de la Cluj - Mănăștur (sec. IX - XIV), XVI, 1979, p. 599.
965.	Iambor, P., Contribuții documentare privind unele așezări românești din vestul țării la începutul
feudalismului, XVII, 1980, p. 159.
966.	Iambor, P.; Matei. Șt.; Halasu, A., Considerații privind raportul cronologic dintre așezarea și
cimitirul de la Cluj - Mănăștur, XVIII, 1981, p. 129.
967.	Iambor, P., Drumuri și vămi ale sării din Transilvania în perioada feudalismului timpuriu, XIX, 1982,
p. 75.
968.	Idem: K.H. Gyurky, Das mittelalterliche Dominikanerkloser in Buda, .[R], XIX, 1982, p. 767.
969.	Idem, Cîteva observații privind cercetarea arheologică a așezărilor rurale din Transilvania din
perioada feudalismului timpuriu, XX, 1983, p. 499.
970.	Iambor, P.; Matei, Șt, Noi cercetări arheologice la complexul medieval timpuriu de la Cluj -
Mănăștur, XX, 1983, p. 131.
971.	Iambor, P., Donjonul cetății Dăbâca, XXI, 1984, p. 197.
972.	Iambor, P.: recenzii în vol. XXI, 1984: Kiss A., Baranya megye X - XI szazadi sirleletei, p. 839.; I.
Holl, N. Paradi, Das mittelelterliche Dorf Sarvaly, p. 841., M. D.Matei, E. Emandi, Habitatul
medieval rural din valea Moldovei și bazinul Șomuzului Mare (sec. XI-XVIi), p. 843.
973.	Iambor, P., Vase cu gît canelat descoperite în așezările feudale timpurii din Transilvania, XXII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 589.
974.	Idem, Izvoare istorice și terminologia privind așezările fortificate din sec. IX - XIII, 26 - 30, II, 1989
/93, p. 11.
975.	Idem, Propuneri în Dieta de la Cluj din 1790 - 1791 pentru îmbunătățirea economiei agrare, 33, II,
1997, p. 193.
976.	Idem, Nobilii din neamul Cenad (sec. XIII - XVII), 34, II, 1998, p. 29.
977.	Idem, Contribuții la genealogia și blazonul familiei Sina, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 63.
978.	Idem, Contribuții la istoria unor așezărifortificate din Banat, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 9.
38
Livia Călian
979.	IANCU, Gheorghe, Activitatea Consiliului Dirigent privind reglementarea comerțului și
aprovizionării populației (1918 -1920), XV, 1978, p. 545.
980.	Idem, Contribuții la istoricul asigurărilor muncitorești din România (1918 -1920), XX, 1983, p. 639.
981.	Iancu, Gh.; Sabău, N., Arta bizantină în corespondența lui Octavian Smigelschi cu Valeriu Braniște,
XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, P- 855.
982.	lancu, Gh., Înființarea Teatrului Național din Cluj (1919), 26 - 30, 1989 - 1993, p. 345.
983.	Idem, Proiecte și demersuri privind intensificarea activității în industria metalelor prețioase (1919 -
1928), 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 241.
984.	Idem, Inundațiile din România din anul 1970, cu referiri speciale la județul Cluj. Cauze și efecte, 45 -
46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 189.
985.	IAROSLAVSCHI, Eugen, Cuptoarele pentru redus minereu de fier de la Șoșdea, jud. Caraș -
Severin, XIII, 1976, p. 231.
986.	laroslavschi, E.; Roșu, P., Cîteva noi așezări dacice pe Valea Cucuiușului, XIV,1977,p. 81.
987.	Iaroslavschi, E.; Lazarovici, Gh., Așezări de secolul IV în sudul Banatului, XV, 1978, p. 255.
988.	Idem, Vestigii arheologice din bazinul Carașului, XVI, 1979, p. 447.
989.	Iaroslavschi, E., Studiu comparativ asupra compoziției fierului antic (rezultate preliminarii), XVIII,
1981, p. 405.
990.	Idem, Despre cîteva podoabe dacice dintr-un muzeu britanic, XIX, 1982, p. 271.
991.	Idem, Inventarul sanctuarului A de la Sarmizegetusa Regia, XX, 1983, p. 371.
992.	Idem, Inventarul sanctuarului mic rotund de la Sarmizegetusa Regia, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 453.
993.	Idem, Vestiges romains dans la zone de la Sarmizegetusa Dace, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 27.
994.	Idem, Opinii privind Soarele andezit de la Sarmizegetusa Regia, 31, 1994, p. 49.
995.	Idem, Conduits et citernes d'eau chez les daces des Monts d'Orăștie, 32, I, 1995, p. 135.
996.	Idem, Tratamente anticorosive asupra fierului dacic, 33, I, 1996, p. 441.
997.	Idem, Vases daciques en fer aux anses en forme d'oiseaux, 34, I, 1997, p. 511.
998.	Idem, Crepis dacique, 35, I, 1998, p. 37.
999.	Idem, Keltisch - dakische beziehungen im bereich der eisenmetallurgie, 37/I, 2000, p. 51.
1000.	Idem, Die munzstanze von Ocnița undeinige bemerkungen zu den dakischen stanzen, 38/I, 2001. p. 17.
1001.	Iaroslavschi, E., Mateescu, R., Dacian iron blooms discoveres in the area of Sarmizegetusa Regia,
45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 99.
1002.	IDICEANU, Dorina, Cercetarea și tratamentul unei lucrări de pictură în tempera din sec. XVI,
XXI, 1984, p. 717.
1003.	IGNA, Aurelia, Restaurarea și conservarea unui fragment de leasă dacică de la Șercaia, jud.
Brașov, XV, 1978, p. 653.
1004.	Igna, A.; Kiss, Șt., Rădulescu, D., Drăgan - Bularca, M., Evidențierea biodeteriorării unor monumente
de piatră din incinta Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, prin activități enzimatice, XV, 1978, p. 659.
1005.	Igna, A., Conservarea unor resturi lemnoase și textile, carbonizate, descoperite într-o locuință
dacică, XVI, 1979, p. 769.
1006.	Igna, A., Petrescu, I., Analiza resturilor lemnoase provenind din cella vinaria de la Potaissa, XVI,
1979, p. 773.
1007.	Igna, A.; Ioniță, I., Cercetări privind utilizarea unor fungicide pentru tratarea obiectelor de muzeu
realizate din piele și blană, XVII, 1980, p. 753.
1008.	Igna, A.; Atudorei, V., Considerații asupra aeromicroflorei expoziției de bază și a depozitelor
Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, XIX, 1982, p. 709.
1009.	Igna, A., Investigațiile biologice în serviciul cercetării arheologice (IV), XX, 1983, p. 853.
1010.	Igna, A.; Tămaș, R.; Stănescu, E., Influența unor produse chimice asupra insectelor implicate în
deteriorarea textilelor de muzeu, XX, 1983, p. 881.
1011.	Igna. A., Probleme ale conservării și restaurării faunei mumificate, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 515.
1012.	Igna, A.; Atudorei, V., Aeromicroflora bacteriano a muzeelor și implicațiile ei în biodeteriorare,
31, I, 1994, p. 583.
1013.	Igna, A.; Tomescu, N., Aspecte privind biologia și comportamentul hrănirii la specia Anthrenus
Scrophulariae L., 31, 1994, p. 593.
1014.	IGNAT, Doina, Contribuții la cunoașterea neoliticului din Bihor, X, 1973, p. 477 .
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
39
1015.	Ignat - Sava, Doina, Probleme ale neoliticului din nord - vestul României, XIV, 1977, p. 13.
1016.	Idem, Despre mormintele și ofranda funerară din preistoria Bihorului, 32, I, 2995, p. 269.
1017.	ILIEȘ, Constantin, Arme romane descoperite la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XVIII, 1981, p. 413.
1018.	ILOVAN, V.; Tanco, T., Atitudinea social - democrației și a populației săsești din județul Bistrița
- Năsăud față de actul unirii Transilvaniei cu România, XVII, 1980, p. 323.
1019.	IMHREH, Ștefan; Pataki, I., Contribuții la studiul agriculturii transilvănene (1570 - 1610), IV,
1967, p. 153.
1020.	Imhreh, Șt.; Mureșan, C., Un nou izvor pentru cunoașterea vieții satului din Transilvania la
sfîrșitul sec. XVIII, V, 1968, p. 215.
1021.	Imhreh, Șt., Pataki, I., Contribuții la studiul agriculturii transilvănene (II) (1570 - 1610), VI. 1969,
p. 187.
1022.	IOAN, Mircea, Tipărituri apărute la Blaj în primii 25 de ani de activitate a tipografiei (1747 -
1771), relevate de un document de epocă, XIX, 1982, p. 687.
1023.	IONESCU, Ion, Simboluri paleocreștine din sec. II - III pe unele monuente funerare din Dacia
romană, 31, I, 1994, p. 241.
1024.	IONESCU, Toader, Probleme ale dezvoltării economiei Transilvaniei în viziunea unor
intelectuali români (1850 - 1900), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 353.
1025.	Idem, Concepția dirijistă a lui Mitiță Constantinescu privind crearea și dezvoltarea complexului
economic național românesc, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 327.
1026.	IONESCU SAINT - CYR, Alexandru, Armata română între deznădejdea retragerii și speranța
revenirii, 32, II, 1996, p. 33.
1027.	IONIȚĂ, Elisabeta, Din activitatea progresistă, democratică, antifascistă a femeilor universitare
în perioada interbelică. Prezențe active a universitarelor clujene, XX, 1983, p. 695.
1028.	IRIMIEȘ, Dumitru, Semnificația istorico - etnografică a unor recente descoperiri, 32, II, 1996,
p. 359.
1029.	ISAC, Adriana, Un akinakes de la Cincșor (jud. Brașov), 31, I, 1994, p. 179.
1030.	Idem, Verlobungsringe aus den sammlungen des Nationalmuseums fur die geschichte
Siebenburgens, 38/I, 2001. p. 187.
1031.	ISAC, Dan, Juppiter Sarapis la Potaissa, VII, 1970, p. 549.
1032.	Idem, O reprezentare a lui Juppiter Dolichenus de la Ilișua, VIII, 1971, p. 571.
1033.	Idem, Contribuții la iconografia religioasă a Daciei romane. Juppiter "Verospi", XI, 1974, p. 61.
1034.	Idem, Helenius și Saciro de la Westerndorf. Considerații asupra unui vas "terra sigillata"de la
Orșova, XIII, 1976, p. 169.
1035.	Isac, D.; Bărbulescu, M., Atestări ale parcelor pe teritoriul Daciei romane, XIII, 1976, p. 177.
1036.	Isac, D.: Geza Alfoldy, Noricum, [R], XIII, 1976, p. 657 - 661.
1037.	Idem, Venus de la Gilău. Aspecte de iconografie romană provincială, XIV, 1977, p. 163.
1038.	Idem, Monede postaureliene de la Gilău, XV, 1978, p. 251.
1039.	Idem, Ala Siliana C. R. torquata et armillata în Dacia, XVI, 1979, p. 39.
1040.	Idem, Importuri de terra sigillata la Napoca, XVII, 1980, p. 467.
1041.	Isac, D.; Diaconescu, Al., Aspecte ale artei provinciale romane la Gilău, XVII, 1980, p. 115.
1042.	Isac, D.; Diaconescu, Al.; Opreanu, C., Porta principalis dextra a castrului de la Gilău, XVIII,
1981, p. 85.
1043.	Idem, Principia castrului de la Gilău, XX, 1983, p. 85.
1044.	Isac, D., Gestempelte Keramik aus den romischen Kastellen von Gilău und Cășeiu, 34, I, 1997, p. 389.
1045.	Idem, Das gefăss mit agonistischen darstellungen von Gilău, 37/I, 2000, p. 201.
1046.	Idem, Das militărdiplom aus dem jahr 151 N. Chr. from Samum (Cășeiu) und die datierung der
prokurator des Macrinus Vindex in Dacia Porolissensis, 38/I, 2001. p. 49.
1047.	Isac, D., Bărbulescu, M., Neue Paraderustungen aus Dakien, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 211.
1048.	IUGULESCU, C., Les expositions locales et occasionnelles d'histoire de la pharmacie, leur role,
34, II, 1998, p. 583.
1049.	IVĂNUȘ, Dan, Sigilii ale asociațiilor meșteșugărești din colecția Muzeului de Istorie Sibiu, 33, II,
1997, p. 319.
1050.	IZSAK, Sâmuel, Antecedentele organizatorice ale înființării spitalului public din Cluj (1818) și
dezvoltarea ulterioară a acestei instituții, IX, 1972, p. 603.
40
Livia Călian
1051.	Idem, Farmaciști români din Transilvania și Banat (studiu preliminar), XIX, 1982, p. 463 .
1052.	JAKO, Sigismund, Cercetări arheologice la cetatea Grădiștea Muncelului în anii 1803 - 1804
(Contribuții la istoria arheologiei din țara noastră), III, 1966, p. 103.
1053.	Idem, Date privitoare la cercetările arheologice de la Grădiștea Muncelului în anul 1803, V, 1968,
p. 433.
1054.	Idem, Date privitoare la cercetările arheologice de la Grădiștea Muncelului în anii 1803 - 1804
(II), VIII, 1971, p. 439.
1055.	Idem, Date privitoare la cercetările arheologice de la Grădiștea Muncelului în anii 1803 1804
(III), IX, 1972, p. 587.
1056.	Idem, Date privitoare la cercetările arheologice de la Grădiștea Muncelului în anii 1803 - 1804
(IV), X, 1973, p. 615.
1057.	Idem, Despre numirea voievozilor Transilvaniei, 26 - 30, II, 1989 - 1993, p. 33.
1058.	JANITSEK, Andrei, Restaurarea unui castron și a unei falere de argint, XVII, 1980, p. 649.
1059.	JORDAKY, L., Documente privind greva generală din 1920 în orașul și regiunea Cluj, II, 1965,
p. 544.
1060.	Idem, Figura lui Lenin în presa din Transilvania între 1917 - 1924, VIII, 1971, p. 358.
1061.	JOSAN, Nicolae, Causa română la 1872 - un document interesant al mișcării naționale a
românilor din Transilvania, 34, II, 1998, p. 73.
1062.	Idem, Aniversări și evenimente de importanță națională în județul Alba în perioada interbelică, 37
- 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 251.
1063.	Josan, N.; Mircea, G., Două "General Pardon-uri" habsburgice din timpul războaielor napoleoniene
în colecțiile Muzeului din Alba Iulia, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 223.
1064.	JUDE, Maria-Magdalena, Monumente funerare de la Potaissa, IX, 1972, p. 497.
1065.	Idem, Amicul poporului și problemele agriculturii raționale, XI, 1974, p. 311.
1066.	Idem, Solia satelor - ziar destinat publicului sătesc, XII, 1975, p. 387.
1067.	Jude, M.M.; Cordoș, N., Prima Reuniune de agricultură la românii transilvăneni, XIII, 1976, p. 523.
1068.	Idem, Sigilii sătești transilvane din sec. XIX, XV, 1978, p. 467.
1069.	Jude, M.M.; Hopârtean, A., Sigilii sătești transilvane în Muzeul de istorie din Turda, XVI, 1979, p. 691.
1070.	Jude, M.M., Sigilii poștale în Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei, XVII, 1980, p. 785.
1071.	Idem, Sigilii sătești bănățene pe un document din 1826, XVIII, 1981, p. 509.
1072.	Idem, Preocupări economice ale Astrei în despărțămîntul Diciosînmărtin, XIX,1982, p. 497.
1073.	Idem, Sigilii sătești din comitatul Cluj (sec. XIX), XX, 1983, p. 843.
1074.	Idem, O nouă mențiune documentară despre medaliile privitoare la Horea, XXI, 1984, p. 589.
1075.	Jude, M.M.; Ciupea, I., Contribuții documentare privind ajutoarele din România pentru înființarea
unei școli românești la Turda, XXI - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 641.
1076.	Jude, M.M., "Gura Satului" - foaie literară, satirică și mixtă pentru colonoa română din Darnița,
26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 613.
1077.	Jude, M.M.; Comșa, D., Medalii și decorații acordate academicianului C. Daicoviciu, 33, II, 1997,
p. 341.
1078.	Jude, M.M.: N. Josan, Gh. Fleșer, A. Dumitran, Oameni și fapte din trecutul județului Alba în
memoria urmașilor, [R], 34, II, 1998, p.433.
1079.	JULIEN, Pierre, Les ephemera, une sourcepour l'histoire medico -pharmaceutique, 34, II, 1998,
p. 463.
1080.	JUNGBERT, Bela, Cîteva considerații privind unele forme de unelte bifaciale paleolitice, XIV,
1977, p. 1.
1081.	Idem: Miklos Gabori, Les civilisations du Paleolithique moyen entre les Alpes et l'Oural, [R],XIV,
1977, p. 659.
1082.	Idem, Repertoriul localităților cu descoperiri paleolitice din Transilvania (I),XV,1978,p. 1.
1083.	Idem, Repertoriul localităților cu descoperiri paleolitice din Transilvania (II), XVI, 1979, p. 389.
1084.	Idem, Repertoriul localităților cu descoperiri paleolitice din Transilvania (III), XIX, 1982, p. 543.
1085.	Idem, Repertoriul localităților cu descoperiri paleolitice din Transilvania (IV), XXII - XXIII, 1985
/86, p. 385.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
41
1086.	KACSO, Carol.; Bura, N., Piese inedite din depozitul de bronzuri de la Sarasău (jud.
Maramureș), XI, 1974, p. 1.
1087.	Kacso, C, Toporul de bronz de la Oarța de Sus, XIV, 1977, p. 57.
1088.	Idem, Depozitul de bronzuri de la Băbeni, XVII, 1980, p. 417.
1089.	Idem, Contribuții la cunoașterea bronzului timpuriu din nord - vestul Transilvaniei. Descoperirile
Mako de Ciumești, Berea și Foeni, 34, I, 1997, p. 425.
1090.	KAKUCS, Lajos, Învățămîntul agricol din Banat în a doua jumătate a sec. XIX, XX, 1983, p. 213.
1091.	KALMAR, Zoia, Descoperiri eneolitice la Gilău, XVII, 1980, p. 393.
1092.	Idem, Descoperiri eneolitice la Gilău (II), XVIII, 1981, p. 305.
1093.	Idem, Descoperiri eneolitice la Gilău (III), XIX, 1982, p. 247.
1094.	Idem, Descoperiri neolitice la Țaga, XX, 1983, p. 359.
1095.	Idem, Materiale neo - eneolitice intrate în colecția Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei (I), XXI,
1984, p. 391.
1096.	Idem, Materiale neo - eneolitice intrate în colecția Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei (Ii), XII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 401.
1097.	Idem, Materiale eneolitice intrate în colecția Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei (III), XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 465.
1098.	Kalmar Maxim, Z.; Stoicovici, E., Trăsăturile "industriei" litice de la Iclod, XXIV - XXV, 1987
/88, p. 937 - 945.
1099.	Kalmar, Z., Săpături arheologice de salvare la Plăiești și Stejăriș, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1047.
1100.	Idem, Cercetări de suprafață și săpături arheologice de salvare în Valea Caldă, municipiul Cluj -
Napoca, XXIV - XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 1039.
1101.	Idem, Săpături de salvare la Cluj - Stăvilar, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1019.
1102.	[Maxim] Kalmar, Z.; Bulbuc, A.; Crișan, V., Noi descoperiri arheologice de suprafață în hotarul
comunei Iclod (IV), 31, I, 1994, p. 105.
1103.	[Maxim] Kalmar, Z., Săpături arheologice la Tureni (jud. Cluj). Campania din 1993, 31, 1994, p. 347.
1104.	[Maxim] Kalmar, Z.; Lazarovici, Gh., Base de donnees internationale pour la culture Starcevo -
Criș, 32, I, 1995, p. 67.
1105.	[Maxim] Kalmar, Z., Așezarea neolitică de la Viișoara (jud. Cluj), 32, I, 1995, p. 723.
1106.	[Maxim] Kalmar, Z.; Crișan, V., Materiale arheologice din județul Harghita în Muzeul Național de
Istorie a Transilvaniei (I), 32, I, 1995, p. 751.
1107.	KASSEL, Dominique; Grave, J., Intervention au I-er Colloque International d'histoire de la
Pharmacie â Cluj - Napoca en octobre 1996, 34, II, 1998, p. 517.
1108.	KISS, Andras, Documente create de locurile de adeverire din Transilvania, 31, II, 1994, p. 239.
1109.	Idem, Protocoale de intabulare ale orașului Cluj (1781 - 1867), 32, II, 1996, p. 391.
1110.	KOLENDO, Jerzy, Un romain dAfrique eleve dans le pays des Costoboces. A propos de CIL VIII
14667, XV, 1978, p. 125.
1111.	KORODI, losif,Restaurarea și conservarea unui scut dacic, IV, 1967, p. 513.
1112.	Idem, Aspecte ale colaborării dintre muzeografi și restauratori, V, 1968, p. 521.
1113.	Idem, Conservarea obiectelor de muzeu cu ajutorul tehnicii vidului, VI, 1969, p. 641.
1114.	Idem, Materialele plastice în serviciul restaurării obiectelor de muzeu, VII, 1970, p. 651.
1115.	Idem, Noi rezultate ale utilizării materialelor plastice în restaurarea unor piese metalice, IX, 1972,
p. 669.
1116.	KOVĂCS, losif, Apariția primelor mașini perfecționate în Transilvania, I, 1964, p. 377.
1117.	Idem, Despre activitatea așa - numitelorjudecătorii urbariale, II, 1965, p. 465.
1118.	Idem, Problema desfințării raporturilor cu caracter feudal în satele de "horticultori" din
Transilvania, V, 1968, p. 587.
1119.	Idem, Despre desființarea relațiilorfeudale din Transilvania, VI, 1969, p. 325.
1120.	Kovăcs, I.; Ardos, A. M..; Mirel, M., Din istoria învățămîntului agricol în Transilvania (1849 -
1900), VII, 1970, p. 287.
1121.	Kovăcs, I., Despre politica agrară a Guberniului transilvan în perioada 1849 - 1854, VIII, 1971,
p. 645.
1122.	Idem, Monografiile sătești din Transilvania la sfîrșitul sec. XIX și începutul sec. XX, IX, 1972, p. 663.
42
Livia Călian
1123.	Idem, Din problema revoluționarilor maghiari cu Avram lancu, X, 1973, p. 727.
1124.	KOVACS, Peter, The battle of Margum or where Emperor Carinus died?, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009
(2011), p. 241.
1125.	LAKATOS, Arthur, Ein amerikanischer diplomat in Ungarn: J.F. Montgomery, 45 - 46/II, 2008
- 2009, p. 177.
1126.	Idem, Câteva premise privind vizita lui Nixon în România, 47/II, 2010, p. 183.
1127.	LASCU, Nicolae, Știri din arhivele clujene referitoare la inscripțiile romane din Transilvania, V,
1968, p. 137.
1128.	Idem, Daos, Davos (davus) - slavi daci?, VII, 1970, p. 79.
1129.	Idem, Ovidiu despre agricultura Dobrogei antice, X, 1973, p. 98.
1130.	Idem, Dimitrie Cantemir și Ovidiu, XI, 1974, p. 143.
1131.	Idem, Vasile Bogrea, apologet al clasicismului antic, XIV, 1977, p. 563.
1132.	Idem, Profesorul Teodor Naum și clasicismul antic, XVII, 1980, p. 913.
1133.	Idem, Români transilvăneni în lagărul de prizonieri de la Sulmona (Italia), în primul război
mondial, XVIII, 1981, p. 581.
1134.	Idem, Evenimentele din toamna anului 1918 într-un sat de la poalele Munților Apuseni, 26 - 30, II,
1989 /93, p. 647.
1135.	LASCU, Viorica, Amintirile unui neparticipant la Marea Adunare de la Alba Iulia, 26 - 30, II,
1989 /93, p. 648.
1136.	Idem, Un curriculum uitat, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 305.
1137.	LAZAROVICI, Gheorghe, Cultura Starcevo - Criș în Banat, VI, 1969, p. 3.
1138.	Idem, Cultura Vinca A în Banat, VII, 1970, p. 473.
1139.	Idem, Faza a IV-a a culturii Starcevo - Criș în Banat, VIII, 1981, p. 409.
1140.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Stratan, I., Așezarea neolitică de la Homojdia (jud. Timiș), X,1973, p. 455.
1141.	Lazarovici, Gh., Tipologia și cronologia materialului vincian de la Balta Sărată, Caransebeș
(Campania din 1963), XII, 1975, p. 13.
1142.	Lazarovici, Gh..; Milea, Z., Săpături arheologice la Bădeni. Campania din 1968, XIII, 1976, p. 7.
1143.	Lazarovici, Gh., Inventarul a două morminte neolitice de la Cluj - Napoca, XIV, 1977, p. 23.
1144.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XV, 1978: Nicolae Vlassa, Neoliticul Transilvaniei, p. 669.; Alois Benac,
Obre II - A neolithic setlement of the Butmir group at Gornje Polje. Obre I - A neolithic settlement of
the Starcevo - Impresso and Kakanj cultures at Raskrsce, p. 671.; Profesorul Vladimior Milojcic
[N],p. 704.
1145.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Cristea, N., Contribuții arheologice la istoria străveche a comunei Uioara de Jos
- Ciunga (jud. Alba), XVI, 1979, p. 431.
1146.	Lazarovici, Gh.: recenzii în vol. XVI, 1979: Pal Patay, Das kupferueitliche Grăberfeld von
Tiszavalk - Kenderfold, p. 846.; H. Todorova, Ovcarovo. Praistoriceska seliscina moghila, p. 844.; N.
Kalicz, J. Makkay, Die Linienbandkeramik in der Grossen Ungarischen Tiefebene, p. 841.
1147.	Idem, Cîteva probleme privind sfîrșitul neoliticului timpuriu din nord - vestul României, XVII,
1980, p. 13.
1148.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Lako, E., Săpăturile de la Zăuan. Campania din 1980 și importanța acestor
descoperiri pentru neoliticul din nord - vestul României, XVIII, 1981, p. 13.
1149.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z., Discuții pe marginea legăturilor cronologice și culturale între grupul
Iclod și cultura Tisza, XIX, 1982, p. 221.
1150.	Lazarovici, Gh.: Hortensia Dumitrescu [N], XIX, 1982, p. 785.
1151.	Idem, Principalele probleme ale culturii Tiszapolgăr în România, XX, 1983, p. 3.
1152.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Dumitrescu, H., Cercetările arheologice de la Tăulaș - Deva (II), XXII - XXIII,
1985 /86, p. 3.
1153.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z., Prospecțiuni și cercetări arheologice de salvare pe teritoriul
municipiului și județului Cluj, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 723.
1154.	Lazarovici, Gh., Sincronismele Vinca A - Starcevo - Criș, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 17.
1155.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Piciu, T., Analize pedologice preliminare în așezări neolitice din ransilvania și
Banat, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 925.
1156.	Lazarovici, Gh., Săpături arheologice de salvare și cercetări etnoarheologice în Munții Petrindului
în anul 1986, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 949.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
43
1157.	Idem, Necropolele tumulare din Munții Petrindului și Dealul Feleacului, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88,
p. 997.
1158.	Idem, Săpăturile arheologice de salvare de la Cluj - Piața Baba Novac (1986), XXIV - XXV,
1987 /88, p. 1011.
1159.	Idem: N.K. Sandars, Prehistoric Art in Europe [R], XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1173.
1160.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 /93: J. Weisshaer, Die deutschen Ausgrabungen auf der
Pevkakia - Magula in Thessalien. I. Das spate Neolithikum und das Chalkolithikum, p. 579.;
Simpozionul al V-lea de arheometrie, p. 589.
1161.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z.; Gyulai, P., Descoperiri arheologice în comuna Săvădisla (jud. Cluj) și
cîteva probleme privind epoca neolitică și a bronzului, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 171.
1162.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z., Șantierul arheologic Iclod (campania 1989), 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 337.
1163.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Traore, Facko, Un procedeu tehnologic de arderea ceramicii întîlnit din preistorie
pînă în zilele noastre - un studiu etnoarheologic, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 553.
1164.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z., Despre necropolele tumulare din Transilvania și Banat, 31, I, 1994, p. 11.
1165.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z.; Pintea, R.; Meșter, M., Șantierul arheologic Iclod (ud. Cluj).
Campania din 1993, 31, I, 1994, p. 325.
1166.	Lazarovici, Gh.: Octavian Răuț (1922 - 1994) [N], 31, 1994, p. 617.
1167.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Pop, D.; Beșliu, C.; Olariu, A., Conclusions to the geochemical analyses of some
copper sources and objects, 32, I, 1995, p. 209.
1168.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z.; Lazo, C.; Meșter, M., Șantierul arheologic Iclod. Campania 1994, 32,
I, 1995, p. 507.
1169.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Meșter, M.; Dascălu, L., Cheile Turzii 1994. Raport de cercetare arheologică și
etnoarheologică, 32, I, 1995, p. 537.
1170.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z.; Meșter, M.; Bulbuc, A.; Radu, S., Șantierul arheologic Iclod.
Campania din 1995, 33, I, 1996, p. 267.
1171.	Idem, Șantierul arheologic Fundătura - Poderei (com. Iclod), 33, I, 1996, p. 301.
1172.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Wittenberger, M.; Meșter, M.; Radu, S.; Ilieș, I.; Bodea, M., Șantierul arheologic
Țaga. Campania din 1995, 33, I, 1996, p. 323.
1173.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z.; Meșter, M.; Bindea, D.; Piciu, T.; Radu, S.; Bodea, M., Șantierul
arheologic Iclod. Campania din anul 1996, 34, I, 1997, p. 637.
1174.	Lazarovici, Gh.; Kalmar, Z.; Meșter, M.; Radu, S., Șantierul arheologic Olteni, 34, I, 1997, p. 669.
1175.	Idem, Șantierul arheologic de la Țaga. Campania din 1996, 34, I, 1997, p. 691.
1176.	Lazarovici, Gh., Monumentale plastik in Parța, 35, I, 1998, p. 9.
1177.	Idem, Vinca - Lengyel and Transylvania, 37/I, 2000, p. 7.
1178.	LAZĂR, Emil, Bobîlna - reflectare în conștiință și în manifestări comemorative, XXIV - XXV,
1987 88, p. 845.
1179.	Idem, Aurel P. Bănuț, primul director al Societății pentru Fond de Teatru Român în Transilvania,
26 - 30. II, 1989 /93, p. 305.
1180.	Idem, Concert pentru un monument Eminescu la Cluj, 31, II, 1994, p. 311.
1181.	Idem, Un remarcabil om de cultură și omenie, Ion Apostol Popescu (1920 - 1984), 32, II, 1996, p. 573.
1182.	Idem, Victor Motogna și ocrotirea patrimoniului național cultural, 33, II, 1997, p. 357.
1183.	LAZĂR, Valeriu, Mormîntul celtic de la Delureni (jud. Bistrița - Năsăud), XII, 1975,p. 69.
1184.	Idem, Descoperiri arheologice din Câmpia Transilvaniei, 34, I, 1997, p. 505.
1185.	Idem, Repertoriul arheologic aljudețului Mureș, [R], 34, I, 1997, p. 905.
1186.	LĂCĂTUȘU, loan, Necesitatea reconcilierii cu trecutul și a bunei conviețuiri în județele Covasna
și Harghita, 32, II, 1994, p. 479.
1187.	LEDERMANN, F., Cdme et Damien dans les musees suisses, 34, II, 1998, p. 521.
1188.	LEICU, Ioan, Aspecte ale democratismului burghez și ale atitudinii proletariatului față de el
reflectate în opera lui C. Dobrogeanu - Gherea, XVII, 1980, p. 299.
1189.	Idem, C. Dobrogeanu - Gherea, teoretician și strateg marxist al social - democrației române, XX,
1983, p. 241.
1190.	Idem, Aspecte privitoare la continuitatea procesului revoluționar român, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86,
p. 369.
44
Livia Călian
1191.	LICA, Elena Emilia, Revista "Analele Brăilei" (1929 -1940) despre legăturile orașului Brăila cu
Transilvania, 26 - 30, 1989 /93, p. 639.
1192.	LIPOVAN, Ion T., Descoperiri arheologice la Șibot (jud. Alba), XXI, 1984, p. 459.
1193.	Idem, Un mormânt de incinerație descoperit la Ampelum, XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 503.
1194.	Idem, Două arme antice descoperite în zona arheologică Ampelum, 31, 1994, p. 203.
1195.	Idem, Contribuții arheologice la istoria medievală a orașului Zlatna (sec. XVI - XVII), 32, II, 1996,
p. 341.
1196.	LUCA, Claudia; Milea, Z., Onomastica inscipțiilor de la Potaissa, XV, 1978, p. 189.
1197.	LUKACS, Maria Elisabeta, Recuperarea prin restaurare a unui pahar de sticlă din epoca
romană, XV, 1978, p. 665.
1198.	Idem, Probleme de restaurare ridicate de un vas de ceramică roman, XVI, 1979, p. 779.
1199.	LUMPERDEAN, Ioan; Pop, I.A., Considerații istorice asupra "Supplex"-lui de la 1798, XXI,
1984, p. 239.
1200.	Lumperdean, I., Memorialistica revoluției de la 1848 în Transilvania. Studiu introductiv, ediție,
note și glosar de N. Bocșan și V. Leu [R], 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 660.
1201.	Idem, Tradiție și inovație în câmpul cercetărilor privind vocabularul istoric, 31, II, 1994, p. 249.
1202.	Idem, Victor Jinga despre literatura și gândirea economică românească din sec. XVIII - XIX, 33,
II, 1997, p. 239.
1203.	Idem, Preocupări pentru editarea primelor periodice cu tematică economică în spațiul universal și
românesc în epoca modernă, 34, II, 1998, p. 51.
1204.	LUPESCU MAKO, Maria, Considerații privind testamentele nobiliare din Translvania la
sfârșitul Evului Mediu, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 115.
1205.	LUPESCU, Radu, Istoricul cetății de la Colțești (jud. Alba), 32, II, 1996, p. 489.
1206.	LUPU, Nicolae, Așezarea daco - romană de la Roșia (jud. Sibiu), V, 1968, p. 445.
1207.	LUX, Ingrid, Des traces museographiques du passage de Hahnemann â Sibiu, 34, II, 1998, p. 577.
1208.	MAC, Ion; Ursuț, D., Indicele de accesibilitate șipenetrabilitate în cazul unor castre romane din
Valea Someșului și Valea Arieșului, XXI, 1984, p. 707.
1209.	Mac. I., Geografie și arheologie. Analogii și convergențe, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 867.
1210.	MACREA, Mihail; Crișan, I.H., Două decenii de cercetări arheologice și studii de istorie veche la
Cluj (1944 - 1964), I, 1964, p. 307.
1211.	Macrea, M., Cercetările privind epoca romană în Transilvania de la început pînă în zilele noastre,
II, 1965. P. 141.
1212.	Idem, Organizarea provinciei Dacia, III, 1966, p. 121.
1213.	Macrea, M; Chirilă, E.; Gudea, N.; Lucăcel, V.; Pop, C., Castrul roman de la Buciumi (jud. Sălaj).
Săpăturile din 1963 - 1968, VI, 1969, p. 149.
1214.	MADGEARU, Alexandru, Transylvania and the Bulgarian expansion in the 9th and 10th
centuries, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 41.
1215.	MAIOR, Liviu, Aspecte ale organizării administrației românești din anii 1848 - 1849 în
Transilvania, IV, 1967, p. 563.
1216.	MAIOR, Ovidius, 200 ans depuis la constitution de l'homeopathie. Influences sibiennes
determinantes sur S. Hahnemann, 34, II, 1998, p. 555.
1217.	MANTU, Cornelia - Magda; Botezatu, D.; Kromer, B., Un mormânt dublu de înhumație din
așezarea cucuteniană de la Scânteia (jud. Iași), 31, 1994, p. 105.
1218.	Mantu, C.M.; Botezatu, D.; Enache, M., Un mormânt de înhumație din perioada de tranziție la
epoca bronzului de la Grumezoaia (jud. Vaslui), 31, 1994, p. 123.
1219.	MARCU ISTRATE, Daniela, A. Ioniță, D. Căpățână, N. Borfka, R. Borofka, A. Popescu -
Feldioara - Marienburg. Contribuții arheologice la istoria Țării Bârsei [R], 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003,
p. 456.
1220.	Idem, P. Munteanu Beșliu, Primăria veche din Sibiu - casa, oamenii, muzeul, [R], 41 -44/II, 2004
- 2007, p. 387.
1221.	MARIAN, Cornel; Rotariu, A.; Fiat, T.; Dărăban, L., Znamirovschi, Vl., Cociș, S., Analiza prin
activare cu neutroni a unor monede de argint romane din tezaurul de la Cluj, strada V. Deleu, 26 -
30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 525:
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
45
1222.	Marian, C.; Alicu, A., Rezultatul prospectărilor arheologice în Piața Unirii, Cluj - Napoca, 31, I,
1994, p. 571:
1223.	Marian, C.; Alicu, A.; Popa, V., Studiul radiografic al unei piese metalice de la Ulpia Traiana
Sarmizegetusa, 31, I, 1994, p. 577.
1224.	MARICA, Em. George, Reflecții pe marginea unei comemorări "130 de ani de la apariția
Gazetei de Transilvania" (1838 - 1968), VIII, 1971, p. 629.
1225.	MARICA, Viorica, Cănile istoriate ale argintarului Sebastian Hann, II, 1965, p.365.
1226.	Idem, Originea decorului cu putti în arta transilvăneană, XIII, 1976, p. 291.
1227.	Marica, V.; Tatai - Baltă, C., Sursele iconografice și stilistice ale unor teme figurative din
xilogravura românească (sec. XVI - XIX), XVI, 1979, p. 295.
1228.	Marica, V., Academicianul Virgil Vătășianu la 80 de ani, XIX, 1982, p. 779 - 780.
1229.	Idem, Implicații sud - germane ale unui caiet cu modele pentru argintari, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 105.
1230.	MARCSIK, Antonia, Studiu antropologic al scheletor umane descoperite în cimitirul din sec. IX
din Cluj - Napoca, str. Pligarilor, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 83.
1231.	MARCU, Felix, Comments on the identity and deployment of cohortes I Brittonum, 39 - 40/I,
2002 - 2003, p. 219.
1232.	Idem, Places ofworship in forts, 41 - 42, 2004 -2005/I, p. 75.
1233.	MARINESCU NICOLAJSEN, Liliana, A propos d'une statue d'Hercule decouverte a
Sarmizegetusa, XXI, 1984, p. 169.
1234.	MARTIN, Antoniu, Procesul colectivizării agriculturii în comuna Șepreuș, 47/II, 2010, p. 319.
1235.	MATEI, Dan, Alexander Heising, Die romische Stadtmauer von Mogontiacum - Mainz, [R], 47 -
48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 275.
1236.	MATEI, V. Alexandru, Akinakes - ul de bronz de la Firminiș, XIV, 1977, p. 63.
1237.	MATEI, Ștefan, Biserica din Suatu, VI, 1969, p. 557.
1238.	Matei, Șt.; Edroiu, N., Un relief medieval la Dăbîca, VIII, 1971, p. 589.
1239.	Matei, Șt.; Uzum, I., Date noi asupra bisericii și fortificației de la Ilidia, IX, 1972, p. 555.
1240.	Matei, Șt.; Iambor, P., Observații privind așezările fortificate din Transilvania în perioada
feudalismului timpuriu, XVII, 1980, p. 507.
1241.	Matei, Șt., Al treilea mormînt princiar de la Apahida, XIX, 1982, p. 387.
1242.	Matei, Șt., Ardevan, R., Sondajul de salvare de la Cluj - Piața Muzeului, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88,
p. 1065.
1243.	MATEI - POPESCU, Florian, On the oresence of the cohort IX BATAVORUM Milliaria
Equitata in Moesia Inferior, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 55.
1244.	MAXA, Adriana, Ornamentul în piatră la palatul Mogoșoaia - stilul brîncovenesc, XIII, 1976, p.
373.
1245.	Idem, Apariția peisajului autohton în arta plastică românească (I), XIV, 1977, p. 433.
1246.	Idem, Colecția de artă plastică românească de la muzeul Octavian Goga din Ciucea, XVII, 1980,
p. 829.
1247.	Idem, Costin Petrescu - Trei panouri de frescă la Cluj, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 707.
1248.	Idem, Lucrări inedite de Sabin Popp, 34, II, 1998, p. 407.
1249.	MAXIM, Al. Ion, Un depozit de unelte dacice pentru exploatarea sării, VIII, 1971, p. 457
1250.	MAZERE, Ioan; Neamțu, G., Evenimentele de la Lunca Arieșului din septembrie 1848.
Documente inedite (I), 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 207.
1251.	Idem, Evenimentele de la Lunca Arieșului din septembrie 1848 (II), 31, II, 1994, p. 91.
1252.	MĂGUREANU, Andrei, Ciupercă, Bogdan, The 6th - 8th centuries metallurgical activity from
Budureasca valley. The moulds, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 291.
1253.	MĂLUȚAN, Cornelia, Unele aspecte privind începuturile mișcării muncitorești la Dej, XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 795.
1254.	MĂRCUȘ, Cornel, Zăgreanu, Radu, New monuments displaying funeral. Banquet scenes
discovered at Gherla, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 251.
1255.	MADLY, Lorand, Statutele municipale săsești din 1583 - geneza lor istorică și prevederile
penale, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 259.
46
Livia Călian
1256.	MÂNDREA, Doina Ileana, Arta decorativă în slujba utilitarului. Restaurarea unor obiecte
farmaceutice din sticlă pictată de la sfârțitul sec. XVIII, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 333.
1257.	MÂNDRESCU, Gheorghe, Activitatea lui Petrus Italus de Lugano, XVI, 1979, p. 225.
1258.	Idem, Elemente de renaștere în arhitectura moldovenească din sec. XVI, XVII, 1980, p. 709.
1259.	Idem, Frontonul Renaștere al bisericii evanghelice din Bistrița, XIX, 1982, p. 621.
1260.	Idem, Grigorie Roșca. Contribuții privind participarea sa la realizarea programului de construcții
din epoca domniilor lui Patru Rareș și Alexandru Lăpușneanu, XX, 1983, p. 527.
1261.	Idem: Corina Popa, Biserici sală gotice din nordul Transilvaniei , în Pagini de veche artă
românească, [R], XX, 1983, p. 925.
1262.	Idem, Considerații privind evoluția planului casei la Bistrița în sec. XV- XVI, XXI, 1984, p. 551.
1263.	Idem, Muzeul "viu", XXIV - XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 837.
1264.	Idem, Anteproiect al legii muzeelor, 32, II, 1996, p. 579.
1265.	MÂRZA, Dan, Din viața și activitatea lui Victor Motogna, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 789.
1266.	MÂRZA, Daniela, Aspecte ale modernității: publicitatea în presa românescă din Transilvania în
a doua jumătate a sec. al XIX-lea, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 267.
1267.	MÂRZA, Ioan; Kalmar, Z., Date petroarheologice din stațiunea Starcevo - Criș de la Gura
Baciului, 32, I, 1995, p. 165.
1268.	Mârza, I., Les calcaires utilises â la construction des citadelles daciques des Monts d'Orăștie et les
carieres antiques, 32, I, 1995, p. 199.
1269.	Idem, Prima semnalare a unor urme rupestre, preistorice, în Masivul Preluca (Maramureș), 33, I,
1996, p. 139.
1270.	Idem, La geologie empirique et la geoarcheologie, 33, I, 1996, p. 593.
1271.	Idem, Andezitul utilizat de daci în construcțiile sacre de la Sarmizegetusa Regia. Petrografia și
proveniența, 34, I, 1997, p. 819.
1272.	Mârza, I.; Tămaș, C., The celestine from Copăceni (Turda). Geological remarks, 34, I, 1997, p. 825.
1273.	MÂRZA, Iacob; Tatai - Baltă, C., Răspîndirea tipăriturilor românești vechi în Transilvania
(mijlocul sec. XVII - primele decenii ale sec. XIX) în lumina unui material arhivistic, XVII, 1980, p. 759.
1274.	Mârza, I., Un manoscritto sulla storia di Venetia, 33, II, 1997, p. 181.
1275.	MÂRZA, Radu, Mihai Viteazul și funcția politică a fiului său Nicolae Pătrașcu, 37 - 38/II, 2000 -
2001, p. 117.
1276.	MEDAN, Virgil, Marșul regimentului român de grăniceri din Năsăud, XXI, 1984, p. 595.
1277.	MEDELEȚ, Florin, Ceramica daco - getică. Cu privire specială la Transilvania, VIII, 1971, p. 481.
1278.	Medeleț, Fl.; Soroceanu, T.; Gudea, N., Descoperiri arheologice din epoca dacică la Pescari (ud.
Caraș - Severin), VIII, 1971, p. 465.
1279.	Medeleț, Fl., În legătură cu expediția intreprinsă de Alexandru Macedon în 335 î.e.n., XIX, 1982,
p. 13.
1280.	Idem, Une enclume d'orfevrerie de l'epoque de Latene trouvee aux Portes de Fer du Danube, 32, I,
1995, p. 95.
1281.	Idem, Câmpurile de urne funerare din Banat. Unele probleme ale ritului și ritualului funerar la
tracii nordici timpurii de la sfârșitul epocii bronzului și începutul epociifierului, 32, I, 1995, p. 289.
1282.	Idem, Din corespondența lui C. Daicoviciu cu M. Moga, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 231.
1283.	MELEȘCANU, Teodor Viorel, România în Europa anului 1940, 32, II, 1996, p. 11.
1284.	MEȘTER, Mihai, Fortificații cu șanț, val și palisadă din principalele așezări neolitice din
România, 32, I, 1995, p. 333.
1285.	Idem, Tumuli și necropole tumulare de pe cursul inferior al Someșului Mic, 32, I, 1995, p. 741.
1286.	Idem, Cercetări arheologice de suprafață în hotarul satului Ceaba, 33, I, 1996, p. 141.
1287.	Idem, Săpături arheologice în Munții Perindului, 33, I, 1996, p. 353.
1288.	MIHĂILESCU BÂRLIBA, Virgil, Războaiele daco - romane și descoperirile monetare, 26 -
30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 39.
1289.	MIHĂILESCU - BÎRLIBA, Lucrețiu, L'esclave imperial Achilleus et sa "famille", 36, I, 1999,
p. 129.
1290.	Idem, Alterdangaben der sklaven, freigelassen, ihrer herren uns patronen in Illyricum, 38/I, 2001.
p. 87.
1291.	MIHALY, Melinda, Casa Filstich - Kemeny din Cluj, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 357.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
47
1292.	Idem, Neoclassical funerary monuments in the Lapidarium on the National Museum of
Transylvanian History, 49/II, 2012, p. 145.
1293.	MILEA, Zaharia, Mars de la Potaissa, VIII, 1971, p. 577.
1294.	Idem, Casa Henczel și Hensler din Cluj, 48/II, 2011, p. 175.
1295.	Milea, Z.; Bărbulescu, M., Capiteluri romane din Potaissa, IX, 1972, p. 477.
1296.	Milea, Z.; Hopârtean, A.; Luca, C., Noi contribuții privind necropola romană de la Potaissa, XV,
1978, p. 201.
1297.	MILIN, Miodrag, Mișcarea națională română din Banat în contextul luptei naționale române
antidualiste (1880-1894) (i), XVIII, 1981, p. 215.
1298.	Idem, Mișcarea națională română din Banat în contextul luptei naționale române antidualiste
(1880 - 1894) (II), XIX, 1982, p. 121.
1299.	MIRCEA, Gabriela, Restaurarea bunurilor istorice cu suport de hârtie, 31, II, 1994,p. 363.
1300.	Idem, Considerații filigranologice ocazionate de restaurarea unui Catavasier imprimat la Blaj în
1769, 32, II, 1996, p. 525.
1301.	MIREL, Maria; Ardos, A.M., Date privind începuturile învățămîntului profesional în Transilvania,
IV, 1967, p. 215.
1302.	Idem, Preocupări ale românilor din Transilvania pentru organizarea învățămîntului profesional
după 1848, VI, 1969, p. 361.
1303.	Mirel, M., Obiecte legate de revoluția din 1848 în colecția Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, X,
1973, p. 736.
1304.	Idem, Contribuții privind dezvoltarea urbanistică a orașului Cluj în prima jumătate a sec. XIX,
XII, 1975, p. 301.
1305.	Mirel, M.; Ardos, A.M., Date privitoare la organizarea bibliotecii de specialitate a colecției
numismatice și antichități a Muzeului Ardelean, XVI, 1979, p. 809.
1306.	Idem, Documente privitoare la situația materială a Muzeului Ardelean la începutul sec. XX, XIX,
1982, p. 667.
1307.	MISCHKA, Carsten, Maxim Z., Lazarovici Magda, Geophisical prospecting vs. exavation at the
neolithic sites Țaga and Iclod, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 9.
1308.	MITREA, Daniela, Marius Porumb - Ștefan cel Mare și Transilvania. Legături culturale și
artistice moldavo - transilvane în sec. XV - XVI, [R], 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 460; Studii și
materiale de Istorie Medie,, [R], 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 463.
1309.	MITROFAN, Ioan, Contribuții la cunoașterea orașului Napoca, I, 1964, p. 197.
1310.	Idem, Descoperiri arheologice în Cluj și împrejurimi, II, 1965, p. 657.
1311.	Idem, Așezarea hallstattiană de la Teleac, IV, 1967, p. 431.
1312.	Mitrofan, I.; Moldovan, Gh., Castrul roman de la Sighișoara, V, 1968, p. 99.
1313.	Mitrofan, I., Descoperiri arheologice la Potaissa, VI, 1969, p. 517.
1314.	Mitrofan, I.; Țeposu, Lucia, O aedicula funerară de la Potaissa, VII, 1970, p. 531.
1315.	Mitrofan, I., Așezări ale populației autohtone în Dacia Superioară, IX, 1972, p. 141.
1316.	Idem, "Villae rusticae" în Dacia Superioară (I), X, 1973, p. 127.
1317.	Idem, "Villae rusticae" în Dacia Superioară (II), XI, 1974, p. 41.
1318.	Idem, Vestigii din Napoca romană, XIII, 1976, p. 197.
1319.	Idem, Un altar dedicat Nameselor, XVII, 1980, p. 91.
1320.	Idem, Inscrpțiile de la "Pîrîul Hotarului" (Sighișoara), XVIII, 1981, p. 99.
1321.	Idem, Cercetări arheologice în așezarea romană de la Micăsasa	(1991), 31,	I,	1994, p.523.
1322.	Idem, Cercetări arheologice în așezarea romană de la Micăsasa	(1992), 31,	I,	1994, p. 529.
1323.	Idem, Cercetări arheologice în așezarea romană de la Micăsasa	(1993), 31,	I,	1994, p.533.
1324.	Mitrofan, I.; Cociș, S., Fibulele romane de la Micăsasa, 32, I, 1995, p. 431.
1325.	Mitrofan, I., Cercetări arheologice în așezarea romană de la Micăsasa. Campania 1994, 32, I,
1995, p. 653.
1326.	Idem, Concernant la structure des voies romaines en Dacie, 34, I, 1997, p. 613.
1327.	Idem, Cercetări arheologice în așezarea romană de la Micăsasa (jud. Sibiu). Campania 1995, 34,
I, 1997, p. 717.
48
Livia Călian
1328.	Mitrofan, I.; Pop, C., Expoziția națională Marele centru roman de la Micăsasa: îndeletniciri - artă
- credințe, 34, I, 1997, p. 879.
1329.	MITU, Melinda, Revoluția română de la 1848 din Transilvania în gazeta "Mărczius
Tizennotodike" (i), 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 555.
1330.	Mitu, M.; Mitu, S., Relatarea de călătorie prin Țara Românească a lui Urmosy Săndor (1841 -
1843), 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 191.
1331.	Mitu, M., Revoluția română de la 1848 - 1849 din Transilvania oglindită în gazeta Mărczius
Tizenotodike (h), 31, II, 1994, p. 129.
1332.	Idem, Colecția de insigne ale Puterilor Centrale din patrimoniul Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei, 32, II, 1996, p. 565.
1333.	Mitu, M.; Isacu, A., Un experiment inedit în activitatea de ghidaj: familiarizarea nevăzătorilor cu
exponatele muzeale, 34, II, 1998, p. 415.
1334.	Mitu, M., Date cu privire la istoria Asociației Muzeului de Relicve ale revoluției de la 1848 - 1849,
35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 359.
1335.	Idem, Colecția de gravuri din patrimoniul Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, 37 - 38/II,
2000 - 2001. p. 367.
1336.	Idem, Locuitori ai Clujului în fotografii realizate de Ferenc Veress (sf. sec. al XIX-lea), 39 - 40/II,
2002 - 2003, p. 431.
1337.	Idem, Fotoceramică în colecțiile de artă decorativă a Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei,
45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 209.
1338.	Idem, Moștenirea muzeală a lui Teleki Săndor, 47/II, 2010, p. 149.
1339.	Idem, Cultul împărătesei Elisabeta la maghiarii din Cluj în prioada dualistă, 48/II, 2011, p. 111.
1340.	Idem, Period photographs from the patrimony of the National Museum of Transylvanian History,
49/II, 2012, p. 307.
1341.	MITU, Sorin, Italia la 1850 în conștiința publică a societății românești din Transilvania, XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1127.
1342.	MÎNDRUȚ, Stelian, Aspecte ale luptei pentru emancipare națională și socială a popoarelor din
Ungaria dualistă la granița secolelor XIX și XX, XIX, 1982, p. 135.
1343.	Idem, C. Daicoviciu, bursier la Roma, XX, 1983, p. 701.
1344.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XX, 1983: Mihai D. Drecin, Banca Albina din Sibiu, instituție națională a
românilor transilvăneni (1871 - 1918), p. 929.; Teodor Pavel, Mișcarea românilor pentru unitate
națională și diplomația Puterilor Centrale (1894 - 1914), p. 930.; Adăm Magda, A Kisantant (1920
1938), p. 932.
1345.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXI, 1984: Simion Retegan, Conștiință și acțiune națională în satul românesc
din Transilvania la mijlocul sec. XIX (1860 - 1867), p. 847.; I. Bulei, Lumea românească la 1900, p.
849.; E. Eisenberger, Rudof Brandsch. Zeit und Lebensbild eines siebenburger Sachen, p. 850.
1346.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86: P. Păltănea, Viața lui Costache Negri, p. 796.; R.
Păiușan, Generalul bănățean Ștefan Șt. Stoika, luptător pentru independența și unitatea națională, p.
797.; Valeriu Braniște. Corespondență. 1875 - 1895, vol. I, p. 800.; Octavian Giga în corespondență ,
vol. II. Documente literare. Octavian Goga, Ne învață Mărășeștii, p. 802.; Al. Lapedatu, Scrieri alese.
Articole. Cuvîntări. Amintiri, p. 803.
1347.	Idem, Polemica dintre Iosif Sterca Șuluțiu și Ioan Lupaș în legătură cu monografia despre
mitropolitul Andrei Șaguna (1908 - 1911), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 739.
1348.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88: K. Hitchins, Conștiință națională ță acțiune politică
la românii din Transilvania (1700 - 1868), p.1192; Pagini dintr-o arhivă inedită. Ediție îngrijită,
studiu introductiv, note de A. Plămădeală. Documente literare, p.1194.; O. Pavel, Rolul presei
progresiste în lupta românilor bănățeni pentru înfăptuirea idealului național la sfîrșitul sec. XIX și
începutul sec. XX, p. 1195.; V. Braniște, Corespondență. 1895 - 1901, vol. II, p. 1195.; L. Maior,
Mișcarea națională românească din Transilvania 1900 - 1914, p. 1197.; Gen T. Moșoiu, Memorial
de război (august - octombrie 1916), p. 1199.; N. Iorga, Corespondență, vol II, Documente literare, p.
1200.; Anuarul Institutului de Istorie A.D. Xenopol Iași, XXIV/1, 2, 1987, p. 1201.; Biblioteca și
învățămîntul. Vol. VIII, Cluj - Napoca, BCU Cluj - Napoca, p. 1202.
1349.	Idem, Teatrul Național din Cluj în refugiu la Timișoara (1940 - 1945), 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 497.
1350.	Idem, Alesandru Papiu Ilarian, student la Universitatea din Viena (1849 - 1852), 32,II, 1996, p. 213.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
49
1351.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 32, II, 1996: V. Faur, Viața românilor bihoreni (1848 - 1919), p. 607.; R.
Păiușan, Mișcarea națională din Banat și Marea Unire; I. Munteanu, Mișcarea națională din Banat,
p.609.; Scrisori către N. Iorga, vol. IV, p. 611.; D. Preda, V. Alexandrescu, C. Prodan, În apărarea
României Mari. Campania armatei române din 1918 - 1919,p. 613.; P. Țurlea, Școala română din
Franța, p. 615.
1352.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 33, II, 1997: gr. Ploieșteanu, Românii în conștiința Europei, vol. I, p. 469.;
istorie financiar bancară. Studii asupra băncilor românești din Transilvania /1867 - 1918), vol. I, p.
471.; 120 de ani de arhivă publică în Transilvania, p. 473.; A. Faur, 100 de documente despre activitatea
politică a dr. A. Lazăr, p. 475.; C. Sigmirean, Teodor V. Păcățean. O viață de cărturar, p. 477.
1353.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 35 - 36, II, 1999: V. Popp, Disertație despre tipografiile românești în
Transilvania, p. 377.; V. Dobrescu, Elita românească în lumea satului transilvan, 1867 - 1918, p. 379.;
Revista de istorie socială, p. 381.; N. Josan, Ioan Pușcariu (1824 - 1912). Viața și activitatea, p. 385.
1354.	Idem, Teatrul german din București (1917 - 1918). Evoluție și consecințe, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001.
p. 281.
1355.	Idem, Anii de școală sibiană ai istoricului Andrei Oțetea, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 301.
1356.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003: Repertorii de arhive universitare din Ungaria,
p.465; Fl. Medeleț, N. Toma, V. Rîmneanțu - File de cronică, I. 1872 - 1918, II. (1918 - 1948), p.
467; Sudosdeutsche vierteljahresblătter, Jahrgănge 36 - 49, Register II, (1987 - 2000), p. 469.
1357.	Idem, recenzii în vol. 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, Bibliografia cărților apărute în limbile minorităților
naționale și despre minoritășile naționale din România în perioada 1990 - 2001, (p. 346), G. Moisa,
Istoria Transilvaniei în istoriografia românească, 1965 - 1989, (p. 347), N. Netzhammer, In verbo
tuo. Raymund Netzhammer O.S.B., arhiepiscop de București, 1905 - 1924, (p. 348).
1358.	Idem, Profesori și bursieri ai Școlii Române de la Roma în epoca interbelică, 47/II, 2010, p. 163.
1359.	MOGA, Marius, Garnizoana romană de la Tibiscum, VII, 1970, p. 135.
1360.	MOGA, Vasile, Un nou monument de la Apulum reprezentînd pe "Juppiter tronans", XI, 1974, p. 81.
1361.	Idem, Contribuții în legătură cu officina și produsele tegulare ale Legiunii XIII Gemina la Apulum,
XIII, 1976, p. 191.
1362.	Idem, Quattuorvirii municipiilor apulense, XIV, 1977, p. 147.
1363.	Moga, V.; Pop, R., Descoperiri arheologice la Ampelum, XV, 1978, p. 213.
1364.	Moga, V., Piese de argint din cetatea dacică de la Piatra Craivii, XVI, 1979, p. 513.
1365.	Idem, În legătură cu o descoperire arheologică recentă din cetatea dacică de la Căpîlna (jud.
Alba), XIX, 1982, p. 275.
1366.	Idem, Sur la religion greco- romaine, telle qu'elle se reflete dans la sculpture dApulum, XX, 1983,
p. 383.
1367.	Idem, Remarques sur le mur de la citadelle dace de Piatra Craivii, 32, I, 1995, p. 145.
1368.	Moga, V.; Ciugudean, H.; Cociș, S.; Rodeanu, N., Fibule romane de la Apulum, 34, I, 1997, p. 535.
1369.	Moga, V.; Piso, I.; Drîmbărean, M., Quatre monuments epigraphiques d'Apulum decouverts dans
le lit de Mureș, 35, I, 1998, p. 109.
1370.	Idem, L'aigle de la legio XIII Gemina, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 177.
1371.	MOLDOVAN, Grigore, recenzii în 48/II, 2011, Anatol Petrencu, Basarabia în timpul celui de-al
doilea război mondial 1939 - 1945, (p. 295), S, Nazaria, V. Stepaniuc, Problema basarabeană în
istoriografie, 1917 - 1947, (p.297), M. Stănescu, Reeducarea în România comunistă, (p. 299).
1372.	MOLNAR, I.; Winkler, I., Tezaurul de monede romane de la Sălașuri, II, 1965, p. 269.
1373.	MONAH, Felicia, Determinări arheobotanice pentru stațiunea neolitică de la Parța (com. Șag,
jud. Timiș), 31, I, 1994, p. 81.
1374.	MORAR. - VULCU, Călin, Regimul minorităților naționale în România (23 aug. 1944 - 1945),
34, II, 1998, p. 145.
1375.	Idem, Ipostaze ale puterii: sărbătorile de 23 August, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 247.
1376.	MORARIU, Vasile; Jalobeanu, M., Prospectarea magnetică a tumulilor, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86,
p. 431.
1377.	Idem, Analiza proporțiilor sanctuarului și locuințelor neolitice de la Parța (jud. Timiș), 33, I, 1996,
p. 525.
1378.	Idem, Proporțiile corpului uman în unele reprezentări neolitice, 33, I, 1996, p. 531.
50
Livia Călian
1379.	Morariu, V.; Chiș, D.; Morariu, S., Prospectări magnetice în așezarea neolitică de la Parța (ud.
Timiș), 33, I, 1996, p. 549.
1380.	MUNTEAN, Ovidiu, Polonia și revoluționarii polonezi în presa pașoptistă românească, 35 - 36,
II, 1999, p. 69.
1381.	Idem, Călători francezi prin țările române în prima (umîtatea sec. al XIX-lea, 37 - 38/II, 2000 -
2001, p. 145.
1382.	Idem, Polonia în presa românească din perioada Unirii Principatelor, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 187.
1383.	Idem, Publicistică franceză în colecțiile Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei (mi(l. Sec.
XIX), 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 135.
1384.	Idem, Arme din perioada revoluției pașoptiste în colecția Muzeului Național de Istorie a
Transilvaniei, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 53.
1385.	Idem, Ecourile revoluției pașoptiste din Transilvania în publicistica franceză (1849 - 1850), 47/II,
2010, p. 139.
1386.	Idem, Gustave Oelsner și problematica Principatelor Dunărene la 1840, 48/II, 2011, p. 91.
1387.	Idem, The governor of Transylvania, Karl von Scharzenberg and his epoch in the collections of the
National Museum of Transylvanian History, 49/II, 2012, p. 255.
1388.	MUNTEANU BEȘLIU, Petre, Tendințe ale muzeografiei contemporane în tematica și organizarea
expoziției de arheologie medievală de la Muzeul Brukenthal din Sibiu, 33, II, 1997, p. 312.
1389.	MUNTEANU, Ioan, Mișcarea națională din Banat în anul 1869 și semnificația sa politică, XXIV
- XXV, 1987 /88, p. 339.
1390.	MUNTEANU, Octavian, Cercetări cu privire la epoca bronzului târziu în spațiul proto -nistrean,
33, I, 1996, p. 19.
1391.	MUNTEANU, Pavel, Momente din lupta muncitorilor minieri din Valea Jiului în perioada
dictaturii regale, VIII, 1971, p. 687.
1392.	Idem, Aspecte ale luptei muncitorilor minieri din Valea Jiului pentru instaurarea și consolidarea
regimului democrat popular, XIII, 1976, p. 571.
1393.	MUREȘAN, Dan - loan, Notes critiques sur l'histoire de l'eglise moldace au Xve siecle, 41 -44/II,
2004 - 2007, p. 101.
1394.	MUREȘAN, Ovidiu, Un best-seller italian de la sfârșitul sec. al XVII-lea cu privire la orașele și
cetățile din Banat și vestul Transilvaniei, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 173.
1395.	MUREȘANU, Camil, Titulesco - ce grand europeen, 26 - 30, 1989 /93, p. 367.
1396.	Idem, Opinia publică din Transilvania și sentința de la Viena, 32, II, 1996, p. 63.
1397.	Idem, Alexandru Neamțu (1918 - 1995) [N], 32, II, 1996, p. 627.
1398.	MUSCALU, Bogdan, Views concerning barrel - shaped vessels in the Sarmatian Iazyges
environment, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 219.
1399.	NAGHIU, E. Iosif; Lascu, N., Omagiu profesorului A. Naum la 80 de ani, VIII, 1971, p. 1.
1400.	NAGLER, Doina, Tablele de breaslă ale Muzeului Brukenthal, IV, 1967, p. 187.
1401.	NEAGU, Răzvan Mihai, The papal taxes collected in Transylvania during the time of the
Avignion popes (1307 - 1377), 49/II, 2012, p. 25.
1402.	NEAMȚU, Alexandru, Exploatările de fier de la Hunedoara la sfîrșitul sec. XIX, în lumina unui
raport oficial, VI, 1969, p. 293.
1403.	Idem, Societăți pe acțiuni și proveniența capitalului în industria extractivă din Transilvania în a
doua(umătate a sec. XVIII, VII, 1970. P. 227.
1404.	Idem, Forța de muncă salariată în industria extractivă din Transilvania în sec. XVIII, VIII, 1971,
p. 251.
1405.	Idem, Preocupări de medicină veterinară în activitatea doctorului Vasile Popp, IX, 1972, p. 647.
1406.	Idem, Prima mașină cu abur pe teritoriul patriei noastre (1838), X, 1973, p. 287.
1407.	Idem, Un proiect din anul 1789 privind construirea unei fabrici de sodă în Transilvania, XV, 1978,
p. 415.
1408.	Idem, Mari incendii în districtul Bistriței în a doua(umătate a sec. XVIII, XVI, 1979, p. 639.
1409.	Idem, Contribuția profesorului Ștefan Bezdechi la publicarea colecției "Documente privind istoria
României", XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1165.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
51
1410.	NEAMȚU, Gelu, Din corespondența lui T. Cipariu cu G. Barițiu referitoare la editarea unui
organ de presă al Astrei, IV, 1967, p. 581.
1411.	Idem, Sărbătorirea Centenarului Horea (1784 - 1884), simbol al luptei pentru unitatea românilor,
XXI - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 657.
1412.	Idem, Procesul politic de presă din 3 septembrie 1879 intentat lui G. Barițiu pentru publicarea
unui document istoric în revista Transilvania, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 711.
1413.	Idem, Contribuția lui Coriolan Suciu la cercetarea revoluției din 1848 în Transilvania, 31, II,
1994, p. 351.
1414.	Idem, O micromonografie Visarion Roman (1833 - 1885), 32, II, 1996, p. 225.
1415.	Idem, Urmărirea lui Al. Papiu Ilarian ca instigator la 1848, 33, II, 1997, p. 231.
1416.	Idem, Mișcarea națională a românilor din Transilvania între 1849 - 1918 ( 8 aug. 1849 - 31 dec.
1851)	. Documente, vol. 1, [R], 34, II, 1998, p. 431.
1417.	Idem, Evrei alături de români în revoluția de la 1848 din Transilvania, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 79.
1418.	NEDELCU, Fl..; Bodea, I. Gh., Din lupta antifascistă și antirevizionistă dusă de forțele patriotice
progresiste din România în anii 1936 - 1937, VIII, 1971, p. 383.
1419.	Idem, Tirajul, cititorii și situația financiară a ziarului Federațiunea (1868 - 1876), IX, 1972, p. 635.
1420.	NEMETI, I., Descoperiri funerare din sec. Ve.n. lîngă Carei, IV, 1967, p. 499.
1421.	NEMETI, Irina, Collective feminine goddesses in Roman Dacia, 36, I, 1999, p. 135.
1422.	Nemeti, I., Nemeti, S., Planets, grades and soteriology in Dacian Mithraism, 41 - 42/I, 2004 -
2005, p. 107.
1423.	Idem, Iupiter Depulsor in Dacia, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 241.
1424.	NEMETI, Sorin, Les pieces cigaliformes en bronze de Transylvanie, 36, I, 1999, p. 197.
1425.	NICA, Marin, Le groupe culturel Cârcea - Grădinile dans le context du neolithique balkanique et
anatolien, 32, I, 1995, p. 11.
1426.	NICOARĂ, Toader, Cutremure de pămînt și mentaliății colective în zorii epocii moderne din
România (1680 - 1830), XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 301.
1427.	NIEDEMAIER, Paul, Turda. Dezvoltarea urbanistică a unui centru minier pînă în sec. XVII,
XIV, 1977, p. 315.
1428.	Idem, Geneza centrului istoric clujean în lumina planimetriei sale, XVI, 1979, p. 201.
1429.	NIKOLOV, Vassil, Bemerkungen zur gemalten Ornamentierung auf den Tongefăssen aus Cavdar
(Gruppe Kremikovici), 32, I, 1995, p. 53.
1430.	NISTOR, Ioan Silviu, Proiectul unui volum omagial închinat a 175 de ani de la înființarea
școlilor din Blaj, XV, 1978, p. 561.
1431.	Idem, Acțiunile elevilor și profesorilor Școlii de conductori tehnici din Cluj pentru îmbunătățirea
condițiilor de studiu și includerea absolvenților în Corpul tehnic (1920 - 1939), XXII - XXIII, 1985
/86, p. 321.
1432.	Idem, Întemeierea Școlii de conductori tehnici electromecanici din Cluj și organizarea procesului
instructiv - educativ (1919 - 1929), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 403.
1433.	Idem, Școala de conductori tehnici electromecanici din Cluj. Activitatea educativă, baza materială,
problema absolvenților (1919 - 1929), 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 351.
1434.	Idem, Școala de conductori tehnici electromecanici din Cluj. Statutul dobândit și demersurile
întreprinse pentru îmbunătățirea acestuia în sistemul învățământului tehnic (1919 - 1929), 31, II,
1994, p. 173.
1435.	NUSSBACHER, Gernat, Contribuții noi cu privire la biografia primului tipograf român, XXII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 599.
1436.	OLTEAN, A.I., Hanson, W.S., Military vici in Roman Dacia: an aerial perspective, 38/I, 2001. p. 123.
1437.	OPAIȚ, Andrei; Barnea, Al., O lucernă de bronz unicat în România, XIV, 1977, p. 239.
1438.	OPREANU, Coriolan, Desenul unui gladiator pe o cărămidă de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa,
XXI, 1984, p. 517.
1439.	Idem, Despre structurile subterane ele arenei amfiteatrului de la Sarmizegetusa, XXII - XXIII,
1985 /86, p. 147.
1440.	Idem: Ph. Barker, R. Higham Hen Domen Montgomery. A Timber Castle on the Enghlish - Welsh
Border [R], XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 792.
52
Livia Călian
1441.	Idem, Semnificația socio - demografică și politică a amfiteatrului de la Ulpia Traiana
Sarmizegetusa, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 223.
1442.	Idem, Misiunile beneficiarilor consulari pe limes - ul de nord al Daciei în sec. III d. Ch., 31, I,
1994, p. 69.
1443.	Idem, Aplica ornamentală a unei căști de gladiator de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, 32, I, 1995,
p. 761.
1444.	Idem, Die folgen des ersten Dakerkrieges Trajan fur die politische lage der gebiete nordlich der
Donau, 35, I, 1998, p. 187.
1445.	OPRIȘ, loan, Relația dintre monumente și muzee în Italia, XIII, 1976, p. 597.
1446.	Idem, Unele probleme privind începuturile activității Comisiunii monumentelor istorice - Secția
pentru Transilvania , XIV, 1977, p. 547.
1447.	Idem, Comisiunea Monumentelor Istorice. Secția pentru Transilvania și promovarea cercetării
epocii dacice, XIX, 1982, p. 607.
1448.	Idem, Dezbateri pe marginea unei legi a muzeelor (1931 - 1943), XX, 1983, p. 735.
1449.	Idem, Efectul cutremurelor asupra monumentelor istorice din România, XXI, 1984, p. 759.
1450.	Idem, Legăturile dintre cei doi istorici transilvăneni: Constantin Moisil și Iuliu Marțian, XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 749.
1451.	Idem, Constantin Daicoviciu - omul datoriei 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 201.
1452.	Idem, Arheologii Dorin Popescu și Mircea Petrescu - Dâmbovița despre arheologia ungară și
confrații maghiari, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 183.
1453.	ORDENTLICH, I., Depozitul de bronzuri de la Otomani, V, 1968, p. 397.
1454.	OSZTOICS, Miroslava, Constituirea și evoluția grupărilor în sânul PNȚ, 32, II, 1996, p. 305.
1455.	OȚA, Silviu, Pârvan, K., Constantinescu, B., Câteva observații privind analiza unor piese de bronz
descoperite la Orașul de Floci (com.Giurgeni, jud. Ialomița), grindul nr. 6, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 65.
1456.	PAKI, Adela, Două fragmente ceramice stampilate de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XXI,
1984, p. 477.
1457.	Idem, Cel de-al X-lea Congres Internațional de Epigrafie Greacă și Latină (Nîmes, 4 - 10 oct.
1992) [R], 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 591.
1458.	Idem, Onomasticon Daciae (I). Die patronymika der provinz Dacia Porolissensis, 36, I, 1999, p. 119.
1459.	Idem, The prosopographical repertoire ofRoman Dacia (I), 38/I, 2001. p. 61.
1460.	PANTEA, Aurel, Contribuții la problema formării conștiinței naționale în mișcarea
muncitorească din Transilvania, XVI, 1979, p. 357.
1461.	PAP, Francisc, Regulamentul provizoriu din 1857 pentru servitorii agricoli, I, 1964, p. 387.
1462.	Idem, Din activitatea Muzeului de istorie Cluj (1963 - 1965), II, 1965, p. 727.
1463.	Pap, Francisc; Winkler, I., Monede poloneze din sec. XV - XVII în Transilvania, III, 1966, p. 197.
1464.	Pap, Fr., Psaltirea lui Dimitrie Pandovici. Contribuții la Bibliografia românească veche, V, 1968,
p. 539.
1465.	Idem, Despre plata tricesimei la Cluj în sec. XVII, VII, 1970, p. 595.
1466.	Idem, Fluctuații de valoare vamală la oficiul tricesimal clujean în prima jumătate a sec. XVII, VIII,
1971, p. 239.
1467.	Idem, Comerțul Clujului cu Sălajul în sec. XVI - XVII în documentele oficiului tricesimal clujean,
IX, 1972, p. 547.
1468.	Pap, Fr.; Pop, Viorica, Mese sculptate în colecția Muzeului de istorie al Transilvaniei, X, 1973, p. 213.
1469.	Pap, Fr., Comerțul transilvănean al Clujului din prima jumătate a sec. XVII în registrele vamale
(I), XI, 1974, p. 168.
1470.	Idem, Comerțul transilvănean al Clujului din prima jumătate a sec. XVII în registrele vamale (II),
XII, 1975, p. 237.
1471.	Idem, Comerțul Clujului cu Cracovia în registrele vamale din prima jumătate a sec. XVII, XIII,
1976, p. 351.
1472.	Idem: Mihail P. Dan (1911 - 1976), [N], XIII, 1976, p. 669.
1473.	Idem, Schimbul de mărfuri între Cluj și Polonia în registrele vamale clujene (1599 - 1637), XIV,
1977, p. 371.
1474.	Idem: A Debreceni Deri Muzeum Evkonyve. Annales Musei Debreceniensis de Friderico Deri
nominati, 1974, [R], XIV, 1977, p. 681.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
53
1475.	Idem, Rute comerciale și localități transilvănene în comerțul Clujului cu produse agricole și vite
(prima jumătate a sec. XVII), XV, 1978, p. 349.
1476.	Idem, Comerțul Clujului cu orașele Slovaciei de astăzi, (1599 -1637), XVI, 1979, p. 235.
1477.	Idem, Orientarea central - europeană a comerțului clujean în prima jumătate a sec. XVII, XVII,
1980, p. 209.
1478.	Pap, Fr.; Matei, Șt., Un tezaur monetar din sec. XVIII - XX găsit la Cluj - Napoca, XVII, 1980, p. 553.
1479.	Pap, Fr., Comerțul Clujului cu Viena între 1599 - 1637 (pe baza registrelor tricesimale), XVIII,
1981, p. 171.
1480.	Idem, Orientarea balcano - otomană și mediteraniană în comerțul clujean (prima jumătate a sec.
XVII), XIX, 1982, p. 93.
1481.	Idem, Un solidar - o pildă. Academicianul David Prodan la 80 de ani, XIX, 1982, p. 781.
1482.	Idem, Obiecte de uz casnic și personal în importul clujean (prima jumătate a sec. XVII), XX, 1983,
p. 531.
1483.	Idem, Tezaurul monetar de la Ghirișu Român (jud. Cluj). Observații despre circulația monetară în
Transilvania, XXI, 1984, p. 623.
1484.	Idem, Prețuri oficiale și reale în Transilvania (prima jumătate a sec. XVh), XXII - XXIII, 1985
/86, p. 603.
1485.	Idem, Circulația monetară în Transilvania în perioada 1526 - 1571, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 623.
1486.	Idem, Aspecte ale circulației monetare în Transilvania între anii 1571 - 1691, 26 - 30, II, 1989
/93, p. 65.
1487.	Idem, Encyclopedia Transylvanica, 26 - 30, II, 1989/93, p. 655.
1488.	Idem, Unelte agricole în comerțul extern clujean (prima jumătate a sec. XVII), 31, II, 1994, p. 33.
1489.	Pap, Fr.; Blăjan, Mihai, Tezaurul monetar de la Bărăbanț, jud. Alba (sec. XI - XII), 32, I, 1995, p. 489.
1490.	Pap, Fr., Comercianți în viața obștească a Clujului (sec. XVI - XVII), 32, II, 1996, p. 101.
1491.	Idem: Magdalena Bunta (1931 - 1995) [N], 32, II, 1996, p. 629.
1492.	Pap, Fr.; Pinter, Z.; Petrov, Gh., Tezaurul monetar din cetatea Orăștie (sec. XV - XVI), 33, II, 1997,
p. 273.
1493.	Pap, Fr.; Goldner, G.; Kăsa, Z., Taxa vamală tricesimală ți frecvența transporturilor la oficiul
vamal din Cluj (1599 - 1637). Existent și întregiri, 34, II, 1998, p. 165.
1494.	Pap, Fr.: recenzii în vol. 34, II, 1998: Un secol de istorie maghiară în monede, p. 423.; B.
Murgescu, Circulația monetară în Țările române în sec. XVI, p. 425.
1495.	Pap, Fr.; Meșter, M., Tezaurul monetar din satul Văleni, com. Căian, jud. Cluj, 35 -36, II, 1999, p. 255.
1496.	Pap, Fr., Registrele de tricesimă clujene despre comerțul între Cluj și Baia Mare (1599 - 1637), 37
- 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 137.
1497.	Idem, Tradiție transilvană în moneda unică de circulație. Moneda poloneză în tezaurele monetare
transilvane, 47/II, 2010, p. 245.
1498.	Idem, Comerțul cu sare în registrele tricesimale clujene (1599 - 1637), 47/II, 2010, p. 275.
1499.	PAPP, Andrea, Izvoare privind vestimentația aristrocrației transilvănene în sec. XVII - XVIII, 39
- 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 273.
1500.	Idem, Karoly Vekov - Istoriografia maghiară din Transilvania în sce. Al XVI-lea, [R], 39 - 40/II,
2002 - 2003, p. 462.
1501.	Idem, Moda dolmanului în Transilvania (sec. XVI - XVIII), 48/II, 2011, p. 59.
1502.	PASCU, Ștefan, Concepția istorică a lui Nicolae lorga, II, 1965, p. 1.
1503.	Idem, Secția de istorie medievală a Muzeului de istorie Cluj, IV, 1967, p. 553.
1504.	Idem, Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia, 1 Decembrie 1918, V, 1968, p. 1.
1505.	Pascu, Șt.;Rusu, M.; Iambor, P.; Edroiu, N.; Gyulai, P.; Wollmann, V.; Matei, Șt., Cetatea Dăbîca,
V, 1968, p. 153.
1506.	Pascu, Șt., Avram Iancu, IX, 1972, p. 1.
1507.	PĂDUREANU, Augustin, Tricolorul și cromatica portului popular românesc, 32, II, 1996, p. 405.
1508.	PĂDUREANU, Eugen D., Noi așezări din epoca bronzului în județul Arad, XXIV - XXV, 1987
- 1988, p. 507.
1509.	PĂIUȘAN, Radu, Ioan Bălaș, viceprefectul prefecturii Auraria Gemina în timpul revoluției
românilor transilvănene din 1848 - 1849, XIX, 1982, p. 105.
54
Livia Călian
1510.	PĂLTÂNEA, Paul, Hora Ardealului și Hora Uniririi în Banat și Transilvania. Contribuții inedite,
XVII, 1980, p. 589.
1511.	Idem, Contribuții la Bibliografia românească veche. Două tipărituri sibiene, XXIV - XXV, 1987
- 1988, p. 669.
1512.	Păltâlnea, P.; Mândruț, S., Contribuții privind colaborarea dintre V.A. Urechia și românii din
Transilvania, 33, II, 1997, p. 87.
1513.	PĂUN, Nicolae, Aspecte socio - economice ale orașului Cluj în contextul dezvoltării României în
perioada 1922 -1928, XIX, 1982, p. 509.
1514.	Idem, Școlile de ucenici industriali din Cluj în deceniul III al sec. XX, XXI, 1984, p. 325.
1515.	PEPELEA, V., Depozitul de bronzuri de la Cetatea de Baltă, X, 1973, p. 517.
1516.	PECICAN, Ovidiu, Ideologie creștină și propagandă pentru Cruciada Târzie; circulara lui Ștefan
cel Mare către principii creștini (25 ianuarie 1475) 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 223.
1517.	PETCULESCU, Liviu, Un fragment de diplomă militară de la Micia, XV, 1978, p. 131.
1518.	Idem, Obrăzare de coifuri romane din Dacia, XIX, 1982, p. 291.
1519.	Idem, Prinzătoare de teacă romane din Dacia, XX, 1983, p. 451.
1520.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXI, 1984: Cristian M. Vlădescu, Armata romană în Dacia Inferior, p. 831 -
836.; R.J.A. Wilson, Piazza Armerina, p. 836.
1521.	Idem: Congresul limes - ului de la Aalen. Stadiul cercetării frontierelor romane de la Dunărea de
Mijloc și de Jos și al echipamentului militar roman [R], XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1204.
1522.	Idem, The owner ofthe greave AG 711 from the Axel Guttman collection, 35, I, 1998, p. 95.
1523.	Idem, Fragments ofhelmets from the Roman fort at Jidava, 36, I, 1999, p. 189.
1524.	PETIȘ, Ioniță - Augustin, The centurions'promotions system. The exemple of Dacia, 41- 42/I,
2004 - 2005, p. 125.
1525.	PETOLESCU, Constantin C., Un basoreliefal zeiței Diana, XVII, 1980, p. 463.
1526.	Idem, Un tipar pentru vase cu figuri în reliefde la Romula, XVIII, 1981, p. 469.
1527.	Idem, Les legats de la Dacie sous Trajan, 26 - 30, 1989 - 1993, p. 45.
1528.	Idem, Die Auxiliareinheiten im romischen Dakien, 34, I, 1997, p. 75.
1529.	PETRE - GOVORA, Gheorghe I., Așezări rurale din secolele II - IX descoperite în județul
Vîlcea, XVI, 1979, p. 577.
1530.	PETRESCU, I.; Igna, A., Investigări biologice în serviciul cercetării istorice (III). Analiza părților
lemnoase provenind dintr-un butoi dacic (sec. I e.n.) de la Grădiștea Muncelului, XIX, 1982, p. 617.
1531.	PETRESCU, Marius Sorin, Piese de armament descoperite în castrul de la Tibiscum (I), XXII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 487.
1532.	Idem, Așezarea din epoca bronzului de la Ciuta (com. Obreja, jud. Caraș - Severin), 32, I, 1995, p. 589.
1533.	PETRIC, Gabriel, Dieta de la Cluj (1842), și lupta românilor din Transilvania, XII, 1975, p. 291.
1534.	PETROV, Gheorghe, Raport preliminar asupra cercetărilor arheologice din Complexul medieval
de la Geoagiu de Jos, jud. Hunedoara (Campaniile din 1993, 1994, 1995), 33, I, 1996, p. 403.
1535.	Idem, Câteva date privind cercetările arheologice de la biserica românească din Cicău, jud. Alba,
33, I, 1996, p. 425.
1536.	Idem, Considerații asupra unor biserici medievale cu plan central din Transilvania, 33, II, 1997, p. 33.
1537.	Petrov, Gh., Marcu Istrate Daniela, Biserica medievală din Sântana de Mureș (jud. Mureș).
Contribuții arheologice la istoria monumentului, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 333.
1538.	Petrov, Gh., O veche ctitorie munteană în Ardeal. Biserica Sf. Nicolae din Geoagiu (de Jos), jud.
Hunedoara, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 345.
1539.	PETRUȘAN, Augustin, Restaurarea și conservarea unei teci de sabie celtică de la Apahida (jud.
Cluj), XX, 1983, p. 867.
1540.	PEȚAN, Aurora, Coin finds at Grădiștea Muncelului during the excavation campaigns of1803 -
1804, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 81.
1541.	PICIU, Dionisie, Salva - pagini de istorie, 32, 1996, p. 189.
1542.	PICIU, Traian; Sânmihăian, M.; Lazarovici, Gh., Relația fosfor - potasiu în straturile neolitice
din Peștera Ungurească din Cheile Turzii, 33, I, 1996, p. 565.
1543.	PINTEA, Silvia; Dumitrescu, C-tin, I.P.C."Farmec" Cluj - Napoca. Fișier documentar al
formelor organizatorice, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 689.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
55
1544.	Pintea, S., Ecoul primei stagiuni a Teatrului Național din Cluj (1919 - 1920) în presa locală,
XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 807.
1545.	PINTEA, Vasile, O sabie atribuită lui Cloșca, III, 1966, p. 483.
1546.	Idem, Cu privire la așezarea feudală de la Sopor - lacobeni, IV, 1967, p. 525.
1547.	PINTER, Zeno K.; Petrov, Gh.; Pap, Fr., Tezaurul monetar din cetatea Orăștie (sec. XV), 32, II,
1996, p. 501.
1548.	PISO, Ioan, Publius Furius Saturninus, IX, 1972, p. 463.
1549.	Piso, I.; Pepelea, V., Două piese romane din Botorca (Tîrnăveni), IX, 1972, p. 473.
1550.	Piso, I.: L. Barkoczi, A. Mocsy, Die romischen Inschrften Ungarns, [R], XI, 1974, p. 353.
1551.	Idem, Epigraphica (III), XII, 1975, p. 165.
1552.	Piso, I.; Rusu, A., Un relief din Sarmizegetusa cu reprezentarea lui Silvanus și a nouă Silvane,
XIV, 1977, p. 155.
1553.	Piso, I., Epigraphica (X), XV, 1978, p. 179.
1554.	Idem, Carrieres senatoriales (h), XVI, 1979, p. 69.
1555.	Idem: L. Barkoczi, A. Mocsy, Die romischen Inschrften Ungarns, 2, Liferung, [R], XVI, 1979, p. 883.
1556.	Idem, Epigraphica (XII), XVII, 1980, p. 81.
1557.	Idem, Epigraphica (III), XVIII, 1981, p. 443.
1558.	Idem, Carrieres senatoriales (III), XIX, 1982, p. 39.
1559.	Idem: L. Barkoczi; S. Soproni, Die Romischen Inschriften Ungarns, 3, Lieferung, [R], XIX, 1982,
p. 745.
1560.	Idem, Epigraphica (XIV), XX, 1983, p. 103.
1561.	Piso, I.; Benea, D., Diploma militară de la Drobeta, XXI, 1984, p. 111.
1562.	Piso, I.; Diaconescu, Al., Forurile din Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 161.
1563.	Piso, I., Epigraphica (XV). Inscripții din Apulum, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 487.
1564.	Idem, Prosographia coloniae Daciae Sarmizegetusae (I), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 163.
1565.	Idem, Die Legio XV Apollinaris in den Markomannischen Kriegen, 35, I, 1998, p. 97.
1566.	Piso, I.; Moga, V., Un bureau du Publicumportorium Illyrici â Apulum, 35, I, 1998, p. 105.
1567.	Pioso, I., L'ala Flavia en Dacie, 36, I, 1999, p. 81.
1568.	Piso, I.; Benea, D., Epigraphica Tibiscensia, 36, I, 1999, p. 91.
1569.	Piso, I.; Drîmbărean, M., Fulgur conditium, 36, 1999, p. 109.
1570.	Piso, I., Băeștean, G., Desfistulaeplumbeae â Sarmizegetusa, 37/I, 2000, p. 223.
1571.	Piso, I., Tl. Claudius Constans, procurateur de Dacie Inferieure et de Mauretanie Cesarienne, 37/I,
2000, p. 231.
1572.	Idem, Studia Porolissensia (I). Le temple dolichenien, 38/I, 2001. p.221.
1573.	Piso, I. Pescaru, A., Pescaru, E., Der tribun C. Valerius Valerianus in Germisara, 39 - 40/I, 2002 -
2003, p. 197.
1574.	Piso, I., Epigraphica (XVII), 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 201.
1575.	Idem, Studia Porolissensia (II), 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 183.
1576.	Piso, I., Un nouveau conductor salinarum en Dacie, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 179.
1577.	Idem, L'inscription monumentale de L'entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa, 43 - 44/I,
2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 151.
1578.	Idem, Note sur territorium Arcobadarense, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 163.
1579.	Piso, I., Marcu, F., La cohors I Augusta en Dacie, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 167.
1580.	PÎSLARU, MARIANA, Ein aureus aus dem legionslager von Potaissa, 38/I, 2001. p. 135.
1581.	PLĂMĂDEALĂ, Antonie, Biserica și Dictatul de la Viena, 32, II, 1996, p. 23.
1582.	PLEȘA, Dana Teodora, Conservarea unei Biblii tipărită la Viena în 1815, 33, I, 1996, p. 439.
1583.	POLVEREJAN, Șerban, Din activitatea secției din Anvers a Ligii Culturale, V, 1968, p. 593.
1584.	Idem, Din istoricul Memorandului. Ședința comitetului central al P.N.R. din 25 - 26 martie 1892,
VI, 1969, p. 335.
1585.	Polverejan, Ș.; Teodor, P., Disertația despre școli a lui G. Barițiu (1835), IX, 1972, p. 619.
1586.	POP, Adrian, Aspecte din existența Universității "Bolyai" din Cluj în anii '50, 47/II, 2010, p. 309.
1587.	POP, Aurel Ioan, Realități feudale în Transilvania în veacul XIV, XVIII, 1981, p. 151.
1588.	Idem, Realități medievale romănești în Țata Hațegului reliefate prin analiza diplomatică a unor
documente din sec. XIV - XV, XIX, 1982, p. 87.
56
Livia Călian
1589.	Idem, Despre existența voievozilor și a instituției voievodale în Țara Hațegului pînă în veacul al
XV-lea, XX, 1983, p. 147.
1590.	Idem, Un cnezat maramureșan în veacurile XIV - XV; cîteva observații privind caracterul și
specificul stăpînirii cneziale, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 239.
1591.	Idem, Structuri sociale și patrimoniale ale unor moșii din Țara Hațegului la sfîrșitul sec. XV, 26 -
30, II, 1989 / 93, p. 27.
1592.	Idem, Relațiile între Transilvania și Moldova în timpul lui Ștefan cel Mare, 31, II, 1994, p. 11.
1593.	POP, Constantin; Milea, Z., Monumente sculpturale din Dacia romană în legătură cu cultul lui
Liber Pater, II, 1965, p. 195.
1594.	Pop, C., Juppiter de la Potaissa, III, 1966, p. 465.
1595.	Idem, O amuletă romană?, IV, 1967, p. 481.
1596.	Idem, Precizări în legătură cu cîteva piese sculpturale antice din Muzeul de Istorie Cluj, IV, 1967,
p. 489.
1597.	Idem, Monumente sculpturale romane din Napoca, V, 1968, p. 479.
1598.	Idem, Două fragmente sculpturale dionysiace din Dacia romană, VI, 1969, p. 531.
1599.	Idem, Reprezentări bacchice romane în Transilvania, VII, 1970, p. 151.
1600.	Idem, Reprezentări cu Lupa Capitolină pe monumente romane din România, VIII, 1971, p. 173.
1601.	Pop, C.; Moga, V.; Aldea, I. Al., Noi medalioane funerare lucrate aparte din Dacia Superioară,
IX, 1972, p. 503.
1602.	Pop, C., Din nou despre reprezentări dionysiace în Dacia, X, 1973, p. 595.
1603.	Pop, C.; Nemeș, E., Diana de la Ostrov, XI, 1974, p. 85.
1604.	Idem, Ornament de la un car roman descoperit la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XII, 1975, p. 179.
1605.	Pop, C.: Akos Kiss, Roman Mosaics in Hungary, [R], XII, 1975, p. 427.
1606.	Idem: Paul Mac Kendrik, The Dacian stones speak, [R], XIII, 1976, p. 639.
1607.	Idem, Signa militaria de bronz în Dacia romană, XIV, 1977, p. 111.
1608.	Pop, C.; Nemeș, E., Teracote cu Venere la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XIV,1977, p 159.
1609.	Pop, C., Statui imperiale de bronz în Dacia romană, XV, 1978, p. 135.
1610.	Idem, Statuete romane de bronz din Transilvania, XVII, 1980, p. 99.
1611.	Pop, C.; Benea, D., Un bronz roman de la Tibiscum, XVIII, 1981, p. 461.
1612.	Pop, C.; Bozu, O., O interesantă piesă romană descoperită la Pojejena, XVIII, 1981, p. 466.
1613.	Pop, C.; Bona, P.; Petrovszky, R., Bronzuri figurate în Dacia romană: un tip iconografic inedit,
XIX, 1982, p. 307.
1614.	Pop, C., Bronzuri figurate romane în Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei, XX, 1983, p. 467.
1615.	Idem, Precizări privind unele reprezentări cu acrobați în toreutica romană, XXI, 1984, p. 537.
1616.	Idem: M. Bărbulescu, Interferențe spirituale în Dacia romană [R], XXI, 1984, p. 827.
1617.	Idem: recnzii în vol. XXII - XXIII, 1985/86: H. Daicoviciu, Portrete dacice (Dromichaites,
Burebista, Dceneu, Decebal), p.781.; H. Daicoviciu; D. Alicu, Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta
Dacica Sarmizegetusa, p.787.; L. Țeposu Marinescu, Funerary Monuments in Dacia Superior and
Dacia Porolissensis, p.788.
1618.	Idem, Cîteva piese sculpturale și arhitectonice descoperite la Ulpia Traiana, XXIV - XXV, 1987
/88, p. 563.
1619.	Idem: V. Moga, De la Apulum la Alba Iulia. Fortificațiile orașului [R], XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p.
1187.
1620.	Idem: N. Gudea, Porolissum Res Publica Municipii Septimii Porolissensium, [R], 26 - 30, I/2,
1989 /93, p. 582.
1621.	Pop, C.; Găzdac, C.; Bud, A., Piese pompeiene în Muzeul Memorial O. Goga (Ciucea), 31, I, 1994,
p. 261.
1622.	Pop, C.: recenzii și necrolog în vol. 31, I, 1994:J. Arce - F. Burkhalter, Bronces y Religion
Romana, p. 603.; Catălogo de la Exposicion Los Bronces Romanos en Espagna, p. 605.;Cronica
arheologigică (1993), p. 607.; Ion Horațiu Crișan (1928 - 1993) [N], p. 614.
1623.	Idem, Muzee și monumente britanice. Impresii de călătorie, 32, I, 1995, p. 797.
1624.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 32, I, 1995: D. Alicu, S. Cociș, C. Ilieș, A. Soroceanu, Small finds from Ulpia
Traiana Sarmizegetusa, I, p. 869.; D. Alicu, Opaițele romane, p. 871.; Cronica activităților
arheologice ale Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei (1994), [C], p. 899.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
57
1625.	Idem, Mitul broaștei țestoase în reprezentări figurate din Dacia romană, 33,I, 1996, p. 167.
1626.	Idem: prezentări și recenzii în vol. 33, I, 1996: Expoziția națională Capodopere de artă romană în
Dacia, p. 693.; Al III-lea colocviu româno - elvețian La politique edilitaire dans les provinces de
l'Empire romain, p. 719.; R. Frei-Stolba, H.E. Herzig, La politique edilitaire dans les provinces de
l'Empire romaine, p. 725,; D. Alicu, H. Bogli, La politique edilitaire dans les provinces de l'Empite
romaine, p. 727.; J. Ronke, Akten des 10. Internationales Tagung uber antike Bronzen , p. 729.; D.
Benea, P. Bona, Editura Museion, București, 1994, p. 731.; Cronica secțiilor de arheologie ale
Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, p. 753.
1627.	Idem, Bronzes figures de Dacie romaine: representations des militaires, 34, I, 1997, p. 183.
1628.	Idem, Din nou despre pantheonul porolissens, 34, I, 1997, p. 585.
1629.	Idem, Existau serii toreutice în antichitatea romană?, 34, I, 1997, p. 591.
1630.	Idem: recenzii în vol. 34, I, 1997: Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores, p. 895.; Acta of the 12th
International Congress on ancient bronzes, p. 879.; Buletin de studii și cercetări studențești de istorie
veche, arheologie și epigrafie, p. 901.; Revista cercului de arheologie Hadrian Daicoviciu, an I, 1,p.
903.; Cronica activității secțiilor de arheologie a Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei (1996),
p. 911.
1631.	Idem, D. Comșa, Constantin și Hadrian Daicoviciu - Memoria imaginilor, [R], 48/II, 2011, p. 293.
1632.	POP, Daniel V, Restaurarea unor vase farmaceutice din lemn din sec. XVIII, 41 -44/II, 2004 -
2007, p. 371.
1633.	POP, Daniela Vasilica, Restaurarea unui pandantiv de argint, 33, I, 1996, p. 435.
1634.	POP, Horea, Civil arhitecture and habitat during Latene D in the depression of Șimleu, 32, I,
1995, p. 103.
1635.	Pop, H.; Găzdac, C., The Roman hoard from Șimleul -Silvaniei, 36, I, 1999, p. 169.
1636.	POP, Ioan; Moldovan, L., Răscoala țăranilor din Saschiz (1673 - 1678), XI, 1974, p. 199.
1637.	POP, loan, Einige armringe mit schlangenenden aus der spăten dako - romischen zeit aus
Siebenburgen, 35, I, 1998, p. 255.
1638.	POP, Traian, Cîteva știri documentare din sec. XIX privind colaborarea internațională a poliției
din Transilvania, XIV, 1977, p. 501.
1639.	POP, Viorica, Din legăturile spirituale ale românilor în sec. XVII, V, 1968, p. 571.
1640.	Idem, Un manuscris al lui Ion Bianu despre Samuil Micu Clain, VII, 1970, p. 633.
1641.	Idem, Informații documentare despre unele frămîntări sociale în anul 1762, IX, 1972, p. 565.
1642.	Idem, O masă pictată din sec. XVII în Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei, XI, 1974, p. 216.
1643.	Idem, Mobilier "empire" în Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei, XII, 1975, p. 283.
1644.	Idem Mobilier în stil clasicist în muzeele clujene (a doua jumătate a sec. XVIII - începutul sec.
XIX), XIII, 1976, p. 433.
1645.	Idem, Lăzi de zestre din sec. XVII - XVIII în Muzeul de istorie al Transilvaniei, XV, 1978, p. 381.
1646.	Idem, Dulapuri baroce în colecția de istorie a farmaciei din Cluj - Napoca, XVI, 1979, p. 633.
1647.	Idem, Influențe stilistice în mobilierul transilvănean din sec. XVI, XVII, 1980, p. 545.
1648.	Idem, Piese de interior orășenesc transilvănean din sec. XVI - XVIII (mobilier, covoare), XVIII,
1981, p. 609.
1649.	Idem, Breasla tîmplarilor din Cluj în sec. XVII (I), XIX, 1982, p. 405.
1650.	Idem, Breasla tîmplarilor din Cluj în sec. XVII, XX, 1983, p. 537.
1651.	Idem, Informații documentare despre unele frămîntări sociale în anul 1761, XXI, 1984, p. 565.
1652.	Idem, Mobilier baroc în unele colecții transilvănene, 26 - 30, II, 1989 - 1993, p. 525.
1653.	Idem, Mobilier transilvănean și modelele lumii germane, 33, II, 1997, p. 293.
1654.	Idem, Mobilier renascentist în colecția Muzeului Țării Crișurilor, 34, II, 1998, p. 383.
1655.	POPA, Atanasiu, Manuscrisul miscelaneu nr. 257 din Biblioteca Academiei RSR, filiala Cluj, VI,
1969, p. 211.
1656.	Idem, Biserica de lemn din Păușa - Sălaj (sec. XVII), VIII, 1971, p. 593.
1657.	Idem, Caracteristicile stilistice ale bisericilor de lemn din Transilvania, X, 1973, p. 695.
1658.	Idem, Monumente istorice dispărute. Bisericile de lemn din Nicula și Libotin XII, 1975, p. 251.
1659.	Idem, Bisericile vechi din Lupșa, XIII, 1976, p. 427.
1660.	Idem, Biserica de lemn din Reghin, XIV, 1977, p. 405.
58
Livia Călian
1661.	POPA, I.; Zaberca, V., Despre începuturile fanfarei muncitorești din Anina, XX, 1983, p. 585.
1662.	POPA, Luana; Spînu, M., "Revoluțiunea lui Horea" în paginile "Gazetei Transilvaniei" din
Brașov, XXI - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 665.
1663.	Popa, L., Ornamentul în arta monetară a Principatului Transilvaniei (sec. XVI - XVh), XXIV -
XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 630.
1664.	POPA, Mircea, Dr. Petru Groza în corespondență cu O. Goga, XXI, 1984, p. 659.
1665.	Idem, Din lucrările nepublicate ale lui Andrei Veres, 31, II, 1994, p. 335.
1666.	POPA, Radu, Săpăturile într-o villa rustica de lîngă Hațeg,IX, 1972, p. 439.
1667.	POPESCU, Honorius, Livres de specialite edites â Cluj. Possibles exponats dans les collection
d'histoire de la pharmacie, 34, II, 1998, p. 591.
1668.	POPESCU, Mariana - Cristina, Pre - Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and
Roman world. Eastern sigillata B, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 89.
1669.	POPESCU, Stelian; Josan, N., Muzeul de istorie din Blaj, X, 1973, p. 781.
1670.	Popescu, S., Relații economice între România și SUA pînă la 1900, XII, 1975, p. 347.
1671.	Idem, Presa vremii despre eroismul ostașilor români în războiul din 1877 - 1878, XIV, 1977, p. 483.
1672.	POPESCU, Valentin, Poziția lui Alexandru Mocioni față de Memorandum, 41 -44/II, 2004 -
2007, p. 161.
1673.	POPOVICI, D.N.: L. Ellis, The Cucuteni - Tripolye Culture. A study in technology and the origin
of complex society [R], XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 777.
1674.	POPOVICI, Vlad, recenzii în 49/II, 2012, D. Oproș, M. Opriș, Religia și școala. Cercetări
pedagogice, studii, analize, p. 469, D. Suciu, Soldați fără uniformă și starea protopopiatelor ortodoxe
din Transilvania după războiul național din 1848 - 1849, p. 471.
1675.	PORUMB, Marius, Icoane ale unui zugrav anonim din veacul al XVI - lea, VII, 1970, p. 575.
1676.	Idem, Contribuții la cunoașterea unor zugravi din veacul al XVIII-lea din Transilvania, VIII, 1971,
p. 607,
1677.	Idem, Zugravii icoanelor Paraclisului nou din Șcheii Brașovului, IX, 1972, p. 572.
1678.	Idem, Zugravii iconostasului bisericii Sf. Nicolae din Hunedoara, X, 1973, p. 677.
1679.	Idem, O veche ctitorie românească - biserica de la Cicău (jud. Alba), XIII, 1976, p. 285.
1680.	Idem, Ștefan Zugravul de la Ocnele Mari, XIV, 1977, p. 401.
1681.	Idem, Biserica ortodoxă din Gîrbova de Sus (jud. Alba9, un vechi monument de arhitectură
medievală românească, XV, 1978, p. 307.
1682.	Idem, Două ctitorii românești din sec. XV; Biserica Sf. Gheorghe și Mănăstirea Lupșa, XVI, 1979,
p. 621.
1683.	Idem, Vechea biserică de la Galda de Jos (jud. Alba), un monument al arhitecturii medievale
românești din Transilvania, XVII, 1980, p. 517.
1684.	Idem, Vechi inscripții românești din Transilvania, XX, 1983, p. 763.
1685.	Idem: Anca Pop - Bratu, pictura murală maramureșană. Meșteri zugravi și interferențe stilistice,
[R], XX, 1983, p. 927.
1686.	Idem, Un valoros asamblu de pictură și sculptură din sec. XVIII la Vadu Crișului, XXI, 1984, p. 561.
1687.	Idem, Breasla pictorilor români fondată la Gherla în anul 1777, XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 611.
1688.	Idem, Inscripții inedite la Orăștie, 31, II, 1994, p. 275.
1689.	Idem, Catedrala Sf. Treime din Blaj la 1751, 32, II, 1996, p. 353.
1690.	PRODAN, David; Cernea, E., O primă formă a lui Supplex Libellus, XIX, 1982, p. 411.
1691.	PROTASE, Dumitru, Castrul roman de la Călugăreni (r. Tg. Mureș), II, 1965, p. 209.
1692.	Protase, D.; Zrinyi, A, Tezaurul de monede romane imperiale de la Cristești pe Mureș, II, 1965, p. 257.
1693.	Protase, D., Legiunea IIII Flavia la nordul Dunării și apartenența Banatului și Olteniei de vest la
Provincia Dacia, IV, 1967, p. 47.
1694.	Protase, D.; Zrinyi, A., O pușculiță cu denari romani imperiali de la Cristeștii de Mureș, IV, 1967,
p. 461.
1695.	Protase, D., Observații în legătură cu așezările rurale din Dacia romană, V, 1968, p. 505.
1696.	Idem, Tezaurul monetar roman de la Tibodu (Transilvania). Observații și precizări, VI, 1969, p. 509.
1697.	Protase, D.; Milea, Z., Un cimitir de incinerație din epoca romană la Iacobeni (Transilvania), VI,
1969, p. 525.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
59
1698.	Protase, D., Așezarea și cimitirul daco - roman de la Obreja (Transilvania), VIII, 1971, p. 135.
1699.	Idem, Al doilea mormânt princiar de la Apahida (I), IX, 1972, p. 163.
1700.	Idem, Zur Chronologie und ethnisch - kulturellen Deutung des Friedhofes von Soporul de Cîmpie
(Siebenburgen), IX, 1972, p. 525.
1701.	Idem, Une piece paleochretienne daco - romaine decouverte â Pălatca et le probleme du
christianisme chez les gots de Transylvanie, 32, I, 1995, p. 767.
1702.	PROTOPOPESCU, George, Unele aspecte ale muncii științfice în muzeele de istorie, II, 1965, p. 721.
1703.	Protopopescu, G.; Vasilochi, E, Aspecte ale luptei maselor populare conduse de PCR pentru
refacerea economică a regiunii Cluj (1944 - 1947), III, 1966, p. 381.
1704.	Protopopescu, G., Republica noastră la 20 de ani, IV, 1967, p. V.
1705.	Idem, Mărășești, 1917, IV, 1967, p. 281.
1706.	Idem, Vestigii ale tradițiilor militare românești în Muzeul de istorie Cluj, V, 1968, p. 559.
1707.	Idem, Tendințe noi în muzeele de istorie, VI, 1969, p. 647.
1708.	Idem, Mari comandanți în primul război mondial, VII, 1970, p. 379.
1709.	Idem, Tactica și strategia MCG român în bătălia pentru apărarea Bucureștiului, VIII, 1971, p. 321.
1710.	Idem, Planul de campanie al MCG român pentru primul război mondial, IX, 1972, p. 289.
1711.	Idem, Unele considerații privind arta militară a lui Avram Iancu, X, 1973, p. 305.
1712.	Idem, 1974. Sub stindardul celor trei mari evenimente istorice, XI, 1974, p. III.
1713.	Idem, Unitatea și independența națională, imperative istorice ale poporului român, XII, 1975, p. III.
1714.	Idem, Formarea omului nou, factorul fundamental al întregii activități ideologice și politice din
România socialistă, XIII, 1976, p. III.
1715.	Idem, Tratativele dintre guvernul român și grupările beligerante în perioada 1914 - 1916, XIII,
1976, p. 537.
1716.	Idem, Sub steagul independenței spre noi victorii, XIV, 1977, p. III.
1717.	Idem, Tratativele dintre guvernul român și puterile Antantei în perioada 1914 - 1916 (II), XIV,
1977, p. 527.
1718.	Idem, Momente epocale ale luptei poporului român pentru libertate, dreptate socială și
independeță națională, XV, 1978, p. III.
1719.	Idem, Conceptul de artă militară în principalele bătălii date de români pentru apărarea
independenței și suveranității naționale, XV, 1978, p. 511.
1720.	Idem, Aspecte majore ale artei militare românești în timpul războiului pentru independență (1877
- 1878), XVII, 1980, p. 597.
1721.	Idem, O pagină de eroism românesc. Oarba de Mureș, 1944, XVIII, 1981, p. 291.
1722.	Idem: V. Atanasiu, A. Iordache, M. Iosa, I. M. Oprea, P. Oprescu, România în timpul primului
război mondial, [R], XVII, 1980, p. 906.
1723.	Idem, Împlinirea marelui ideal: Alba Iulia, 1 Decembrie 1918, XX, 1983, p. XI.
1724.	Idem, Importanța istorică a creării PSD al Muncitorilor din România, acum 90 de ani, XX, 1983,
p. 599.
1725.	PUPEZĂ, Luca - Paul, Urban archaeology in Cluj - Napoca. The findings from the Art
Museum'courtyard, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p. 223.
1726.	RABINOVICI, Herbert, Lupta pentru unitate statală oglindită în documentele Muzeului de
istorie a PCR, a mișcării revoluționare și democratice din România, VI, 1969, p. 631.
1727.	RADU, Dionisie, O monedă din sec. IV e.n., descoperită la Cluj, IV, 1967, p. 495.
1728.	Radu, D.; Moiș, N., Două topoare neolitice de pe teritoriul satului Călata, VI, 1969, p. 435.
1729.	Radu, D., Descoperiri arheologice pe teritoriul satului Cuvain (jud. Sibiu), VIII, 1971, p. 483.
1730.	Radu, D.; Moiș, N., Așezarea neolitică de la Călata (ud. Cluj), X, 1973, p. 465.
1731.	Radu, D.; Feurdean, N., Așezarea neolitică de la Gîrbău (jud. Cluj), XIV, 1977, p. 29.
1732.	Radu, D.; Moldovan, V., Așezarea neolitică de la Aruncuta, XVIII, 1981, p. 341.
1733.	RADU, Măriuca, Bartolomeu Baiulesu - inițiator al învățământului profesional românesc din
Transilvania, 33, II, 1997, p. 77.
1734.	RĂDEAN, Virginia, Modern counterfeit of a bronze statuette in the Museum of Deva, 38/I, 2001.
p. 181.
1735.	RĂDUȚIU, Aurel, Conscripția lui Petru Pavel Aron din anul 1759, XIV, 1977, p. 411.
60
Livia Călian
1736.	Idem, Francisc Pall (1911 - 1992) [N], 26 - 30, 1989 /93, p. 669.
1737.	RÂPĂ - BUICLIU, Dan, Gramatica latină a lui Gregorius Molnar. Contribuție la bibliografia
românească veche, XVII, 1980, p. 537.
1738.	Idem, Tipărituri timișorene (i). Contribuții la bibliografia națională veche, XX, 1983, p. 803.
1739.	RESCH, Friedriech; Germann, K., Schmuck aus Spondylus - Muscheln von Parța, 32, I, 1995, p. 351.
1740.	Resch, Fr., Typologische Studie kultischer Gesichtsdeckel aus der jungsteinzeitlichen Siedlung von
Parța I, 33, I, 1996, p. 11.
1741.	Idem, Untersuchungen am linken Temeschufer in der jungsteinzeitlichen Siedlung von Parța I, 33,
I, 1996, p. 249.
1742.	RETEGAN, Simion, Structura social - economică a burgheziei românești din Transilvania în
anii regimului liberal, VIII, 1971, p. 275.
1743.	Idem, Frămîntări țărănești din Munții Apuseni în anii guvernării liberale, XII, 1975, p.331.
1744.	Idem, Remedierea unei inechități: îmbunătățirea situației economice a preoților români de pe
Pământul Crăiesc în anii 1861 - 1865, 31, II, 1994, p. 295.
1745.	Idem, Imaginea unificării Germaniei în presa românească din Transilvania (1848 - 1871), 32, II,
1996, p. 411.
1746.	Idem, Putere și protest în Transilvania la începutul epocii liberaliste: delegația națională la Viena
a mitropolitului Șuluțiu din 1861, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 89.
1747.	ROHLE, Robert, CIL. III. P. 948, n. 10, VI, 1969, p. 515.
1748.	ROMAN, Cristian Aurel, Reprezentări ale măștilor de sclavi din noua comedie în decorația
lucernelor Firmalampen la Sarmizegetusa, 34, I, 1997, p. 435.
1749.	Idem, Wheelmade lamps ofRoman Dacia, 37/I, 2000, p. 99.
1750.	Idem, Antefixa from Sarmizegetusa, 38/I, 2001. p. 195.
1751.	ROMAN, Toma - Cosmin, Cercetări arheologice la casa parohială roman - catolică, Sibiu,
2006, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 75.
1752.	ROTARIU, Cornelia, Restaurarea unei oglinzi venețiene, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 441.
1753.	Idem, Probleme de restaurare ridicate de un vas ceramic ștampilat, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 367.
1754.	ROTEA, Mihai, Contribuția cercetărilor de la Suatu - Fâneața de Jos (1991 - 1993) la
cunoșterea etapelor timpurii ale evoluției culturii Wietenberg, 31, I, 1994, p. 131.
1755.	Rotea, M.; Feneșan, Oct., Sondaj arheologic la Pălatca - Poderei, 31, I, 1994, p. 351.
1756.	Rotea, M.; Fizeșan, T., Groapa rituală de la Fântânele - Dâmbul Popii, 33, I, 1996, p. 223.
1757.	Rotea,M.; Gheorghiu, G.; Rotar, M., Cercetări de suprafață la Nicula (jud. Cluj), 34, I, 1997, p. 481.
1758.	Rotea, M.; Wittenberger, M., The complex of inhumation belonging to the Early Bronze age from
Copăceni - La moara (Cluj County), 35, I, 1998, p. 17.
1759.	Idem, The ritual complex ofthe Wietenberg culture, Cluj - Napoca (Transylvania), 36, I, 1999, p. 7.
1760.	Rotea, M., Beitrăge zur kenntnis der phase I der kultur Wietenberg. Die bewohnung von Păuleni
(Ciomortan), kreis Harghita, 37/I, 2000, p.21.
1761.	Idem, Non - ferrous metalurgy in Transylvania ofBronze Age, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 7.
1762.	Rotea, M., Tecar, M., Nagy, S:, Pupeză, P., Tecar, T., Săsăran, L., Florești - Polus Center.
Preliminary observations, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 47.
1763.	Rotea, M. Wittenberger, M., Tecar, M., Tecar, T., Bronze age metallurgy in Transilvania: craft, art
and ritual/magic, 45 - 46/I, 2008 - 2009 (2011), p.7.
1764.	ROȘCA, Maria, Ecourile mișcării memorandiste în dezbaterile parlamentului maghiar, V, 1968,
p. 265.
1765.	Idem, Robota pe domeniul Bonțidei în perioada descompunerii feudalismului (1780 - 1820), VII,
1970, p. 249.
1766.	Roșca, M.; Mirel, M., "Romănische Revue" (1885 - 1894), revistă pentru apărarea intereselor
naționale, VIII, 1971, p. 651.
1767.	Roșca - Rosen, M.,Conscripțiile comunei Cupșeni din anii 1785 - 1786 și 1820, X, 1973, p. 715.
1768.	Idem, Din activitatea Camerei de Comerț și Industrie din Cluj (1851 - 1868), XIII, 1976, p. 463.
1769.	Idem, Contribuții la problema relațiilor economice dintre Transilvania și România în perioada
războiului de independență, XIV, 1977, p. 497.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
61
1770.	RUPRECHTSBERGER, Erwin M., Eine Bemerkung zur Terra sigillata aus Apulum, XIX,
1982, p. 331.
1771.	RUS, Traian, Simion Balint. Mărturii documentare, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 281.
1772.	Idem, loan Micu Moldovan. Pronunciamentul de la Blaj, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 155.
1773.	Idem, loan Micu Moldovan și școala din satul natal, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 309.
1774.	RUS, Vasile, Syllogiaeorum Transylvanae Ecclesiae Libri Septem de Rudolph Bzenszky (I), 33, II,
1997, p. 369.
1775.	Idem, Syllogimaeorum Transylvanae Ecclesiae Libri Septem de Rudolph Bzenszky (II), 34, II,
1998, p. 183.
1776.	Idem, loan Micu -Moldovan și școala din satul natal, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 295.
1777.	RUSCU, Dan, L'abandon de la Dacie romaine dans les sources litteraires, 35, I, 1998, p. 235.
1778.	Idem, Dakien in Hadrianischer zeit und die tradition der Historia Augusta, 36, I, 1999, p. 59.
1779.	Idem, L'abandon de la Dacie romaine dans les sources litteraires (L), 37/I, 2000, p. 265.
1780.	Idem, Bishop Theophilus and the church of Gothia, 47 - 48/I, 2010 - 2011 (2012), p. 229.
1781.	RUSCU, Ligia, Die griechischen namen in der provinz Dakien, 35, I, 1998, p. 147.
1782.	Idem, Die bezeihungen der griechenstădte an der Rumănischen Schwarzmeerkuste mit stădten
ausserhalb des Schwarzen Meers, 36, I, 1999, p. 29.
1783.	Idem, Zur datierung des foedus ZwischenRrom un Kallatis, 37/I, 2000, p. 57.
1784.	RUSSU, I. Ioan, Materiale epigrafice din estul Daciei, I, 1964, p. 181.
1785.	Idem, Note epigrafice. Seria VII. Inscripții "false" din Dacia care sînt autentice, I, 1964, p. 477.
1786.	Idem, Obîrșia împăratului Constantinus I, II, 1965, p. 295.
1787.	Idem, Contribuția lui Zamosius la epigrafia Daciei, III, 1966, p. 437.
1788.	Idem, Note epigrafice. Seria IX. Inscripții "rătăcitoare", III, 1966, p. 451.
1789.	Idem, Tracii în Dacia romană, IV, 1967, p. 85.
1790.	Idem, Note epigrafice. Inscripții din Dacia Porolissensis, V, 1968, p. 451.
1791.	Idem, Elemente syriene în Dacia carpatică și rolul lor în "colonizarea" și romanizarea provinciei,
VI, 1969, p. 167.
1792.	Idem, Note epigrafice, VII, 1970, p. 517.
1793.	Idem, Sextus Vibius Gallus, VIII, 1971, p. 531.
1794.	Idem, Epitaful călărașului Ulpius Eptatralis, XI, 1974, p. 103.
1795.	Idem, Precursorii muzeografiei științifice: colecționarii de materiale arheologice, XII, 1975, p. 191.
1796.	Idem: Arpadus Dobo, Inscriptiones extra fines Pannoniae Daciaeque repertae ad res earundem
provinciarum pertinentes, [R], XII, 1975, p. 419.
1797.	Idem: Polay Elemer, A dăciai viaszostăblăkszerzodesei, [R], XIII, 1976, p. 643.
1798.	RUSTOIU, Aurel, Zidurile de piatră nefasonată la daco - geți (sec. II î.e.n. - I e.n.), XXII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 767.
1799.	Idem, Colanele de argint daco - getice, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 1079.
1800.	RUSU, Andrei Adrian, Donjoane din Transilvania, XVII, 1980, p. 177.
1801.	Idem, Un formular al cancelariei regale din epoca lui Iancu de Hunedoara, pentru nobilii români
din Transilvania, XX, 1983, p. 155.
1802.	Rusu, A.A.; Pop, I.A., Familia nobiliară românească Arca din Țara Hațegului (sec. XV-începutul
sec. XVI), XXI, 1984, p. 211.
1803.	Idem, Impactul personalității în societatea românească a Hațegului din sec. XV: Iancu de
Huinedoara, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 251.
1804.	Idem, Miscellanea Hatzegiana (Informații și reinterpretări privitoare la istoria Hațegului în evul
mediu, II), XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 261.
1805.	Idem, Cahle din Transilvania (III). Trei motive decorative medievale, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 107.
1806.	RUSU, Cosmin C., Gergely B., Cimitirul medieval din Cluj - Piața Unirii, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007,
p. 41.
1807.	RUSU, Constantin, Idei filozofice și social - politice înaintate în gîndirea lui Vasile Lucaciu, VIII,
1971, p. 299.
1808.	RUSU, Diana, Câteva observații asupra materialului faunistic din Cluj - Napoca - Statuia
Memorandiștilor, 32, I, 1995, p. 119.
62
Livia Călian
1809.	Idem, Analiza materialului faunistic provenit din așezările Starcevo - Criș de la Gura Baciului.
Campania 1994, 32, I, 1995, p. 499.
1810.	Rusu, D.; Sângerean, C, Câteva observații asupra materialului faunistic de la Cheile - Turzii -
Peștera Ungurească, 33, I, 1996, p. 477.
1811.	RUSU, Mircea, Castrum, Urbs, Civitas (Cetăți și "orașe" transilvănene din sec. IX - XIII), VIII,
1971, p. 197.
1812.	Idem, Considerații asupra metalurgiei aurului din Transilvania în bronz D și Hallstatt A, IX, 1972,
p. 29.
1813.	Idem, Aspecte ale relațiilor dintre romanitatea orientală și slavi, XVI, 1979, p. 189.
1814.	Idem, Bodenstăndige und Wandervolker im GebietRumăniens (3 - 9. Jahrhunder), XVII, 1980, p. 139.
1815.	Idem, Considerații cu privire la situația social - economică și politică a primelor formațiuni
statale românești, XXI, 1984, p. 181.
1816.	Idem, Tezaurul de la Vrap a aprținutprincipelui slav Acamir al Belziției?, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 149.
1817.	RUSZ FOGARASI, Eniko, Relațiile așezărilor rurale din Transilvania cu puterea centrală, 34,
II, 1998, p. 37.
1818.	SABĂU, Nicolae, Originea iconografică a unui reliefclujean din sec. XVIII, XIII, 1976, p 385.
1819.	Idem, Două portrete de Johann Martin Stock (1742 - 1800), XIV, 1977, p. 419.
1820.	Idem, Mathias Veress restaurator?, XVI, 1979, p. 659.
1821.	Idem, Cîteva proiecte pentru statuia ecvestră a lui Avram Iancu la Cluj (1924 - 1926), XVIII,
1981, p. 661.
1822.	Idem, Conștiință națională și educație estetică în paginile revistei "Viața ilustrată" (1940 - 1944),
26 - 30, II, 1989 / 93, p. 439.
1823.	Idem, Descrierea Cetății Făgărașului în două manuscrise din sec. XVIII, 31, II, 1994, p. 265.
1824.	Idem, Pictura tribunei ev. Din Ruși (jud. Sibiu), 32, II, 1996, p. 517.
1825.	SALONTAI, Mihaela Sanda, Două biserici - sală gotice din județul Cluj, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93,
p. 45.
1826.	Idem, Lettnerul în biserica medievală, 31, II, 1994, p 207.
1827.	Idem, Unele observații privind arhitectura bisericii mănăstirii din Sighișoara, 35 - 36, Ii, 1999, p. 347.
1828.	Idem, Natio Transilvanica: vicariatul dominican al Transilvaniei din sec. al XIII-lea până la
Reformă, 37 -38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 75.
1829.	SANIE, Silviu, Onomastica orientală în Dacia romană (II), X, 1973, p. 151.
1830.	Idem: Robert du Mesnil du Buisson, Etudes sur les deux pheniciens herites par l'Empire
romain,[R], X, 1973, p. 793.
1831.	Idem, Dea Placida, XI, 1974, p. 111.
1832.	Idem, Diadema de aur de la Tyras, XVI, 1979, p. 127.
1833.	Idem, Certains aspects de la situation politique et demographique de la Dacie d'est dans la periode
Domitien - Trajan, 26 - 30, I/1, 1989 /93, p. 11.
1834.	SAVU, Al. Gheorghe, Participarea intelectualilor din România la lupta forțelor democratice în
perioada 23 august 1944 - 6 martie 1945, III, 1966, p. 367.
1835.	SAVU, Ioana, L. Steinberg, The sexuality of Christ in Renaissance art and modern oblivion [R],
39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 451.
1836.	Idem, Tripticul național 1906, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 255.
1837.	Idem, Strana - identitate românească între credință și tradiție, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 217.
1838.	SÂRBU, Valeriu, Un nouveau type de monument sacre chez les geto - daces, 32, I, 1995, p. 313.
1839.	SĂLĂGEAN, Marcela, Tensiuni între comuniștii rimâni și maghiari în Transilvania în anii care
au urmat celui de-al Doilea Război mondial, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 327.
1840.	Idem, Gh. Iancu - Problema minorităților etnice din România în documente ale Societății
Națiunilor 1923 - 1924, [R], 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 468.
1841.	SĂLĂGEAN, Tudor, Ducatul Transilvaniei (1257 - 1270), 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 85.
1842.	Idem, Terra Ultrasilvana. Structuri teritoriale și relații politice în nordul Transilvaniei în sec. X -
XI, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 63.
1843.	Idem, Suki - o familie nobiliară din comitatul Cluj în Evul Mediu, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 89.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
63
1844.	Idem, Notarul Anonim al regelui Bela al Ungariei si schola episcopală din Vercelli, 45 - 46/II,
2008 - 2009, p. 9.
1845.	Idem, Biserică, cultură și activitate politică românească în comitatul Cluj în sec. XVIII și IXI.
Studiu de caz: comuna Jucu, 47/II, 2010, p. 123.
1846.	SCARLAT, Constantin, Portul antic Callatis. Cercetări de arheologie submarină, X, 1973, p. 529.
1847.	Idem, Apeductul antic de la Callatis, XIII, 1976, p. 55.
1848.	SCHĂFER, Alfred, Ein grotesker tănzer im Historischen Museum von Sibiu, 35, I, 1998, p. 61.
1849.	SCHUSTER, Christian, Die fruhbronzezeit in der Walachei und in Sudost - Siebenburgen -
Kulturelle verbindungen, beziehungen und einflusse und ethnische bewegungen, 35, I, 1998, p. 25.
1850.	SCROBOTĂ, Paul, O cheie de boltă cu motivul Agnus Dei de la Aiud, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 321.
1851.	SEBESTYEN, Gheorghe, Aspecte ale eficienței turismului axat pe valorificarea monumentelor
istorice, XX, 1983, p. 751.
1852.	Idem, Despre biserica de lemn de la Oradea, XXI, 1984, p. 555.
1853.	Idem, Castelele și curțile Renașterii din Transilvania, XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 267.
1854.	Idem, Originea unui plan eronat al cetății Lipova, XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 639.
1855.	Idem, Cetatea Carnsebeș. Rectificări și dubii, 26 - 30, II, 1989 - 1993, p. 521.
1856.	SECHEL, Teodora Daniela, Alexandru Lapedatu. Concepție și metodă istorică, 34, II, 1998, p. 111.
1857.	SERES, Andrei, Materiale feudale timpurii din hotarul comunel Feldioara (jud. Brașov), XII,
1975, p. 199.
1858.	SILBERMAN, Henri C., Recensement d'images pharmaceutiques medievaux aux Etats Units et
l'acces â ces donneespar l'ordinateur, 34, II, 1998, p. 527.
1859.	SIMINA, Nicolae - Marcel, Contribuții la cunoașterea feudalismului timpuriu pe teritoriul
comunei Vințu de Jos (jud. Alba), 32, I, 1995, p. 473.
1860.	SIMION, A., Opinia publică românească și dictatul de la Viena, VII, 1970, p. 406.
1861.	Idem, Mișcarea grevistă a muncitorilor din industria metalurgică în anii 1923 - 1928, IX, 1972, p. 315.
1862.	SIMON, Alexandru, Între porturi și cer. Chilia, Cetatea Albă, Istambul și Veneția în vara anului
1484, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 229.
1863.	Idem, The Walachian’s in Ottoman - Hungarian power relations (1430’s - 1440’s), 45 - 46/II,
2008 - 2009, p. 21.
1864.	Idem, Rudele otomane de sânge ale Huniazilor, 47/II, 2010, p. 91.
1865.	SOFRONI, Rodica, Aspecte privind situația financiară a Transilvaniei în perioada 1849 - 1867,
XIII, 1976, p. 443.
1866.	SOPOREAN, MARIA; Dascălu, C., La ceramique pharmaceutique medievale dans le Musee
d'Art de Roumanie, 34, II, 1998, p. 595.
1867.	SOROCEANU, Alina, Tipologia ceramicii romane din templul lui Liber Pater de la Ulpia
Traiana Sarmizegetusa, XVI, 1979, p. 551.
1868.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XVI, 1979: C.J: Young, The roman pottery industy of the Oxford Region, p.
897..; Roman pottery studies in Britain and beyond, p. 899.
1869.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XVII, 1980: L. Caretta, E. Carolis, C. Gazatti, G. Ghini, M. Incitti, Introduzione
allo studio della ceramica Romana, p. 891.; M.H. et J. Santrot, Ceramiques communes gallo - romaines
d'Aquitanie, p. 894.; M.B. Lloris, Ceramica romana: tipologia y clasification, p. 901.
1870.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XIX, 1982: Ferenc Fulep, Roman cemeteries on the territory of Pecs, p. 755.;
Figlina. 3., p. 756.
1871.	SOROCEANU, Tudor, Oltenia romană, VI, 1969, p. 545.
1872.	Idem, Tabula Imperii Romani L. 34, L. 35, VII, 1970, p. 561.
1873.	Idem, Un mormânt de incinerație de la Cristurul Secuiesc, VIII, 1971, p. 499.
1874.	Idem, Descoperiri din epoca bronzului de la Obreja /jud. Alba), X, 1973, p. 494.
1875.	Idem:recenzii în vol. XIII, 1976: J. Banner, I. Bona, Mittelbronzezeitliche Tell - Siedlung bei
Bekes, p. 635.; O. Trogmayer, Das bronzezeitliche Grăbeifeld bei Tape,; Gy. Farkas, P. Liptăk,
Anthropologische Auswertung des Grăberfeldes bei Tape, p. 631.
1876.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XIV, 1977: Jahresbericht des Instituts fur Vorgeschichte der Universităt
Frankfurt a. Main, p. 673..; I. Bona, Die mittlere Bronzezeit Ungarns und ihre sudostlichen
Beziehungen, p. 668.; Marek Gedl, Kultura przedluzycka, p. 672.; Petre I. Roman, Cultura Coțofeni,
p. 665.
64
Livia Călian
1877.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XV, 1978: Beitrăge zur regionalen und chronologischen Gliderung der
ălteren Hallstattzeit an der unteren Donau, p. 691..; M. Primas, Untersuchungen zu den
Bestatungssitten der ausgehenden Kufper - und der fruhen Bronzezeit, p. 677..; M. Petrescu -
Dîmbovița, Depozitele de bronzuri din România, p. 686.; Petre I. Roman, I. Nemeti, Cultura Baden în
România, p. 675.; Symposium on the dark ages in Greece, p. 689.; V.A. Dergacev, Bronzovîie
predmetî XIII - VIII vv. Do n.e. iz dnestrovo - prutskova mejdurecie, p. 685.; V.D. Dergacev,
Pamiatniki epohi bronzu, p. 685.; W. Sarnowska, Kultura unietycka w Polsce, tom I, p. 680.
1878.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XVI, 1979: Tiberiu Bader, Epoca bronzului în nord - vestul Transilvaniei, p.
849..; F. Laux, Die Nadel in Niedesachsen. Prăhistorische Bronzefunde, p. 861; Jahresbericht des
Instituts fur Vorgeschichte der Universităt Frankfurt a. Main, 1979, p. 858.; Mitteleuropăische
Bronzezeit, p. 860 - 861.; Sebastian Morintz, Contribuții arheologice la istoria tracilor timpurii.
Epoca bronzului în spațiul carpato - balcanic, p. 862..; Die Messer in Italien, p. 854; M. Petrescu -
Dîmbovița, Die Sicheln in Rumănien, p. 866; Studien zur Lausitzer Kultur, Krakow, p. 869..; Studien
zu suspolnischen Wehranlagen, p. 871.
1879.	Soroceanu, T.; Soroceanu, A., Cîteva observații prilejuite de alcătuirea "Repertoriului de periodice
conținînd articole de istorie veche, arheologie și muzeologie", XVII, 1980, p. 693.
1880.	Soroceanu, T.: recenzii în vol. XVII, 1980: J.M. Coles, A.F. Harding, The Bronze Age in Europe, p.
856.; M. Gedl, Bronze II - III. Civilisation lusacienne. Inventaria archaeologica, p. 867.; M. Gedl,
Stufengliederung und Chronologie des Grăberfeldes der Lausitzer Kultur in Krietrz, p. 868.; S. Mirie,
Das Thronraumareal des Palastes von Knossos, p. 853; J. Păstor, Cana a Valaliky, Kosice, p. 859.; F.
Stein, Bronzezeitliche Hortfunde in Suddeutschland, p. 854.; F. Stein, Katalog der vorgeschichtlichen
Hortfunde in Suddeutschland, p. 85.; A. Tocik, Vycapy - Opatovce, p. 864 - 865.; I. Todorovic,
Praistorijska Karaburma II, p. 866.
1881.	Idem, Materialien zur Bronze - und Hallstattzeit Siebenburgens (I), XVIII, 1981, p. 357.
1882.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XIX, 1982: A. Tocik, Nitriansky Hradok - Zamecek. Bronzezeitliche
befestigte Ansiedlung der Mad'arovce - Kultur, p. 724.; Bronze Age Hoards. BAR 67, p. 725; N.
Chidioșan, Contribuții la istoria tracilor din nord - vestul României, p. 727..; G. Coman, Statornicie,
continuitate. Repertoriul arheologic al județului Vaslui, p. 722; V.A. Dergacev, Pamjatniki pozdnego
Tripolja, p. 719.; T.S. Hacatrjan, Artiskij nekropol, p. 721; Jahresbericht des Institut fur
Vorgeschichte der Universităt Frankfurt a. Main, p. 719; T. Kemenczei, Das mittelbronzezeitliche
Grăbefld von Gelej, p. 736.; I.S. Masimov, Keramiceskoe proizvodstvo epohi bronzy v Juznom
Turkmenistane, p. 735.; J. Paulik, Prăhistorische Kunst in der Slowakei, p. 723; K. Wilhelmi, Zwei
bronzezeitliche Kreisgrabetfriedhefe bei Telgte, p. 736.
1883.	Idem, Materialen zur Bronze - und Hallstattzeit Siebenburgens (II), XXI, 1984, p. 433.
1884.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XXI, 1984: J. Imhre, A Ko zep - Duna - medence regeszti bibliografiăja, p.
803; Bodendenkmalplege und archăologische Forschung, p. 804.; Palast und Hutte, p. 805.; Beitrăge
zur Ur - und Fruhgeschichte, p. 806.; R. Hachmann, Bericht uber die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen
in Kămid el Loz in den Jahren 1971 bis 1974, p. 807.; E. Kroeger - Michael, Les haches â disque du
bassin des Carpathes, p. 808.; Dir Fruhbronzezeit im Karpatenbecken und in den Nachbargebieten,
p.809; O.J. Stuchlikovă, Veterovske sidlisee v Budkovicich, p. 817.; S. Stuchlik, Osidleni jeskyn ve
starsi a stredni dobe bronzove na Morave, p. 817.; Cumania, p. 818.; A. Radwan, Die Kupfer - und
Bronzegefăsse Âgyptens, p. 819.; A. Hochstetter, Die Hugelgrăberbronzezeit in Niederbayern, p.
820.; T. Bader, Die Fibeln in Rumănien, p. 822.; H. Koschik, Die Bronzezeit im sudwestlichen
Oberbayern, p. 823.; J. Rihovsky, Zăklady stredoduncjskych popelnicovych poli na Morave, p. 824.;
J. Nekvasil, Pohrebiste luzi ce kultury v Moracicanech, p. 825.; V. Rychner, L'âge du Bronzefinal â
Auvernier (Lac de Neuchâtel, Suisse), p. 825.
1885.	SPEIDEL, P. Michael, Ranisstorum, ultimul punct de sprijin al lui Decebal, VII, 1970, p. 511.
1886.	STAN, Constantin I., Participarea studenților bucureșteni la mișcarea memorandistă, XX, 1983,
p. 257.
1887.	Idem, Activitatea lui Vasile Stoica în Statele Unite ale Americii în sprijinul Unirii (1917 - 1918),
XXI, 1984, p. 293.
1888.	Idem, Contribuții privind activitatea lui Onisifor Ghibu pentru realizarea desăvîrșirii unității
naționale (1916 - 1918), XXIV - XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 755.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
65
1889.	Stan C.I.; Neamțu, G., Din activitatea românilor americani în sprijinul înfăptuirii Marii Uniri, 26 -
30, 1989 / 93, p. 269.
1890.	Stan, C.I., Ultimatumul sovietic din iunie 1940, prolog al Dictatului de la Viena, 32, II, 1996, p. 323.
1891.	Idem, Crearea Partidului Național Țărănesc (10 oct. 1926), 34, II 1998, p. 125.
1892.	Idem, Revenirea familiei regale în București (18nov. -1 dec. 1918), 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 129.
1893.	Idem, Desăvârșirea unității naționale în toamna anului 1918 și relațiile româno - ruse- ucrainiene,
37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001, p. 211.
1894.	STANCA, Sebastian, Descoperiri arheologice și numismatice la Petroșani, IX, 1972, p. 385.
1895.	STANCIU, Ioan, Ceramică din sec. III - IV descoperită la Ciumești, jud. Satu - Mare, XXII -
XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 553.
1896.	STANCIU, loan, Uber die slawischen brandhugelgrăber vom typ Nușfalău - Someșeni
(Nordwesten Rumăniens), 36, I, 1999, p. 245.
1897.	STĂNESCU, Florin C., Considerații cu privire la posibilele semnificații astronomice ale altarului
de la Sarmizegetusa Regia, XXII- XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 105.
1898.	Idem, Absida centrală a marelui sanctuar rotund de la Sarmizegetusa Regia; considerații
astronomico - matematice, XXIV - XXV, 1987 /88, p. 119.
1899.	Idem, Un posibil cadran solar de tip discus in planitia la Sarmizegetusa Regia, România, 33, I,
1996, p. 449.
1900.	Idem, Orientări astronomice în sanctuarele dacilor. I. Sanctuarele dacilor de la Costești, România,
33, I, 1996, p. 468.
1901.	Idem, Posibile orientări astronomice în marile sanctuare dreptunghiulare de la Sarmizegetusa
Regia. Rezultate preliminare, 34, I, 1997, p. 807.
1902.	STĂNESCU, M.C.; Țuțu, D., Evoluția relațiilor româno - sovietice în anii 1928 - 1929, VI,
1969, p. 625.
1903.	STÂNGĂ, Ion, Un centru ceramic în teritoriul rural al Drobetei: Gârla Mare, 34, I, 1997, p. 621.
1904.	STINGER, Simona, Ideologia mișcării feministe românești din Transilvania între educație și
emancipare, XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 1141.
1905.	STOICOVICI, Eugen; Winkler, I., Studiul construcției și compoziției unor monede antice prin
cercetări metalografice, IV, 1967, p. 449.
1906.	Stoicovici, E., Analiza chimico - mineralogică a materialului rezultat din săpăturile de la Batiz,
VI, 1969, p. 287.
1907.	Stoicovici. E.; Winkler, I., Uber die Stanzen von Pecica und von Ludești, VIII, 1971, p. 477.
1908.	Stoicovici, E.; Stoicovici, F., Monede de argint dacice și specificul lor chimic și metalografic, IX,
1972, p. 375.
1909.	Idem, Compoziția argintului din obiectele de podoabă dacice, X, 1973, p. 542.
1910.	Idem, Aurul din argintul dacic, XI, 1974, p. 19.
1911.	Stoicovici, E., Monede dacice din argint cu miez și înveliș, XII, 1975, p. 93.
1912.	Idem, Efecte structural - textuale la monedele antice obținute prin batere,XIII, 1976, p. 65.
1913.	Idem, Atelier de sticlă rubin la Dierna (Orșova), XV, 1978, p. 245.
1914.	Idem, Cercetarea unor brățări de sticlă, XVII, 1980, p. 495.
1915.	Idem, Metalografia unor diplome romane, XVIII, 1981, p. 451.
1916.	Idem, Studiul metalografic al unor monede, XVIII, 1981, p. 475.
1917.	Idem Analiza microscopică a unor probe de pămînt ars, XIX, 1982, p. 585.
1918.	Idem, Studiul mineralogico - petrografic al materialului neolitic de la Iclod (jud. Cluj), XXI, 1984,
p. 691.
1919.	Idem, Calcedoniile de la Gornea - Sichevița, jud. Caraș - Severin, XXII - XXIII, 1985 / 86, p. 51.
1920.	STOJIC, Milorad, Les tombes des Triballes dans le basin de la Morava et la partie serb du basin
du Danube au cours du dernier quart du VI - eme de la premiere moitie du V -eme siecle avant J.C.,
32, I, 1995, p. 303.
1921.	STRÎMBU, Mihaela, Arhitectura civilă secesionistă în Cluj - Napoca, XVII, 1980, p. 791.
1922.	Strîmbu, M.; Glodariu, I., O nouă propunere de reconstituire a sanctuarului A de la Sarmizegetusa,
XVIII, 1981, p. 377.
1923.	Strîmbu, M., Arhitectura civilă secesionistă în Cluj - Napoca (II), XVIII, 1981, p. 651.
1924.	Strîmbu, M.; Neamțu, U., Monumente uitate ale arhitecturii de azi, XIX, 1982, p. 653.
66
Livia Călian
1925.	Idem: L. Lazzarini, La pulitura dei materiali lapidei da construzione e sculptura, [R], XIX, 1982,
p. 773.
1926.	SUCEVEANU, Alexandru, Unele reflecții în legătură cu regatul lui Burebista, XV, 1978, p. 107.
1927.	SUCIU, Dumitru, Ecouri ale situației politice românești în publicistica franceză (1850 - 1859),
VII, 1970, p. 621.
1928.	Idem, Lupta parlamentară a lui Ilie Măcelaru în dieta de încoronare de la Pesta (iunie 1867 -
decembrie 1868), IX, 1972, p. 215.
1929.	Idem, Aspecte din activitatea și gîndirea politică a lui Ioan Suciu, X, 1973, p. 373.
1930.	Idem, Mentalități europene în gîndirea și acțiunea politică a românilor din Transilvania față de unele
realități din propria mișcare națională și din România în sec. XX (I), 26 - 30, II, 1989 / 93, p. 235.
1931.	Idem, Mentalități europene în gândirea și acțiunea politică a românilor din Transilvania față de
unele realități din propria mișcare națională și din România în sec. XIX (II), 31, II, 1994, p. 145.
1932.	Idem, Considerații privind relațiile dintre România și românii din Transilvania între 1866 - 1876,
32, II, p. 247.
1933.	Idem, Date privind situația școlilor românești confesionale și problematica celor mixte din
Transilvania în a doua jumătate a sec. XIX, , 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 101.
1934.	SURDU, Bujor, Știri noi despre Visarion Sarai, II, 1965, p. 695.
1935.	Idem, Societatea de păstrare și împrumut din Rășinari, III, 1966, p. 317.
1936.	Idem, Cronicarul Nicolae Stoica despre călătoriile lui Iosif II în Banat, VI, 1969, p. 231.
1937.	SZEKELY, Zoltan, Le debut de l'âge dufer dans le sud - est de la Transylvanie, 31, I, 1994, p. 173.
1938.	Idem, Vestigiile unui cuptor de topit minereu de fier din sec. IV d.Ch. de la Sf. Gheorghe - Chilieni,
31,	I, 1994, p. 299.
1939.	Idem, Locuințe și cuptoare de olar eneolitice la Ariușd, 33, I, 1996, p. 217.
1940.	ȘEICA, Radu, Confirmarea și acordarea de posesiuni pentru românii din Maramureș în timpul
lui Sigismund de Luxemburg (1387 . 1437), 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 327.
1941.	ȘORA, Gheorghe, Pagini inedite din jurnalul de tinerețe al lui Vasile Goldiș, XVIII, 1981, p. 555.
1942.	Idem, Concepția lui V. Goldiș referitoare la programul național și la tactica activistă (I), XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 731.
1943.	Idem, Contribuția lui V. Goldiș (1862 - 1934) referitoare la programul național și tactica activistă
(II), 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 607.
1944.	Idem, Vasile Goldiș - pedagog național, 33, II, 1997, p. 145.
1945.	Idem, Declarația de la Oradea din 12 oct. 1918, 34, II, 1998, p. 311.
1946.	ȘTEIU, Nicolae, Frămîntări țărănești oglindite în publicațiile Huedinul și Revista Glasul Moților
(1925 - 1927), XX, 1983, p. 663.
1947.	Idem, Contribuția populației din zona Măguri - Călata - Lunca Vișagului la înfrîngerea
fascismului (luptele din septembrie - octombrie 1944), XXII - XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 679.
1948.	Idem, Preocuparea Despărțămîntului Astrei pentru ridicarea unei statui a lui Avram Iancu la
Huedin, XXIV - XXV, 1987 / 88, p. 817.
1949.	Idem, Țăranul Dumitru Faur despre primul război mondial și problemele românilor transilvăneni,
26 - 30, II, 1989 / 93, p. 619.
1950.	Idem, Cântecele patriotice din perioada 1848 - 1900 și contribuția lor la înfăptuirea idealurilor de
libertate și unitate națională, 31, II, 1994, p. 285.
1951.	ȘTIRBAN, Marcel., Aspecte din starea de spirit în comitatele Alba și Sibiu în anii 1782 - 1784,
III, 1966, p. 229.
1952.	Știrban, M.; Suciu, Șt., Ecoul răscoalei lui Horea în colecția de documente Haller, VIII, 1971, p. 621.
1953.	Știrban, M., Proiecte de organizare a învățămîntului agricol elementar din Transilvania în anii
1919 - 1921, X, 1973, p. 769.
1954.	Idem, Omagiu marelui om politic și diplomat român Nicolae Titulescu, XIX, 1982, p. 175.
1955.	Știrban, M.; Iancu, Gh., Aspecte privind activitatea revoluționară a metalurgiștiilor din Brașov,
Sibiu, Tîrgu-Mureș și împrejurimi, între anii 1929 - 1933, XXI, 1984, p. 333.
1956.	TAKACS, Mathilda; Cociș, S.; Rustoiu, A., Fibule din colecțiile Muzeului Orășenesc din Aiud,
32, I 1995, p. 451.
1957.	TANCO, Teodor; Ilovan, V., Tîrgurile de la Monor (diploma din 1841), VII, 1970, p. 609.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
67
1958.	TARCEA, Crina; Tarcea, L., Bază de date relațională pentru studiul materialului litic. Determinări
mineralogice și petrografce asupra uneltelor cioplite din județul Sălaj, 33, I, 1996, p. 665.
1959.	Tarcea, C., Petrografia rocilor folosite ca râșnițe la Porolissum și în castre de pe limesul de nord -
vest al provinciei Dacia Porolissensis și proveniența acestora, 34, I, 1997, p. 849.
1960.	TARCEA, Lucian; Lazarovici, Gh., Sângerean, C., Zeus: sistem pentru gestiunea și prelucrarea
datelor arheologice, 33, I, 1996, p. 683.
1961.	TATAI-BALTĂ,Cornel, Xilogravurile lui Vlaicu de la Blaj (1751-1752),XX, 1983, p.823.
1962.	TATU, Hristache, Descoperiri dacice și romane în Țara Hațegului, 31, I, 1994, p. 199.
1963.	TÂMPEANU, Elena, An attempt to social explanation of the Late Bronze age and Early Iron age
in the Carpatho - Danubian region, 34, I, 1997, p. 743.
1964.	TEODOR, Maria, Un istoric al Reformei: Andrei Șaguna, XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 315.
1965.	TEODOR, Pompiliu, Din nou despre Magazinul istoric pentru Dacia în Transilvania, III, 1966,
p. 511.
1966.	Idem, Contribuția lui Aaron Florian la dezvoltarea istoriografiei naționale, V,1968, p. 577.
1967.	Idem, În legătură cu "Răspunsul la cîrtire" de Petru Maior, VII, 1970, p. 599.
1968.	TINCA, Gheorghe, Drama României în anul 1940 și exigențele securității naționale, 32, II, 1996,
p. 17.
1969.	TOMA, Corina, Observations on the typologyof the denarii issued by Maria, queen of Hungary
(1382 - 1395). The coin hoartd from Cluj - Mănăștur, 49/II, 2012, p. 411.
1970.	TOPAN, Gheorghe; Lazarovici, Gh.; Balint, A., Despre analizele metalografice ale unor topoare
de aramă și cupru arsenic, 33, I, 1996, p. 635.
1971.	TOȘA, Viorel, Alexandru Lupeanu Melin (1866 - 1937). Încercare de schiță monografică, XXIV
- XXV, 1987 /88, p. 767.
1972.	TOTH - GASPAR, Margareta, Condițiile de muncă și de viață ale minerilor din Valea Jiului și
luptele lor greviste pînă la sfîrșitul sec. XIX, I, 1964, p. 255.
1973.	Idem, Aspecte ale controlului de stat și activității sindicatelor în anii 1945 - 1947, IV, 1967, p. 367.
1974.	TOTH Szilard, Relațiile dintre organizațiile politice ale minorității maghiare , germane, și
evreiești din România în perioada interbelică, 47/II, 2010, p. 175.
1975.	Idem, Bernădy Gyorgy și strategia politică a Partidului Maghiar, 48/II, 2011, p. 125.
1976.	TRAORE, Facko, Cercetări etnoarheologice asupra ceramicii și olăritului tradițional în satul
Mante (Republica Mali), 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 /93, p. 535.
1977.	TRĂISTARU, Elisabeta, Lupta maselor din nordul Transilvaniei împotriva regimului fascist -
hortyst, pentru eliberarea întregului teritoriu al țării și instaurarea unui guvern democrat, VI, 1969,
p. 421.
1978.	TREBICI, Vladimir, Pierderile teritoriale din vara anului 1940: bilanț demografic, 32, II, 1996,
p. 49.
1979.	TRÎNCĂ, Georgeta, Analiza faunistică a materialului din așezarea Coțofeni de la Bocșa -
"Colțan" (jud. Caraș - Severin), XX, 1983, p. 859.
1980.	Idem, Analiza materialelor faunistice provenite din așezarea Starcevo - Criș de la Gornea
(Locurile Lungi) și Moldova Veche (Rît), jud. Caraș - Severin, XXII -XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 41.
1981.	Idem, Studiulfaunei din așezarea neolitică de la Iclod (jud. Cluj), 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 -(93, p. 187.
1982.	Trîncă, G.; Rusu, D., Raport preliminar asupra materilului faunistic din așezarea neolitică
timpurie de la Gura Baciului (jud. Cluj), 32, I, 1995, p. 181.
1983.	Trâncă, G., Fauna din așezarea dacică de la Sighișoara Wietenberg (jud. Mureș), 33, I, 1996, p. 511.
1984.	TUKA, Laszlo, Repartizarea farmaciilor și drogheriilor în județele din România în funcție de
ponderea naționalităților în 1936, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 353.
1985.	Idem, Repartizarea farmaciilor și drogheriilor în județele din România în funcție de dezvoltarea
economică în 1936, 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 169.
1986.	Idem, Repartizarea farmaciilor și drogheriilor în județele din România în funcție de ponderea
naționalităților în 1936, 47/II, 2010, p. 287.
1987.	Idem, Învățământul farmaceutic în cadrul Universității Franz Joseph din Cluj, 1872 - 1945, 48/II,
2011, p. 101.
1988.	Idem, Tobias Mauksch: Instructio, 49/II, 2012, p. 156.
68
Livia Călian
1989.	TUDORAN, Georgeta, Național și internațional în mișcarea muncitorească din România la
începutul sec. XX, XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 367.
1990.	TURCUȘ, Șerban, Ignatie Darabant - iluminism și pragmatism, 32, II, 1996, p. 383.
1991.	Idem, Însemnări pe marginea unei expoziții și a catalogului: Monumenta Romaniae Vaticana, [R],
33, II, 1997, p. 459.
1992.	Idem, Christianitas și românii. Note privind locul românilor în realitatea creștină occidentală la
începutul sec. XIII, 34, II, 1998, p. 9.
1993.	Idem, Conciliul Lyon II - 1274. Implicații în Europa central - orientală, 35 - 36, II, 1999, p. 9.
1994.	Idem, Misiunea cisterciană în Transilvania, 37 - 38II, 2000 - 2001, p. 49.
1995.	TURCUȘ, Veronica, La nascita dell'ordine cistercense e la sua espansione, 37 -38/II, 2000 -
2001, p. 18.
1996.	Idem, Un promotor al experienței pedagogice românești în Transilvania după Unirea din 1918 -
George G. Mateescu (1892 - 1929). Repere biografice, , 45 - 46/II, 2008 - 2009, p. 125.
1997.	TRYNKOWSKI, Jan, Urmările demografice ale cuceririi Daciei de către romani, XIII, 1976, p. 81.
1998.	Idem, Încă o dată despre "Decebalus per Scorilo", XVI, 1979, p. 507.
1999.	ȚEICU, Dumitru, Cîteva considerații pe marginea unor podoabe medievale, XVIII, 1981, p. 491.
2000.	Țeicu, D.; Bozu, O., Crucea - engolpion descoperită la Moldova Veche, XIX, 1982, p.393.
2001.	ȚENTEA, Ovidiu, Auxilia Commagenorum in Dacia, 41 - 42/I, 2004 - 2005, p. 141.
2002.	Țenteaa, O., Ludușan, V., About the spearheads of triangulat cross - section from Dacia, 37/I,
2000, p. 253.
2003.	Țentea, O., Matei - Popescu, F., Alae et cohortesDaciae etMoesiae, 39 - 40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 259.
2004.	ȚEPELEA, Gabriel, Lupta refugiaților din Ardealul de Nord împotriva Dictatului de la Viena,
32, II, 1996, p. 41.
2005.	ȚEPOSU - DAVID, Lucia, Teracote reprezentînd pe Venus, I, 1964, p. 473.
2006.	Țeposu, L.; Mărghitan, L., Monumente funerare de la Micia (h), VI, 1969, p. 159.
2007.	ȚIGU, Viorel Gh., Familia Duca în contextul vieții social - politice a Europei de sud - est și
centrale, 32, II, 1996, p. 131.
2008.	ȚINTEA, H.; Kovacs, C., Compoziția chimică a unor monede de argint din antichitate, I, 1964, p. 469.
2009.	ȚIPLIC, Ioan Marian, Necropolele de tip Mediaș din Transilvania, 39 - 40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 9.
2010.	ȚOCA, Mircea, Despre plastica fațadelor în arhitectura laică clujeană din perioada barocului
tîrziu, III, 1966, p. 471.
2011.	Idem, Despre fațada bisericii ortodoxe de pe strada Dr. Petru Groza din Cluj, V, 1968, p. 551.
2012.	ȚURLEA, Petre, Cu privire la rolul lui N. Iorga în întemeierea Universității române din Cluj.
Pagini de corespondență, XXIV - XXV, 1987 - 1988, p. 383.
2013.	ȚUȚU, Dumitru, Aspecte ale politicii externe a României în anii 1919 - 1933, X, 1973, p. 351.
2014.	Idem, Tratative și contacte ale guvernului și burgheziei române pentru ieșirea din războiul dus
alături de Germania hitleristă, XV, 1978, p. 603.
2015.	Idem, Politica militară externă a României în perioada septembrie 1939 - iunie 1941, XVII, 1980,
p. 359.
2016.	Idem, Politica militară externă a României în perioada septembrie 1939 - iunie 1941, XVIII,
1981, p. 265.
2017.	Idem, România și războaiele balcanice, XXI, 1984, p. 277.
2018.	ȚUȚUI, Gheorghe, Congresul de unificare a PCR cu PSD (februarie 1948), V, 1968, p. 355.
2019.	Idem, Confruntări politico - diplomatice la Conferința de pace de la Paris din 1946, XXIV -
XXV, 1987 /88, p. 437.
2020.	Idem, Participarea ostașilor argeșeni la lupta pentru alungarea trupelor hitleriste și hortyste din
partea de nord - est a Transilvaniei, 26 - 30, II, 1989 /93, p. 425.
2021.	UCRAIN, Constantin, Contribuția batalioanelorfixe regionale Cluj și Someș la luptele duse pentru
eliberarea părții de nord - vest a Transilvaniei (23 august - octombrie 1944), XVIII, 1981, p. 283.
2022.	UNC, Gheorghe, Solidaritatea maselor muncitoare din România cu MRSO, IV, 1967, p. 307.
2023.	URECHE, Petru, About the tactics and fighting particularity of the auxiliary infantry in Roman
Dacia, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 247.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
69
2024.	URSUȚ, Dorin; Petrică, P., Pentru o mai mare precizie a ridicărilor expeditive de topografie
arheologică, XVI, 1979, p. 785.
2025.	Ursuț, D.; Petrică, P.; Winkler, I., Cîteva considerații geotopografice privind traseul drumului
roman Potaissa - Napoca, în sectorul Cluj - Napoca - Aiton, XVII, 1980, p. 441.
2026.	Ursuț, D.; Petrică, P., Scurtă analiză topometrică a sectorului de drum roman cuprins între km. 8 +
750 și intrarea în municipiul Turda, XIX, 1982, p. 591.
2027.	Idem, Drumul roman imperial din sectorul Aiton - Tureni. Caracteristici geografice și
topometrice, 31, I, 1994, p. 209.
2028.	Ursuț, D., Drumul imperial roman în vatra municipiului Cluj - Napoca, 34, I, 1997, p. 597.
2029.	Idem, The imperial Roman road between Potaissa and thefortress ofRăzboieni, 34, I, 1997, p. 605.
2030.	Ursuț, D.; Stanciu, I., Un fragment din drumul roman Cluj - Napoca - Gilău, 34, I, 1997, p. 609.
2031.	URSUȚIU, Claudia, Politici comunitare evreiești în Parlamentul României (1922 - 1929), 39 -
40/II, 2002 - 2003, p. 309.
2032.	URSUȚIU, Liviu, Cinci scrisori ale lui G. Barițiu în legătură cu proiectul de lege școlară din anul
1879, III, 1966. P. 521.
2033.	Idem, Un document privind organizarea administrativă a românilor în revoluția de la 1848, VI,
1969, p. 593.
2034.	Idem, Foruri de judecată, judecăți, gloabe pe domeniul Gurghiu între anii 1652 - 1715, IX, 1972,
p. 195.
2035.	UZUM, Ilie; Țeicu, D., Cuptorul de ars ceramică descoperit în așezarea feudală timpurie de la
Gornea - "Țărmuri", XV, 1978, p. 295.
2036.	Uzum, I., Un tezaur de podoabe medievale românești descoperit la Macoviște (com. Ciuchici, jud.
Caraș - Severin), XX, 1983, p. 509.
2037.	VACZI, C., Nomenclatura dacică a plantelor la Dioscorides și Pseudo - Apuleius (I), V, 1968, p. 59.
2038.	Idem, Nomenclatura dacică a plantelor la Dioscorides și Pseudo - Apuleius (II), VI, 1969, p. 115.
2039.	Idem, Nomenclatura dacică a plantelor la Dioscorides șa Pseudo - Apuleius (III), VIII, 1971, p. 109.
2040.	Idem, Nomenclatura dacică a plantelor la Dioscorides și Pseudo - Apuleius (IV), IX, 1972, p. 107.
2041.	VAJDA, Catalina, Fragmente de textile arheologice din sec. XV - XVIII. Investigații și tratamente
de specialitate, 37 - 38/II, 2000 - 2001. p. 377.
2042.	VAJDA, Ludovic, Începuturile dezvoltării mineritului de cărbuni în Transilvania, I, 1964, p. 397.
2043.	Idem, Dezvoltarea extracției minereului de fier și a siderurgiei în Transilvania (1848 - 1867), II,
1965, p. 497.
2044.	Vajda, L.; Mirel, M., Date privind situația revendicărilor economice ale minerilor din salinele
transilvane (1848 - 1867), III, 1966, p. 271.
2045.	Vajda, L., Extracția și prelucrarea metalelor neferoase în Transilvania (1848 - 1867), IV, 1967, p. 237.
2046.	Idem, Formarea muncitorimii salariate în industria minieră și metalurgică din Transilvania între
anii 1848 - 1867, V, 1968, p. 227.
2047.	Idem, Formarea muncitorimii salariate în industria minieră și metalurgică din Transilvania (1848
- 1867), VI, 1969, p. 307.
2048.	Vajda, L.; Mirel, M., Condițiile de salarizare și revendicările minerilor de pe domeniul minier
Zlatna în perioada 1849 - 1867, VII, 1970, p. 273.
2049.	Vajda, L., Prima cale ferată din Transilvania, VIII, 1971, p. 287.
2050.	Idem, Capitalul străin în industria minieră și metalurgică a Transilvaniei (1867 - 1900), IX, 1972,
p. 229.
2051.	Idem, Mineritul carbonifer în Banat între anii 1867 - 1900, X, 1973, p. 331.
2052.	Idem, Date privind mișcările muncitorilor de la exploatările de minereu de fier și de cărbune și ale
siderurgiștilor din Transilvania (1848 - 1867), XII, 1975, p. 319.
2053.	Idem Uzinele de fier Vlăhița (1925 - 1948), XIV, 1977, p. 577.
2054.	Idem, Oamenii muncii din Cluj în luptă, sub conducerea PCR, pentru instaurarea puterii democrat
- populare (11 oct. 1944 - 6 mart. 1945), XV, 1978, p. 617.
2055.	Idem, Industria minieră și metalurgică din Transilvania în perioada de avînt capitalist (1867 -
1873), XVII, 1980, p. 277.
70
Livia Călian
2056.	Idem, Manifestările crizei economice din 1873 în industria minieră și siderurgică din Transilvania,
XVIII, 1981, p. 201.
2057.	Idem, Din istoricul minei Bălan, XX, 1983, p. 173.
2058.	Idem, Mina Bălan la sfîrșitul sec. XIX și începutul sec. XX, XXI, 1984, p. 263.
2059.	Idem, Industria minieră și metalurgică din Transilvania în ultimele două decenii ale sec. XIX (I),
XXII - XXIII, 1987 /88, p. 295.
2060.	VARGA, Radu, The peregrine names from Dacia, 43 - 44/I, 2006 - 2007 (2008), p. 233.
2061.	VASILIEV, E., Despre lecția de istorie la muzeu, XVI, 1979, p. 741,
2062.	VASILIEV, Valentin, Un nou mormînt scitic descoperit la Batoș, III, 1966, p. 411.
2063.	Idem, Un relieffunerar roman în Muzeul de Istorie Cluj, IV, 1967, p. 477.
2064.	Vasiliev, V.; Seres, A., Materialel arheologice de pe teritoriul comunei Crizbav, IV, 1967, p. 425.
2065.	Vasiliev, V., Vestigii daco - romane din sec. IVe.n. la Suatu, V, 1968, p. 513.
2066.	Idem, O piesă sculpturală de factură celtică, VI, 1969, p. 451.
2067.	Idem, Podoabe de metal prețios în morminte scitice din Transilvania, VII, 1970, p. 41.
2068.	Idem, Das skythische Grăbeifeld von Blaj, IX, 1972, p. 65.
2069.	Idem, Despre cuțitașele curbe din Hallstattul tîrziu, X, 1973, p. 523.
2070.	Idem, Despre interpretarea pumnalelor Akinakes descoperite pe teritoriul României, XV, 1978, p. 101.
2071.	Idem, Pumnalele akinakes din Transilvania, XVI, 1979, p. 11.
2072.	Vasiliev, V.; Gaiu, C., Așezarea fortificată din prima vîrstă a fierului de la Ciceu - Corabia /jud.
Bistrița - Năsăud), XVII, 1980, p. 31.
2073.	Vasiliev, V., Despre "Pumnalele hallstattiene tîrzii" sau "pumnalele akinakes", XVIII, 1981, p. 367.
2074.	Idem, În legătură cu unele opinii referitoare la Hallstattul D în Transilvania, XIX, 1982, p. 261.
2075.	Idem, Probleme ale cronologiei Hallstattului în Transilvania, XX, 1983, p. 33.
2076.	Vasiliev, V.; Aldea, Ioan Al., Note despre așezarea fortificătă din prima epocă a fierului de la
Teleac (jud. Alba), XXI, 1984, p. 49.
2077.	Vasiliev, V., Descoperiri arheologice cu semnificație cultică în așezarea din prima epocă a fierului
de la Teleac (jud. Alba), XXII - XXIII, 1985 /86, p. 79.
2078.	Idem, Despre câteva opinii referitoare la cronologia primei epoci a fierului în Transilvania, 31, I,
1994, p. 37.
2079.	VĂTĂȘIANU, Virgil, Un relief medieval enigmatic, V, 1968, p. 143.
2080.	VELE, Ana Maria, Un diplomate roumain a Paris, 41 -44/II, 2004 - 2007, p. 179.
2081.	VESA, Vasile, Aspecte ale activității cultural-politice a burgheziei române din Transilvania la
sfîrșitul sec. XIX și începutul sec. XX, III, 1966, p. 537.
2082.	Idem, Conferința extraordinară a PNR din Transilvania (23 - 24 iulie 1893), V, 1968, p. 601.
2083.	VIRAG, Paula, Evoluția populațieiîn perioada comunistă în județul Satu Mare, 48/II, 2011, p. 137.
2084.	VITTINGHOFF, F., War die Kolonie Malva mit Romula (Reșca) identisch?, VI, 1969, p. 131.
2085.	VIZAUER, Victor V., Antroponimia feminină din Transilvania în sec. al XIII-lea. Opinii
introductive, 47/II, 2010, p. 51.
2086.	Idem, Antroponimia feminină din Transilvania în sec. XIV, 48/II, 2011, p. 31.
2087.	VLASSA, Nicolae, În legătură cu neoliticul timpuriu de la Dîrțu - Ceahlău, I, 1964, p. 463.
2088.	Idem, Materiale neolitice de la Tikos (R.P. Ungaria) în Muzeul de Istorie din Cluj, I, 1964, p. 367.
2089.	Idem, Cercetări arheologice în regiunile Mureș - Autonomă Maghiară și Cluj, II, 1965, p. 19.
2090.	Idem, Sabia feudală timpurie de la Ernei, II, 1965, p. 669.
2091.	Idem, Cultura Criș în Transilvania, III, 1966, p. 9.
2092.	Vlassa, N.; Rusu, M.; Protase, D.,; Horedt, K., Săpăturile arheologice de la Iernut, III, 1966, p. 399.
2093.	Vlassa, N., Tot despre locul de descoperire a "sabiei de la Morești", IV, 1967, p. 511.
2094.	Idem Unele probleme ale neoliticului Transilvaniei, IV, 1967, p. 403.
2095.	Idem, Sondajul de salvare de la "Gura Baciului", com. Baciu, or. Cluj (...și cîte ceva despre
cultura vaselor caliciforme în România), V, 1968, p. 371.
2096.	Idem, Așezarea neolitică de la Dăbîca, VI, 1969, p. 27.
2097.	Idem, KulturelleBeziehungen des Neolithikums Siebenburgens zum Vorden Orient, VII, 1970, p. 3.
2098.	Idem, Sondajul arheologic de la Bistrița, VIII, 1971, p. 572.
2099.	Idem, Cea mai veche fază a complexului cultural Starcevo-Criș în România, IX, 1972, p. 7.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
71
2100.	Idem, Zona balcano - asiatică și Transilvania, IX, 1972, p. 367.
2101.	Idem, Săpăturile arheologice de la Coldău (ud. Bistrița - Năsăud), X, 1973, p. 11.
2102.	Idem, Interpretarea plăcuței de aur de la Dierna, XI, 1974, p. 125.
2103.	Idem, Noi contribuții la problema influențelor orientale în neoliticul Transilvaniei, XII, 1975, p. 1.
2104.	Idem Două noi piese paleocreștine din Transilvania, XIII, 1976, p. 215.
2105.	Idem, O nouă plăcuță de aur gnostică de la Dierna, XIV, 1977, p. 205.
2106.	Idem, Problema existenței ecvidelor domestice în cadrul culturii Vinca - Turdaș, XV, 1978, p. 19.
2107.	Idem, Piese paleocreștine inedite din Dacia intracarpatică, XVI, 1979, p. 171.
2108.	Idem, Interpretarea unei geme magice greco - egiptene, XVII, 1980, p. 483.
2109.	Idem, O categorie nesemnalată de pietre gravate magice, XVIII, 1981, p. 111.
2110.	Idem, O gemă magică din Transilvania cu o temă iconografică rară, XIX, 1982, p. 367.
2111.	Idem: Studii dacice, [R], XIX, 1982, p. 739.
2112.	Vlassa, N.; Takacs, M.; Lazarovici, Gh., Mormintele tumulare din Banat și Transilvania din
perioada eneolitică tîrzie, XXII - XXIII, 1985 - 1986, p. 59.
2113.	Vlassa, N.; Kalmar, Z.; Lazarovici, Gh., Descoperiri arheologice la Bernadea (I), 32, I 1995, p. 575.
2114.	VLĂDESCU, C.; Pop, C., Piese sculpturale romane în Muzeul militar central, XIX, 1982, p. 301.
2115.	VOIȘAN, Valentin, In Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa entdeckte Bestandteile militărischer
Ausrustung, 34, I, 1997, p. 201.
2116.	WILMOTT, Tony, Cohors I Aelia Dacorum: a Dacian unit on Hadrian's wall, 38/I, 2001. p. 103.
2117.	WINKLER, Iudita, Despre circulația monetară la Porolissum, I, 1964, p. 215.
2118.	Idem, Circulația monetară la Apulum, II, 1965, p. 215.
2119.	Idem, Drahma și hemidrahma în sistemul monetar al daco - geților, III, 1966, p. 75.
2120.	Idem, Tipurile monetare ale daco - geților și aria lor de răspîndire (I), V, 1968, p. 33.
2121.	Idem, Tipurile monetare ale daco - geților și aria lor de răspîndire (II), VI, 1969, p. 67.
2122.	Idem, Perioada emiterii monedelor și dreptul monetar la geto - daci, VII, 1970, p. 94.
2123.	Winkler, I.; Băloi, C., Circulația monetară în așezările antice de pe teritoriul comunei Orlea, VIII,
1971, p. 161.
2124.	Winkler, I.; Hopârtean, A.; Milea, Z., Monede antice descoperite în Transilvania și Dobrogea, IX,
1972, p. 383.
2125.	Winkler, I.; Băloi, C., Circulația monetară în așezările antice de pe teritoriul comunei Orlea, X,
1973, p. 181.
2126.	Winkler, I., Observații și rectificări la "Monedele gato - dacilor", XII, 1975, p. 95.
2127.	Idem, Răspuns la întîmpinarea lui C. Preda "Pe marginea unor observații și rectificări la
Monedele geto - dacilor", XIV, 1977, p. 677.
2128.	Winkler, I.; Takăcs, M.; Păiuș, Gh., Necropola avară de la Cicău, XIV, 1977, p. 269.
2129.	Idem, Așezarea prefeudală de la Cicău, (ud. Alba, XV, 1978, p. 263.
2130.	Winkler, I: F. Fejer ; Huszâr, L.,Bibliographia NumismaticaeHungaricae,[R], XV, 1978, p. 693.
2131.	Winkler, I.; Takâcs, M.; Păiuș, Gh., Săpăturile arheologice de la Cicău, XVI, 1979, p. 465.
2132.	Winkler, I.: J. Fitz, Der Geldumlauf der romischen Provinzen im Donaugebiet Mitte des 3. Jhdts.,
[R], XVI, 1979, p. 885.
2133.	Idem., Aplicarea matricei de incidență în studii de arheologie și numismatică, XVII, 1980, p. 687.
2134.	Winkler, I.; Takâcs, M., Săpăturile arheologice de la Cicău. Așezarea Coțofeni, XVIII, 1981, p. 321.
2135.	Winkler, I.: M. Mihăilescu - Bîrliba, La monnaie romaine chez les Daces orientaux, [R], XVIII,
1981, p. 707.
2136.	Idem, Drumul roman Napoca - Potaissa (II), XIX, 1982, p. 587.
2137.	Idem, Histoire et numismatique en Haute - Normandie,[R], XIX, 1982, p. 761.
2138.	Winkler, I.; Blăjan, M., Așezările romane de la Mediaș ((ud. Sibiu), 26 - 30, I/2, 1989 - 1993, p. 459.
2139.	WOLF, Iosif, Imaginea antichității în "Siebenburgische Quartalschrift" (1790 - 1801) și
"Siebenburgische Provinzialblătter" (1805 - 1824), XIV, 1977, p. 425.
2140.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XIV, 1977:Gh. Bartoș. Răscoala lui Horea. Bibliografie analitică; N. Edroiu,
Răsunetul european al răscoalei lui Horea, 1784 - 1785, p. 683.
2141.	Idem, Începuturile presei cultural - științifice din Transilvania: "Siebenburgische Quartalschrift"
(1790 - 1801), XV, 1978, p. 431.
72
Livia Călian
2142.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XV, 1978: I. Lungu, Școala Ardeleană, p. 697.; G.M. Marica, Studii de
istoria și sociologia culturii române ardelene din sec. XIX (i), p. 699; Al. Duțu, Cultura română în
civilizația europeană modernă, p. 702.
2143.	Idem, Problematica românească în istoriografia săsească (1790-1848), XVI, 1979, p. 325.
2144.	Idem: recenzii în vol. XVI, 1979: G. Ștrempel, Catalogul manuscriselor românești, BAR 1 - 1600,
p. 697.; Charles and Barbara Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan National States, p. 911;
Consiliul națioal român din Blaj, p. 915.; Damaschin Bojincă. Scrieri, p. 909; G.M. Marica, Studii de
istoria și sociologia culturii române ardelene din sec. XIX (II), p. 908.; W. Marin, Unirea din 1918 și
poziția șvabilor bănățeni, p. 913.; I. Filstich, Încercare de istorie românească, p. 907.
2145.	Idem: A. Răduțiu, L. Gyemant, Repertoriul actelor oficiale privind Transilvania, tipărite în limba
română 1701 - 1847, [R], XVIII, 1981, p. 737.
2146.	Idem: E. Csetri, I. Imreh, Erdely văltozo tărsadalma 1767-1821, [R], XVIII, 1981, p. 738.
2147.	WOLF, Rudolf: recenzii în vol. XX, 1983: P. Binder, Kozos multunk. Romănok, magyarok,
nemetek es delszlăvok feudalizmuskori falusi es vărosi egyutteleserol, p. 917;P. Bunta, Gabriel
Bethlen (1613 - 1629), p. 920.
2148.	Idem, Comerțul cu sare al Transilvaniei în sec. XVI - XVII, 32, II, 1996, p. 109.
2149.	WOLFF, H., Miscellanea Dacica, XII, 1975, p. 139.
2150.	Idem, Miscellanea Dacica (II), XIII, 1976, p. 99.
2151.	WOLLMANN, V., Lei funerari romani la Bucerdea, VI, 1969, p. 533.
2152.	Idem, Materiale epigrafice și sculpturale romane în Muzeul Sebeș, VII, 1970, p. 163.
2153.	Idem, Inscripții și sculpturi romane din sud-- estul Banatului, VIII, 1971, p. 539.
2154.	ZABEHLICHY, Heinrich, Zabehlichy, Susanne, Cocceii princeps prope ripam Danuvii, 39 -
40/I, 2002 - 2003, p. 19.
2155.	ZAHARIADE, Mihai, The Late Roman Drobeta. I. The cruciform building and the fort garrison
in the 4th century AD, 34, I, 1997, p. 167.
2156.	ZRINYI, Andrei: Alt - Thuringen. Jahresschrift des Museums fur Ur - und Fruhgeschichte
Thuringens, [R], XVIII, 1980, p. 849.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
73
ALPHABETICAL INDEX
A
ACHIM, Valeriu: 1.
AGOTHA, Andrei: 5.
ALEXANDRESCU, Mihai: 2.
ALFOLDY - GĂZDAC, Agnes: 3, 775.
ALLEN, Thimothy: 6.
ALDEA, Ioan A.: 375, 1601, 2076.
ALEXA, Ioan: 7.
ALICU, Adrian: 8, 1222 - 1223.
ALICU, Doina: 8.
ALICU, Dorin: 8, 9 - 33, 603, 605, 610, 886.
ALICU, Grațiana: 34 - 42.
ALTARIZZI, Giordano: 4.
ALUPOAIE, Elena: 43.
ANDEA, Avram: 44 -45, 46 - 47.
ANDEA, Susana: 44 - 45, 46 - 47.
ANDRIȚOIU, loan: 48.
ANTAL, Adriana: 49.
ARDELEAN, Florin: 50 - 51.
ARDEȚ, Adrian: 52.
ARDEVAN, Radu: 53 -70, 474 - 476, 1242.
ARDOS, Alexandru: 71 -76.
ARDOS, Ana-Maria: 77 -85, 328, 330, 332,
1120, 1301 - 1302, 1305 - 1306.
ATUDOREI, Vania: 1008, 1012.
AVRAM, V.:.86.
B
BACIU, Anamaria: 87 - 88.
BADER, Tiberiu: 89 - 91, 666.
BAICU, Graziella: 92.
BAJUS, Istvan: 93.
BAKAMSKA, Aneta: 94.
BALINT, A.: 1970.
BALLA, E.: 95.
BALOG, Marin Iosif: 96.
BALTAG, Gheorghe: 97.
BARNEA, Alexandru: 1437.
BARTOS, Gheorghe: 98.
BATHORY, Ludovic: 99 - 104.
BAUMAN, Victor: 105.
BĂDĂU - WIETTENBERGER,
Mihai: 106 - 111, 1172, 1758 - 1759. 1763.
BĂEȘTEAN, G.: 1570.
BĂLĂNESCU, Dana: 112 -113.
BĂLOI, C.: 2123, 2125.
BĂLUȚĂ, Cloșca L.: 114 -115.
BĂRBULESCU, Mihai: 116 - 122, 355, 1035,
1047, 1295.
BÂRCĂ, Meda Diana: 123.
BÂRCĂ, Vitalie: 124 - 128.
BÂRLEA, Eugenia: 129.
BEJAN, Adrian: 130 - 134, 142 - 143.
BELU, Sabin: 135, 655, 845 - 847.
BENEA, Doina: 136 - 145, 1561, 1568, 1611.
BENEA, Marcel: 146 - 148.
BERCIU, Ioan: 149.
BERDAN, Lucian: 150.
BERETEU, Dinu Ioan: 151.
BEȘLIU, C.: 1167.
BEU - DACHIN, Eugenia: 462.
BIELZ, Iuliu: 152.
BINDEA, Diana vezi RUSU, Diana.
BIRTZ, Mircea:154.
BITAY, I.: 155 - 156.
BLASEN, Philippe Henri: 157 - 158.
BLĂJAN, Mihai: 159 - 161, 941, 1489, 2138.
BODALE, Horațiu: 162 - 166.
BODEA, Gheorghe I.: 167 - 179, 1418.
BODEA, Monica: 180, 225, 1172 - 1173, 1762
- 1763.
BODEA Monica vezi și TECAR Monica.
BODOR, Andrei: 181 - 187.
BOGDAN CĂTĂNICIU, Ioana: 188 - 195.
BOLDEA, Ligia: 196.
BOLINDEȚ, Viorica: 197 - 200.
BOLOMEY, Alexandra: 201.
BOLOVAN, Ioan: 202 - 204.
BONA, Petru: 205 - 209, 1613.
BONIS, Johanna: 223 - 224.
BONȚA, Claudia: 210 - 222.
BOROȘ, Doina: 87 - 88, 225 - 237, 408.
BORUGĂ, Elena: 238 - 240.
BOTA, Emilian: 28 - 29, 32, 241, 641.
BOTEVA, Dilyana: 264.
BOTEZAN, Ioana: 242 - 249.
BOTEZAN, Liviu: 246, 250 - 263, 698.
BOTEZATU, D.: 1217 - 1218.
BOTTESCU, Valentin: 265.
BOTORAN, C.: 665.
BOULEY, Elisabeth: 266.
BOZU, Ovidiu: 1612, 2000.
BRAICA, Gheorghe Dragoș: 267 - 268.
BRANGA, Nicolae: 886.
BRATU, Constantin: 269.
BRATU, Ion: 270, 272.
BRĂTESCU, Gheorghe: 273.
BREZINSKA, Jadwiga: 274.
BRORSSON, Torbjorn: 275.
BUD, A.: 1621.
74
Livia Călian
BUDAHAZY, Maria: 276.
BUDAHAZY, Ștefan: 276.
BULAI - ȘTIRBU, Maria: 277.
BULBUC Adriana: 278 - 280, 1102, 1170 -
1171.
BULBUC, Aurel: 281 - 282.
BULZAN, Sorin: 283.
BUNEA, Aurelia: 284.
BUNTA, Magdalena: 285 - 305.
BUNTA, Petru: 306 - 332.
BURA, Nicolae: 1086.
BUSETTO, Riccardo: 333 - 334.
BUZILĂ, Adriana: 335.
C
CĂDARIU, Florica: 336.
CĂDARIU, Ștefan: 336.
CĂLIAN, Livia: 337 - 349.
CĂPÂLNA, Emil: 350 - 352.
CĂTINAȘ, Ana: 353 - 358.
CĂȚĂNAȘ, Victor: 12.
CÂMPEAN, Liviu: 359 - 360.
CÂMPEAN, Remus: 361.
CÂRJA. Ion: 362 - 364.
CERNEA, E.: 1692.
CHELEȘANU LITOVSCHI, C: 778.
CHIDIOȘAN, Nicolae: 365, 370 - 371.
CHIFOR, Ion: 372.
CHINDRIȘ, Ioan: 366 - 367.
CHIRILĂ, Eugen: 368 - 379, 1213.
CHIȘ, D.: 1379.
CHIȘU, Ioan: 380 - 383.
CID, Felip: 384.
CIHO, Miron: 385.
CIOFU, Susana: 390.
CIOFU, Valerian I.: 386 - 390.
CIONGRADI, Carmen: 391 - 393.
CIORTEA, Camelia: 394 - 396.
CIORTEA, Mihai: 397.
CIPĂIANU, Ana Maria: 398 - 414, 417.
CIPĂIANU, George: 415 - 420.
CIȘMAȘ, Emilia: 421.
CIUBĂNCAN, Vasile T.: 422 - 428.
CIUGUDEAN, Daniela: 429.
CIUGUDEAN, Horea: 430 - 432, 1368.
CIULEI, G.: 433.
CIUPEA, Ioan: 434 - 444, 1075.
CIURTIN, Costică: 445.
CLOCOTICI, O.: 519.
COCIȘ, Sorin: 23, 25 - 26, 31, 93, 446 - 462,
610 - 611, 1221, 1324, 1368, 1956.
COMITETUL de redacție: 463 - 470.
COMȘA, Alexandru: 471.
COMȘA, Daniela: 472 - 487, 1077.
COMȘA, Eugen: 488 - 491.
COMȘA, Maria: 492.
COMȘA, Marius: 477 - 478.
CONSTANTINESCU, B.: 1455.
CORDOȘ, Nicolae: 493 - 508, 615, 798, 1067 -
1068.
CORDUNEANU, Victoria I.: 510.
COSMA, Călin: 511.
COSMA, Ela: 512 -513.
COSTEA, Florea: 514 - 515.
COSTEA, Ionuț: 516.
COZA, Mihaela: 517 - 518.
COZĂRESCU, Epifanie: 519.
CRĂCIUN, Cornel: 520 - 524.
CRĂCIUN, Florina: 525.
CRISTEA, Nicolae: 1145.
CRIȘAN, Eva: 526 - 535.
CRIȘAN, Ioan Horațiu: 536 - 544, 1210.
CRIȘAN, Viorica: 545 - 551, 1102, 1106.
CRÎNGACI ȚIPLIC. Maria Emilia: 552 - 553.
CSAPO, Emoke: 554.
CSETRI, A.: 555.
CSETRI, Elek: 556.
CUCOȘ, Ștefan: 557.
CUIBUS, I.: 244.
CULCER, Alexandru: 558.
CUMURCIUC, Andreea: 559 - 560.
CUPCEA, George: 561.
CIUPERCĂ, Bogdan: 1252.
D
DAICOVICIU, Beatrice: 562 - 568.
DAICOVICIU, Constantin: 569 - 584.
DAICOVICIU, Hadrian: 578, 585 - 611.
DAMIAN, Voichița: 612.
DAN, Mihail: 613 - 618.
DANA, Dan: 619 - 621.
DANCU, Lidia: 622.
DANI, I.: 245.
DAROCZI, Tiboe - Tamâs: 623.
DASCĂLU, C.: 1866.
DASCĂLU, L.: 1169.
DASCĂLU, Nicolae: 624.
DAVID, Lucia vezi ȚEPOSU DAVID, Lucia.
DAVIDESCU, M.: 627.
DAWSON, Michael: 628.
DĂNILĂ, Ștefan: 629.
DĂRĂBAN, L.: 228, 1221.
DĂRĂBANȚ, Maria: 630.
DEAC, A.: 631
DEMBSKI, Gunther: 632.
DENES, Istvân: 633.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
75
DIACONESCU, Alexandru: 610, 634 - 643,
699, 1041 - 1042, 1562.
DIACONU, Crina: 644.
DIMULESCU, A. N.: 390.
DOBEȘ, Andrea: 645.
DOMUȚA, Emil: 646.
DORDEA, Ioan: 647.
DORNER, Anton E.: 648 - 651.
DORNER, Egon: 652.
DRAGNE, Floarea: 653.
DRAGOMIR, Nicolae:654.
DRAGOMIR, Silviu: 655.
DRAGOTĂ, Gheorghe: 656.
DRĂGAN, Ioan: 657.
DRĂGAN - BULARCA, M.: 1004.
DRĂGOI, Livia: 658.
DRAGOMAN, Alexandru: 770 - 771.
DRÂMBĂREANU, Matei: 659, 1369 - 1370,
1569.
DUCULESCU, Victor: 660.
DUDAȘ, Florian: 661.
DUMITRACHE, Mariana: 662.
DUMITRAN, Ana: 663 - 664.
DUMITRAȘCU, Gheorghe: 665.
DUMITRAȘCU, Sever: 666 - 668.
DUMITRESCU, Constantin: 669, 1543.
DUMITRESCU, Hortensia: 670, 1152.
DUMITRESCU, Vladimir: 671 - 672.
DUȚU, Alesandru: 673.
E
ECK, Werner: 674 - 678.
EDROIU, Nicolae: 679 -690, 1238, 1505.
EGYED, A.: 691 - 693.
EL SUSI, Georgeta vezi TRÂNCĂ, Georgeta.
EMODI, Ioan: 378, 694 - 696.
ENACHE, M.: 1218.
ENEA, C.: 697 - 698.
ETIENNE, Robert: 699.
F
FAUR, R.: 700.
FAUR, Viorel: 700 - 701.
FAZAKAS, Istvân: 702.
FENEȘAN, Costin: 704.
FENEȘAN, Octavian: 1755.
FERENCZI, Geza: 705 - 716.
FERENCZI, Iulia: 717.
FERENCZI, Istvân : 31, 633, 705 - 717.
FERENCZI, Istvân jr: 717 - 738, 749.
FERENCZI,Ștefan: 7, 548.
FEURDEAN, N.: 1731.
FIAT, Trandafir: 228, 1221.
FIROIU, Dumitru: 739 - 742.
FIZEȘAN, Titus: 1756.
FLOCA, Octavian: 743 - 744.
FLOREA, Bogdan: 745.
FLOREA, Gelu: 746 - 749.
FLORESCU, Radu: 627, 750.
FODOR, Ladislau: 751 - 752.
FODOREAN, Florin: 753 - 756.
FOLA, Nicolae V.: 757.
FRANZEN, Paul: 758.
FFRENȚIU, Militon: 759.
FURDUI, Titus: 760 - 763.
G
GAGA, Lidia Maria: 764.
GAIU, C.: 2072.
GALL, I.: 765.
GALL, Erwin: 776 - 777.
GARDA, Dezideriu: 766 - 769.
GĂZDAC, Cristian: 3, 772 - 775, 958, 1621,
1635.
GÂȚĂ, Gheorghe: 770 - 771.
GEOROCEANU, Maria: 778.
GEOROCEANU, Petru: 778 - 780.
GERMAN, Adina: 781.
GERMAN, Ioan: 781.
GERMANN, Karol: 1739.
GERGELY, B.: 776, 1806.
GHENESCU, Petruța Mioara: 782.
GHEORGHIU, Dragoș: 783.
GHEORGHIU, Gabriela: 784, 1757.
GHERASIM, Dragoș: 785.
GIUMLIA- MAIR, Alessandra: 786.
GIURA, Lucian: 787.
GIURAN, Valeriu: 788 - 789.
GIURCĂ, Virgil: 790 - 791.
GLODARIU, Eugenia: 85, 309, 311, 792 - 818.
GLODARIU, Ioan: 589, 592, 595, 819 - 841,
1922.
GLONBERG, Emma: 275.
GOGÂLTAN, Anca: 842.
GOGÂLTAN, Florin: 843.
GOLDENBERG, Samuel: 844 - 848.
GOLDNER, G.: 1493.
GORUN, Hadrian: 849 - 850.
GOSTAR, Nicolae: 851 - 852.
GRAPINI, Sabin Pompei: 853 - 854.
GRAVE, J.: 1107.
GROSS, Lidia: 855.
GROZA, Horațiu: 856 - 861.
GROZA, Liviu: 574, 862 - 873.
GRUIA, Ana Maria: 874 - 878.
GUDEA, Nicolae: 113, 879 - 905, 1213, 1278.
76
Livia Călian
GUI, Daniela: 906 - 907.
GUMĂ, Marian: 908 - 909.
GUNDISCH, Konrad G.: 910.
GUY, Viorica vezi MARICA, Viorica
GYEMANT, Ladislau: 911.
GYORGY, Eniko: 912.
GYULAI, Paul: 291, 679, 913 - 191, 1161,
1505.
H
HAINES, Ben: 920.
HALASU, Adriana: 921 - 922, 966.
HANGA, VLADIMIR: 923 - 924.
HANSON, W.S.: 925, 1436.
HAPCA, Anca Ramona: 926.
HARȚUCHE, Nicolae: 927.
HASAN, Marciana: 928.
HASAN, Mihai Florin: 929 - 931.
HAȚEGAN, Ioan: 932 - 934.
HĂGAN, Trofin: 935 - 940.
HERCHI, Iosif: 270.
HICA CÂMPEANU, Ioana: 62, 69, 941 - 949.
HOPÂRTEAN, Ana: 354, 1069, 1296, 2124.
HOREDT, Kurt: 950 - 956, 2092.
HRISTODOL, Gheorghe: 957.
HUGEL, Peter: 959.
HUMER, Franz: 958.
HUSAR, Adrian: 960.
I
IAMBOR, Petru: 961 - 978, 1240, 1505.
IANCU, Gheorghe: 979 - 984, 1955.
IAROSLAVSCHI, Eugen: 379, 985 - 1001.
IDICEANU, Dorina: 1002.
IGNA, Aurelia: 1003 - 1013, 1530.
IGNA SAVA, Doina: 1014 - 1015.
ILIEȘ, Constantin: 31, 611, 1017.
ILIEȘ, I.: 1172.
ILOVAN, V.: 1018, 1957.
IMHREH, Ștefan: 1019 - 1021.
IOAN, Mircea: 1022.
IONESCU, Ion: 1023.
IONESCU, Toader: 1024 - 1025.
IONESCU SAINT - CYR, Alexandru: 1026.
IONIȚĂ, Elisabeta: 1027.
IONIȚĂ, Ion: 1007.
IOSUB, V.: 289.
IRIMIEȘ, Dumitru: 1028.
ISAC, Adriana: 1029 - 1030, 1333.
ISAC, Dan: 1031 . 1047.
IUGILESCU, C.: 1048.
IVĂNUȘ, Dan: 1049.
IZSĂK, Samuell: 1050 - 1051.
J
JAKO, Sigismund: 1052 - 1057.
JALOBEANU, Mihai: 1376 - 1378.
JANITSEK, Andrei: 1058.
JORDĂKY, L.: 1059 - 1060.
JOSAN, Nicolae: 1061 - 1063, 1669.
JUDE, MARIA MAGDALENA: 479, 481, 502,
504, 1064 - 1078.
JULIEN, Pierre: 1079.
JUNGBERT, Bela: 1080 - 1085.
JURAJ, Pavuk: 94.
K
KACSO, Carol: 1086 - 1089, 2008.
KAKUCS, Lajos: 1090.
KALMAR, Zoia: 546, 1091 - 1106, 1149, 1153,
1161 - 1162, 1164 - 1165, 1168, 1170 - 1171,
1267, 1307, 2113.
KASA, Z.: 1493.
KASSEL, Dominique: 1107.
KELEMEN, Imola: 153.
KISS, Andras: 1108 - 1109.
KISS, Ștefan: 1004.
KOLENDO, Jerzy: 1110.
KORODI, Iosif: 1111 - 1115.
KOVĂCS, Iosif: 494, 555, 1116 - 1123.
KOVĂCS, Peter: 1124.
KROMER, B.: 1217.
L
LAKATOS, Arthur: 1125 1126.
LAKATOS, Ștefan: 77.
LAKO, Eva: 1148.
LASCU, Nicolae: 1127 - 1134. 1399.
LASCU, Viorica: 1135 - 1136.
LAZAROVICI, Gheorghe: 937, 546, 654, 759,
987 - 988, 1104, 1137 - 1177, 1542, 1960, 1970,
2112 - 2113.
LAZAROVICI, Magda: 1307.
LAZĂR, Emil: 1178 - 1182.
LAZĂR, Valeriu: 1183 - 1185.
LAZO, C.: 1168.
LĂCĂTUȘU, Ioan: 1186.
LEDERMANN, F.: 1187.
LEICU, Ioan: 1188 - 1190.
LICA, Elena Emila: 1191.
LIPOVAN, Ion T.: 1192 - 1195.
LUCA, Claudia: 1196, 1296.
LUCĂCEL, V.: 371 - 373, 377, 1213.
LUDUȘAN, V.: 2002.
LUKĂCS, Maria Elisabeta: 1197.
LUMPERDEAN, Ioan: 1199 - 1203.
LUPESCU, Radu: 1205.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
77
LUPESCU MAKOCU, Măria: 1204.
LUPU, Nicolae: 1206.
LUX, Ingrid: 1207.
M
MAC, Ion: 1208 - 1209.
MACDONALD, David: 674 -675.
MACREA, Mihail: 1210 - 1213.
MADGEARU, Alexandru: 1214.
MADLY, Lorand: 1255.
MAIOR, Liviu: 1215.
MAIOR, Ovidius: 1216.
MANTU, Cornelia Magda: 1217 - 1218.
MARIAN, Cornel: 8, 1221 - 1223.
MARICA, Em. George: 1224.
MARICA, Viorica: 1225 - 1229.
MARCSIK Antonia: 1230.
MARCU, Felix: 758, 1231 - 1232, 1579.
MARCU ISTRATE, Daniela: 1219 - 1220,
1537.
MARINESCU NICOLAJSEN, Liliana: 1233.
MARTIN, Antoniu: 1234.
MATEESCU, Răzvan: 1001.
MATEI, Alexandru V.: 758, 1236.
MATEI, Dan: 1235.
MATEI, Ștefan: 964, 966, 970, 1237 - 1242,
1478, 1505.
MATEI POPESCU, Florian: 1243, 2003.
MAXA, Adriana: 1244 - 1248.
MAXIM, Ion Al.: 1249.
MAXIM, Zoia vezi KALMAR, Zoia.
MAZERE, Ioan: 1250 - 1251.
MĂGUREANU, Andrei : 1252.
MĂLUȚAN, Cornelia: 1253.
MĂRCUȘ, Cornel: 1254.
MĂRGHITAN, Liviu: 626, 2006.
MĂNDREA, Doina Ileana: 1265.
MÂNDRESCU, Gheorghe: 1257 - 1264.
MÂNDRUȚ, Stelian vezi MÎNDRUȚ, Stelian.
MÂRZA, Dan: 1265.
MĂRZA, Daniela: 1266.
MÂRZA, Iacob: 1273 - 1274.
MÂRZA, Ioan: 1267 - 1272.
MĂRZA, Radu: 1275.
MEDAN, Virgil: 1276.
MEDELEȚ, Florin: 1277 - 1282.
MELEȘCANU, Teodor Viorel: 1283.
MEȘTER, Mihai: 1165, 1168 - 1175, 1284 -
1287, 1495.
MEYLAN, Ch.: 611.
MIHALY, Melinda: 1291 - 1292.
MIHĂILESCU - BÎRLIBA, Laurențiu: 1289
- 1290.
MIHĂILESCU - BÎRLIBA, Virgil: 1288.
MIHU, Ion: 95.
MILEA, Zaharia: 371, 377, 542, 1142, 1196,
1293 - 1296, 1593, 1697, 2114.
MILIN, Miodrag: 1297 - 1298.
MIRCEA, Gabriela: 1063, 1299 - 1300.
MIREL, Maria: 83 - 85, 1120, 1301 - 1306,
1766, 2044, 2048.
MISCHKA, Carsten: 1307.
MITREA, Mihaela: 1308.
MITROFAN Ioan: 1309 - 1328.
MITU, Melinda: 745, 1329 - 1340.
MITU, Sorin: 1330, 1341.
MÂNDRUȚ, Stelian: 501, 507, 1342 - 1358,
1512.
MOGA, Marius: 1359.
MOGA, Vasile: 160, 1360 - 1370, 1566, 1601.
MOIȘ, Nicolae: 1728 - 1730.
MOLDOVAN, Gheorghe: 1312.
MOLDOVAN, Grigore: 1371.
MOLDOVAN, Liviu: 1636.
MOLDOVAN, Victoria: 1732.
MOLNAR, I.: 1372.
MOLNAR, Felicia: 1373.
MORAR - VULCU, Călin: 1374 - 1375.
MORARIU, S.: 1379.
MORARIU, Vasile: 1376 - 1379.
MULER, Harold W.: 147.
MUNTEAN, Ovidiu: 745, 1380 - 1387.
MUNTEANU BEȘLIU, Petre: 1388.
MUNTEANU, Ioan: 1389.
MUNTEANU, Octavian: 1390.
MUNTEANU, Pavel: 1391 - 1392.
MUREȘAN, Camil: 1020, 1395 - 1397.
MUREȘAN, Dan Ioan: 1393.
MUREȘAN, Florin: 556.
MUREȘAN Ovidiu: 1394.
MUSCALU, Bogdan: 1398.
N
NAGHIU, Iosif E.: 1399.
NAGY, S.: 1762.
NAGLER, Doina: 1400.
NASASSY, Zoltăn: 365, 378.
NEAGU, Răzvan Mihai: 1401.
NEAMȚU, Alexandru: 1402 - 1409.
NEAMȚU, Gelu: 1250 - 1251, 1410 - 1417,
1889.
NEAMȚU, U.: 1924.
NEDELCU, Florin: 1418 - 1419.
NEMEȘ, Emil: 20, 446, 1603 - 1604, 1608.
NEMETI, I.: 377, 1420.
NEMETI, Irina: 1421 - 1423.
78
Livia Călian
NEMETI, Sorin: 620, 1422 - 1424.
NICA, Marin: 1425.
NICOARĂ, Toader: 1426.
NIEDERMAIER, Paul: 1427 - 1428.
NIKOLOV, Vassil: 1429.
NISTOR, Ioan Silviu: 1430 - 1434.
NUSSBÂCHER, Gernat: 1435.
O
OLARIU, A.: 1167.
OLTEAN, A.I.: 925, 1436.
OPAIȚ, Andrei: 1437.
OPREANU, Coriolan: 455, 461, 610, 1402,
1438 - 1444.
OPRIȘ, loan: 1445 - 1452.
ORDENTLICH, I.: 371 - 377, 1453.
OSZTOICS, Miroslava: 1454.
OȚA, S.: 552, 1455.
P
PAKI, Adela: 24 - 25, 31, 449 - 450, 452 - 454,
457, 459 - 460, 610 - 611, 1456 - 1459.
PALKO, Attila: 919.
PANGERLL, Andreas: 674 - 678.
PANTEA, Aurel: 1410.
PAP, Francisc: 919, 962, 1461 - 1498, 1547.
PAPP, Andrea: 1499 - 1501.
PASCU, Ștefan: 1502 - 1506.
PATAKI, I.: 1019, 1021.
PĂDUREANU, Augustin: 1507.
PĂDUREANU, Eugen D.: 1508.
PĂIUȘ, Gheorghe: 2128, 2131.
PĂIUȘAN, Radu: 1509.
PĂLTÂLNEA, Paul: 1510 - 1512.
PĂUN, Nicolae: 1513 - 1514.
PÂRVAN, Katiușa: 1455.
PECICAN, Ovidiu: 1516.
PEPELEA, V.: 373, 1515, 1549.
PESCARU, Adriana vezi RUSU, Adriana.
PESCARU, Eugen: 1573.
PETCULESCU, Liviu: 1517 - 1523.
PETICĂ, M.: 735 - 736.
PETIȘ, Ioan Augustin: 1524.
PETOLESCU, Constantin C.: 1525 - 1528.
PETRE - GOVORA, Gheorghe I.: 1529.
PETRESCU, I.: 1006, 1530.
PETRESCU, Marius S.: 1531 - 1532.
PETRIC, Gabriel: 1533.
PETRICĂ, Paul: 2024 - 2026.
PETROV, Gheorghe: 1492, 1534 - 1538, 1547.
PETROVZKY, Maria: 206 - 207.
PETROVZKY, Richard: 206 - 207, 2613.
PETRUȘAN, Augustin: 1539.
PEȚAN, Aurora: 1540.
PICIU, Dionisie: 1541.
PICIU, Tiberiu: 1155, 1173, 1542.
PINTEA, Rodica: 1165.
PINTEA, Silvia: 1543 - 1544.
PINTEA, Vasile: 625, 1545 - 1546.
PINTER, Zeno: 1492, 1547.
PISO, Ioan: 592, 594, 596, 611, 699, 1369 -
1370, 1548 - 1579.
PÎSLARU, Mariana: 1580.
PLĂMĂDEALĂ, Antonie: 1581.
PLEȘA, Dana Teodora: 1582.
POLVEREJAN, Șerban: 1583 - 1585.
POP, Adrian: 1586.
POP, Aurel Ioan: 1199, 1587 - 1592, 1802,
1805.
POP, Constantin: 12, 15, 26, 28, 209, 610, 656,
959, 1213, 1328, 1593 - 1631, 2114.
POP, Daniela V.: 1167, 1632 - 1633.
POP, Horea: 1634 - 1635.
POP, Ioan: 1636.
POP, Ioan: 1637.
POP, Radu: 1363.
POP, Traian: 1638.
POP, Viorica: 1468, 1639 - 1654.
POPA, Atanasiu: 1655 - 1660.
POPA, I.: 1661.
POPA, Luana: 1662 - 1663.
POPA, Mircea: 1664 - 1665.
POPA, Radu: 1666.
POPA, Victor: 28 - 29, 32, 1223.
POPESCU, Honorius: 1667.
POPESCU, Mariana Cristina: 1668.
POPESCU, Stelian: 1669 - 1671.
POPESCU, Valentin: 1672.
POPOVICI, D. N.: 1673.
POPOVICI, Vlad: 1674.
PORUMB, Marius: 1675 - 1689.
PRODAN, David: 1690.
PROTASE, Dumitru: 570, 954, 1691 - 1701,
2092.
PROTOPOPESCU, George: 325, 329, 331,
1702 - 1724.
PUPEZĂ, Luca Paul: 1725, 1762.
R
RABINOVICI, Herbert: 1726.
RADU, Dionisie: 1727 - 1732.
RADU, Măriuca: 1733.
RADU, Sorin: 1170 - 1175.
RĂDULESCU, D.: 1004.
RAY, Laurence: 754.
RĂDEAN, Virgina: 1734.
The 50th Anniversary. The Authors List
79
RĂDUȚIU, Aurel: 1735 - 1736.
RÂPĂ - BUICLIU, Dan: 1737 - 1738.
RESCH, Friedriech: 5, 1739 - 1741.
RETEGAN. Simion: 1742 - 1746.
ROGOZEA, Petru: 208 - 209.
ROHLE, Robert: 1747.
ROMAN, Cristian Aurel: 1748 - 1750.
ROMAN, Toma Cosmin: 1751.
ROȘCA ROSEN, Maria: 250 - 251, 1764 -
1769.
ROȘU, Petru: 986.
ROTAR, M.: 1757.
ROTARIU, Aurora: 1221.
ROTARIU, Cornelia: 1752 - 1753.
ROTEA, Mihai: 148, 457, 1754 - 1763.
RUPRECHTSBERGER, Erwin M.: 1770.
RUS, Traian: 1771 - 1773.
RUS, Vasile: 1774 - 1776.
RUSCU, Dan: 1777 - 1780.
RUSCU, Ligia: 1781 - 1783.
RUSSU, Ioan I.: 1784 - 1797.
RUSTOIU, Aurel: 1798 - 1799, 1956.
RUSU, Adriana: 10, 1552, 1573.
RUSU, Andrei Adrian: 1800 - 1805.
RUSU, Constantin: 1807.
RUSU, Cosmin: 1806.
RUSU, Diana: 153, 1173, 1808 - 1810, 1982.
RUSU, Mircea: 1505, 1811 - 1816, 2092.
RUSU, Viorica vezi BOLINDEȚ, Viorica.
RUSZ FOGARASI, Eniko: 1817.
S
SABĂU, Nicolae: 981, 1818 - 1824.
SALONTAI, Mihaela Sanda: 1825 - 1828.
SANIE, Silviu: 1829 - 1833.
SAVU, Gheorghe Al.: 1834.
SAVU, Ioana: 1835 - 1837.
SĂLĂGEAN, Marcela: 1839 - 1840.
SĂLĂGEAN, Tudor: 1841 - 1845.
SĂSĂRAN, Luminița: 148, 1762.
SÂNGEREAN, Cristina: 1810, 1960.
SÂNMIHĂIAN, M.: 1542.
SÂRBU, Valeriu: 128, 1838.
SCARLAT, Constantin: 1846 - 1847.
SCHĂFER, Alfred: 1848.
SCHUSTER, Christian: 471, 1849.
SCHWAIGHOFER, Bernd: 147.
SCROBOTĂ, Paul: 1850.
SEBESTYEN, Gheorghe: 1851 - 1855.
SECHEL, Teodora Daniela: 1856.
SERES, Andrei: 1857, 2064.
SILBERMAN, Henri C.: 1858.
SIMINA, Nicolae Marcel: 1859.
SIMION, A.: 1860 - 1861.
SIMION, Alexandru: 1862 - 1864.
SIMION, Simina: 622.
SOFRONI, Rodica: 1865.
SOMEȘFELEAN, Livia: 55.
SOPOREAN, Maria: 1866.
SOROCEANU, Alina: 1867 - 1870, 1879.
SOROCEANU, Tudor: 1278, 1871 - 1884.
SPEIDE, Michael P.: 1885.
SPÎNU, Margareta: 1662.
STAN, Constantin: 815, 1886 - 1893.
STANCA, Sebastian: 1894.
STANCIU, Ioan: 1895.
STANCIU, Ioan: 1896, 2030.
STĂNESCU, E.: 1010.
STĂNESCU, Florin: 1897 - 1901.
STĂNESCU, M. C.: 1902.
STÂNGĂ, Ion: 1903.
STINGER, Simona: 1904.
STOICA, M.: 787.
STOICOVICI, Eugen: 1098, 1905 - 1919.
STOICOVICI, Florica: 1908 - 1910.
STOJIC, Milorad: 1920.
STRATAN, Ion: 1140.
STRÎMBU, Mihaela: 1921 - 1925.
SUCEVEANU, Alexandru: 1926.
SUCIU, Dumitru: 1927 - 1933.
SUCIU, Ștefan: 1952.
SURDU, Bujor: 1934- 1936.
SZEKELY, Zoltan: 1937.
SZOKE, Ana Maria vezi CIPĂIAN, Ana
Maria.
Ș
ȘCHIOPU, A.: 136.
ȘCHIOPU, Vasile: 614.
ȘEICA, Radu: 1940.
ȘORA, Gheorghe: 1941 - 1945.
ȘTEIU, Nicolae: 7, 1946 - 1950.
ȘTIRBAN, Marcel: 1951 - 1955.
T
TAKACS, Matilda: 1956, 2112, 2128 - 2129,
2131, 2134.
TANCO, Teodor: 1018, 1957.
TARCEA, Crina: 1958 - 1958.
TARCEA, Lucian: 1958 - 1960.
TATAI - BALTĂ, Cornel: 1227, 1273, 1961.
TATU, Hristache: 1962.
TĂMAȘ, C.: 1272.
TĂMAȘ, R.: 1010.
TÂMPEANU, Elena: 1963.
TECAR, Tiberiu: 1762 - 1763,
80
Livia Călian
TECAR, Monica vezi BODEA, Monica.
TEODOR, Maria: 1964.
TEODOR, Pompiliu: 495 - 500, 1585, 1965 -
1967.
TINCA, Gheorghe: 1968.
TÎRNOVAN, I.: 654.
TOGAN, G.: 373, 668.
TOMA, Corina: 1969.
TOMESCU, Nicolae: 1013.
TOPAN, Gheorghe: 1970.
TOȘA, Viorel: 1971.
TOTH, Szilard: 1974.
TOTH - GASPAR, Margareta: 1972 - 1973.
TRAORE, Facko: 1163, 1976.
TRĂISTARU, Elisabeta: 1977.
TREBICI, Vladimir: 1978.
TRÎNCĂ, Georgeta: 1979 - 1983.
TRYNKOWSKI, Jan: 1997 - 1998.
TUKA, Laszlo: 1984 - 1988.
TUDORAN, Georgeta: 1989.
TURCUȘ, Șerban: 1990 - 1994.
TURCUȘ, Veronica: 1995 - 1996.
Ț
ȚEICU, Dumitru: 1999 - 2000, 2035.
ȚENTEA, Ovidiu: 2001 - 2003.
ȚEPELEA, Gabriel: 2004.
ȚEPOSU - DAVID, Lucia: 625 - 626, 1314,
2005 - 2006.
ȚIPLIC. Ioan Marian: 2009.
ȚIGU, Viorel Gheorghe: 2007.
ȚINTEA, H.: 2008.
ȚOCA, Mircea: 2010 - 2011.
ȚURLEA, Petru: 2012.
ȚUȚU, Dumitru: 1902, 2013 - 2017.
ȚUȚUI, Gheorghe: 316 - 317, 2018 - 2020.
U
UCRAIN, Constantin: 2021.
UNC, Gheorghe:2022.
URSUȚ, Dorin: 737, 753, 1208, 2024 - 2030.
URSUȚIU, Claudia: 2031.
URSUȚIU, Liviu: 2032 - 2034.
UZUM, Ilie: 1239, 2035 - 2036.
URECHE, Petru: 2023.
V
VACZI, C.: 2037 - 2040.
VAJDA, Catalin: 230, 232, 235 - 237, 2041.
VAJDA, Ludovic: 631, 2042 - 2059.
VALEA, M.: 743.
VARGA, Radu: 2060.
VASILIEV, E.: 2061.
VASILIEV, Valentin: 2062 - 2078.
VASILOCHI, E.: 1703.
VĂTĂȘIANU, Virgil: 2079.
VELE, Ana - Maria: 2080.
VESA, Vasile: 2081 - 2082.
VIRAG, Paula: 2083.
VITTINGHOFF, F.: 2084.
VIZAUER, Victor V.: 2085 - 2086.
VLASSA, Nicolae: 593, 2087 - 2113.
VLĂDESCU, C.: 2114.
VOIȘAN, Valentin: 457 - 458, 462, 2115.
VOMIR, Marinela: 28.
W
WILMOTT,Tony: 2116.
WINKLER, Iudita: 183, 558, 1372, 1463, 1905
- 1907, 2025, 2117 - 2138.
WOLF, Iosif: 2139 - 2146.
WOLF, Rudolf: 2147 - 2148.
WOLFF, H.: 2149 - 2150.
WOLLMANN, V.: 863, 1505, 2151 - 2153.
Z
ZABEHLICHY, Heinrich: 2154.
ZABEHLICHY, Susanne: 2154.
ZABERCA, V.: 1661.
ZAHARIADE, Mihai: 2155.
ZĂGREANU, Radu: 1254.
ZNAMIROVSCHI, Vladimir: 2221.
ZRINY, Andrei: 1692, 1694, 2156.
STUDIES

RĂZVAN MIHAI NEAGU1
THE BENEFICIAL POLICY OF POPE CLEMENT VI
IN THE DIOCESE OF TRANSYLVANIA (1342-1352)
Abstract. The purpose of this study is to present and analyse the involvement of Pope Clement VI in
appointments to various ecclesiastical benefices in the Diocese of Transylvania. The key moment of this
action, as well as its starting point, was the papal document of 8 October 1325, whereby Pope John XXII
reserved the exclusive right to appoint the Bishops of Gyor, Oradea, Pecs and Transylvania. As of this
moment, which marked the official involvement of the papacy in the dioceses east of Hungary, the French
pontiffs supplanted the local churchly institutions in distributing various ecclesiastical benefices. Pope
Clement VI pursued the most intense beneficial policy in the Diocese of Transylvania, as he appointed 20
canons here. The canons appointed in Alba Iulia were mostly from the Kingdom of Hungary, although
there were also allogeneic elements, Poles and Czechs in particular. One of the canons was Cardinal
Guillaume de La Jugie, the nephew of the pope. The ecclesiastical benefices in the Diocese of
Transylvania were granted by Clement VI at the intervention of highly influential persons, both temporal
and ecclesiastical, who wanted to reward their relatives or collaborators with such income-related
positions.
Keywords: Beneficial policy, Clement VI, Transylvania, Canon, chapter
Preliminaries
Between 1309 and 1377, thanks to a series of events which are not the object of the
present study, the seat of the papacy was relocated from Rome to Avignon. During this
time, only pontiffs of French extraction succeeded at the helm of the Holy See: Clement
V (1305-1314), John XXII (1316-1334), Benedict XII (1334-1342), Clement VI (1342-
1352), Innocent VI (1352-1362), Urban V (1362-1370) and Gregory XI (1370-1378).
The French popes demonstrated outstanding competency in managing and leading the
Church, its governance mechanisms being concentrated at the level of the pontiff’s
person. One of the aspects that characterised the Avignon Papacy was the beneficial
policy, in other words, the right of the sovereign pontiff to grant the major and minor
ecclesiastical benefices.2 The centralization and concentration of ecclesiastical
appointments in the hands of the papacy actually began on 27 August 1265, through the
Licet ecclesiarum decretal issued by Clement IV. This process was continued by John
XXII, regarded as the founder of the Avignon regime, who issued two apostolic
constitutions, Ex debito (15 September 1316) and Execrabilis (19 November 1317),
whereby he practically secured the monopoly of appointments to most ecclesiastical
Professor at the Technical College in Turda, PhD., email: neagurazvan10@yahoo.com.
2 By an ecclesiastical benefice we mean any churchly position, major or minor, which has an income
attached to it.
84
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
dignities, secular or regular, major or minor, prohibiting, at the same time, their being
held in abusive manner.3 This also had consequences for the Diocese of Transylvania.
The Diocese of Transylvania was the most important Catholic diocese across the
territory of the voivodeship and not only, and its basic administrative unit was the
archdeaconry (protopresbyterate). The archdeaconries were formed between the twelfth
and the thirteenth centuries and largely corresponded with the secular administrative
units, the counties. The Bishop of Transylvania controlled not only the territory of the
voivodeship, but also other areas, such as Satu Mare, Ugocea or the Szekler area. The
first archdeaconries, Cluj and Chezdi, were attested in 1199, followed by Dăbâca and
Satu Mare in 1213, Solnoc and Crasna in 1214, Saswar (later Ugocea) in 1230,
respectively in 1288, Tileagd in 1235, Hunedoara in 1265, Turda in 1274, Alba,
Târnava and Ozd in 1277. Therefore, the Diocese of Transylvania included 13
archdeaconries.
According to documents from the first half of the fourteenth century and
especially taking into consideration the papal tithe register from 1332-1337,4 the
jurisdiction of the Bishop of Transylvania incorporated a part of the Saxon population,
not included in the free provostship of Sibiu. The specific form of churchly organization
of the Transylvanian Saxons was the chapter (in its collegiate version) or the deanery.5
Thus, the Archdeaconry of Dăbâca included the Deanery of Bistrița,6 the Archdeaconry
of Ozd, the Deanery of Reghin,7 the Archdeaconry of Târnava, the Deaneries of
Târnava Mare and Târnava Mică,8 while the Archdeaconry of Alba comprised the
Deaneries of Orăștie,9 Sebeș,10 Șpring, Șeica, Laslea, Saschiz, Rupea11 and Mediaș.12
3 Guillaume Mollat, Les Papes d’Avignon (1305-1378), Paris, 1912, pp. 386-399; Bernard Guillemain, Les
Papes d’Avignon 1309-1376, Paris, 2000, pp. 51-55; Jorg Erdmann, Quod est in actis non est in mundo.
Păpstliche Bemfizialpolitik in sacrum imperium des 14. Jahrhunderts, Tubingen, 2006, pp. 35-42; Jean
Favier, Les Papes d’Avignon, Paris: Fayard, 2006, pp. 224-259; Jorge Diaz Ibanez, Laprovisionpontificia
de beneficios eclesiăsticos en el reino de Castilia durande el periodo avinones. Estado de la investigation
in Lusitania Sacra, 22, 2010, pp. 63-84.
4 Documente privind istoria României, seria C,Transilvania, veacul XIV, vol. III (1331-1340), Bucharest:
Ed. Academiei Republicii Populare Române, 1954 (hereinafter DIR C, XIV III).
5 For details concerning the ecclesiastical organization of the Saxons, see Paul Philippi, “800 de ani
Ecclesia Theutonicorum Ultransilvanorum” in vol. 800 de ani Biserica a Germanilor din Transilvania,
edited by Thomas Nagler, Innsbruck, 2003, pp. 13-34.
6 First attested in 1332, in the register of papal tithes.
7 See the previous note.
8 Both deaneries were mentioned for the first time in 1309, during a lawsuit of the Saxon deans against the
chapter of the Church of Transylvania, presided by the representatives of Cardinal Gentile, the apostolic
legate to Hungary - Documente privind istoria României, seria C Transilvania, veacul XIV, vol. I (1301-
1320), Bucharest: Ed. Academiei Republicii Populare Române, 1953, pp. 92-160. (hereinafter DIR C,
XIV, I)
9 See the previous note.
10 First mentioned in 1303, when there an agreement was made between the dean and Bishop Peter of
Transylvania regarding the collection of tithes, DIR C, XIV, I, p. 22.
11 The deaneries of Șpring, Șeica, Laslea, Saschiz and Coșdu were attested in 1309, DIR C, XIV, I, pp. 92-160.
12 The Deanery of Mediaș was mentioned in 1283, in connection with an agreement between the priests of
this unit and the Bishop of Transylvania, cf. Documente privind istoria României, seria C Transilvania,
veacul XIII, vol. II (1251-1300), Bucharest: Ed. Academiei Republicii Populare Române, 1952, p. 249.
The Beneficial Policy of Pope Clement VI
85
The Deaneries of the Saxons included in the Diocese of Transylvania generally enjoyed
broad autonomy, this situation repeatedly leading to conflicts with the archdeacons or
the Bishop of Alba Iulia. The study of papal tithe reckonings discloses the fact that the
archdeaconries of Transylvania had an uneven number of parishes, which also reveals
the spread of Catholicism in the area, especially in relation to the Romanian population.
Thus, while the Archdeaconry of Alba had more than 100 parishes, including the Saxon
deaneries, the Archdeaconry of Hunedoara had only 9 parishes. It should be noted that
throughout the Middle Ages, Hunedoara was a prevalently Romanian area of habitation.
The Benedictine Abbey of Cluj-Mănăștur and all its assets were excluded from the
jurisdiction of the Transylvanian diocese.
In the late twelfth century, the territory colonized by the Saxons during the first
wave (the area around Sibiu) was organized as a free provostship, under the jurisdiction
of the Archbishop of Esztergom, in his capacity as a papal legate.13 In the Burzenland (a
territory that hosted the Teutonic Knights between 1211 and 1225), there was set up a
separate deanery in 1223, at first under the direct authority of the pope, and
subsequently under that of the Archbishop of Esztergom. Maramureș was under
canonical obedience to the Bishop of Agria.
From a canonical perspective, the Bishop of Transylvania was the suffragan of
the Archbishop of Kalocsa.14
The issue of the beginnings of the Transylvanian diocese and its evolution up
until the fourteenth century has generally been approached in historiography, and
resuming it in the context of our approach would serve no end.15 We shall not dwell any
further on this subject.
The beneficial policy of the Popes of Avignon had an impact on the cathedral
chapter, in the case of the Transylvanian diocese, during the pontificate of Clement VI.
It made its debut quite early, under Pope Clement V, the first pope during the Avignon
13 Șerban Tucuș, Fondarea prepoziturii sașilor ca proiect trransilvan al Sfântului Scaun in Anuarul
Institutului de Istorie George Barițiu din Cluj-Napoca, XLIX, series Historica, 2010 pp. 21-37.
14 DIR C, XIV, III, p. 253.
15 See the following works: Ștefan Pascu, Voievodatul Transilvaniei, vol. IV, Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Dacia,
1989, pp. 303-307 (hereinafter Voievodatul Transilvaniei IV); Gyula Kristo, “The Bishoprics of Saint
Stephen, King of Hungary” in Violeta Barbu (editor) In honorem Paul Cernovodeanu, Bucharest: Ed.
Kriterion, 1998, pp. 55-66; Tudor Sălăgean, “Honorius III, Transylvania and the Papacy’s Eastern Policy”
in Transylvanian Review, volume VII, no. 4, 1998, pp. 78-85; Răzvan Theodorescu, Un mileniu de artă la
Dunărea de Jos 400-1400, Bucharest: Ed. Gramar, 2002, passim; Ioan Aurel Pop, Românii și Maghiarii în
secolele IX-XIV, Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Tribuna, 2003, pp. 191, 196; Adinel Dincă, Aprecieri preliminare
privind alegerea episcopului Transilvaniei în secolele XIII-XIV în Transilvania (sec. XIII-XVII). Studii
istorice, edited by Susana Andea, Ed. Academiei Române, 2005, pp. 162-186; Șerban Turcuș, Saint Gerad
of Cenad. The Destiny of a Venetian around the Year One Thousand, Cluj-Napoca: Romanian Cultural
Institute, 2006, pp. 18-22 (hereinafter Saint Gerad of Cenad); Adrian Andrei Rusu, Alba Iulia între
fondarea eparhiei și capitala principatului Transilvaniei, Alba lulia, 2009, pp. 26-36; Jakubinyi Gyorgy,
Romăniai Katolikus, Erdelyi Protestăns es Izraelita Vallăsi Archontologia, Kolozsvâr: Verbum, 2010, p.
23. On the great Tatar invasion of 1241 and its impact on the Hungarian Dioceses, see Rogerius, “Cântecul
de Jale” in Izvoarele istoriei românilor, vol. V, ed. Gheorghe Popa Lisseanu, Bucharest, 1935, p. 80
(hereinafter Cântecul de Jale), I. de Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys to the Great Khans, Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1971, pp. 76-81, and J. J. Saunders, The History of the Mongol Conquests, Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001, pp. 73-91.
86
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
period. The latter sent Cardinal Gentile di San Martino ai Monti as legate de latere to
Hungary (1240/1250 - 27 October 1312). The cardinal was a member of the Franciscan
Order and was an intimate of the house of Anjou. Gentile studied in Paris and became a
Professor of Theology. He was made cardinal by Pope Boniface VIII in the consistory
of 2 March 1300. Between 1302 and 1305, he held the important office of major
apostolic penitentiary. He distinguished himself through a prolific activity as a
Maecenas. At his order, the Montefiore Chapel was built in the Church of San
Francesco in Assisi, where the painter Simone Martini executed a number of frescoes
showing the life of St. Martin of Tours.16 The main goals of the cardinal’s mission in
Hungary were the definitive imposition of Charles Robert of Anjou as king and the
restoration of ecclesiastical discipline in the Hungarian Church.
In order to bring the entire province of Kalocsa back to canonical discipline,
Cardinal Gentile demanded, in a document issued at Spoleto on 30 May 1308, that the
archbishop should no longer make appointments to ecclesiastical dignities in Hungary,
insisting that only he had this right: “we hereby claim to ourselves the right to grant to
worthy persons [...] any dignity, office, canonry, prebend or benefice, conjoined with the
pastoral care of [souls] or without this task, which are or will be free, in any church,
whether it be cathedral or collegiate, in the country and its realms, except those offices
of the chapters of churches where those who are placed at their helms, as they are deemed
immediately higher after the bishop or are ordained by the path of election.”17 Next, the
cardinal stated that “[We hereby prohibit] also the bestowing of benefices and churches,
with or without the task of the pastoral care of [souls], of offices or dignities that are
vacant or will become vacant, and the taking of measures that concern the clergymen
individually or together, the convents, chapters or colleges, wherever they may be, outside
the aforementioned cathedral or collegiate churches in the above said country and realms,
leaving aside the collegiate churches and the others, which are entrusted with the pastoral
care of souls and whose fruit, income and benefices do not exceed the amount of ten silver
marks a year, after the customary estimation.”18 Cardinal Gentile firmly prohibited any
hierarch from enjoying the free benefices or appointing someone to them, these functions
being reserved to the apostolic legate. Thus, under the cardinal’s decision, all the
ecclesiastical benefices in the Archdiocese of Kalocsa entered under papal control,
through the legate de latere. The archbishop no longer had control over them, all
appointments falling within the area of competence of the Holy See. This decision
affected the Diocese of Transylvania, as a suffragan of Kalocsa. Referring to ecclesiastical
matters, on 4 December 1308 Gentile cancelled the appointments to churchly dignities
that had been made without special papal dispensation.19
The starting point of the papal intervention in the Diocese of Transylvania was
the document of 8 October 1325, issued by John XXII in Avignon, whereby the French
16 Marilyn Aronberg Lavin, The Place of Narrative: Mural Decoration in Italian Churches 431-1600,
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1990, p. 57; John Paoletti, Gary Radke, Art in Renaissance
Italy, London: Laurence King Publishing, 2005, p. 108; Lilian Zirpolo, The A to Z of Renaissance Art,
Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2008, p. 269.
17 DIR C, XIV, I, p. 66.
18 Ibidem.
19 Ibidem, p. 70.
The Beneficial Policy of Pope Clement VI
87
pontiff reserved for himself the exclusive right to appoint the Bishops of Pecs and
Transylvania.20
Clement VI and the Diocese of Transylvania
The first appointment of a canon by a sovereign pontiff in the Cathedral Chapter of Alba
occurred on 3 July 1320. At that time, Pope John XXIII appointed Ladislaus, son of
Andrew, canon of the Church of Transylvania, in expectation of a prebend. The pope
stated that his decision could not be impeded by the rules regarding the number of
canons or by the establishments and customs of the Church of Transylvania.21 This
position makes it clear that the pope ignored the local ecclesiastical realities, specific to
the chapter, and sent an order from Avignon, which was to be carried out. Papal
authority transcended the capitular statutes. King Charles Robert intervened for the
appointment of Ladislaus. Between 1320 and 1332, Pope John XXIII appointed a total
number of eight canons to the Chapter of Transylvania. From the time of the next
French pope, Benedict XII (1334-1342), we have no evidence of any appointment of a
canon in the Transylvanian Church. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is that
Benedict XII was an austere spirit, a former Cistercian monk, who was concerned
especially with the reform of monastic orders and neglected the centralized beneficial
policy conceived by his predecessor.
Clement VI resumed the outlook of John XXIII regarding the beneficial policy,
adopting a firm policy towards the Transylvanian chapter, and often intervening in the
appointment of canons. Thus, between 1343 and 1352 he appointed or confirmed 20
canons.
Mention should be made of the document issued at Avignon on 27 August 1345,
during the period of Clement’s pontificate, regarding the appointment of the Provost of
Alba, Dominic Szechy. From this document we may learn that Dominic requested the
pope to confirm his appointment to the post of provost of the Chapter of Alba Iulia.
Dominic was appointed provost by the local bishop (Andrew Szechy, his uncle), “who
is known to have the right to grant the provostship, and gave, based on his episcopal
power, the said provostship, which had thus remained vacant, to Dominic, who was then
not of the lawful age to acquire it, as he was then fourteen years old or under, and even
appointed him to that [office], and since then, that Dominic, under this donation and
appointment, has held this provostship and owned it and still holds and owns it in peace
and quiet, reaping its fruits.22 The new Provost of Alba requested the pope, on reaching
the lawful age, “to kindly accept, under [Your] apostolic power, to make up for all that
is lacking in this right of donation and [that] appointment and rule that they should have
the same lasting power [... ], ordering that the bishop’s letter on the above should be
transferred into an apostolic letter, with all the necessary contents, kindly striking out
any lack or disparity he may have caused because of the above.23 The papal document
20 Documente privind istoria României, seria C Transilvania, veacul XIV, vol. II (1321-1330), Bucharest:
Ed. Academiei Republicii Populare Române, 1953, p. 163.
21 DIR C, XIV, I, p. 367.
22 Documente privind istoria României, seria C Transilvania, veacul XIV, vol. IV (1341-1350), Bucharest:
Ed. Academiei Republicii Populare Române, 1955, p. 249 (hereinafter DIR C, XIV, IV).
23 Ibidem.
88
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
depicts a situation noticeable throughout the fourteenth century in the relations between
the Diocese of Transylvania and the papacy: the superiority of the pontiff’s decisions
over those of the local bishop. Even though the latter made an appointment to a position
in the chapter and especially since he had this right, the decision could not be canonical
without papal consent. The pope’s decision power exceeded that of the bishop, even if,
in this case, it was a matter of interest to the local church, namely the appointment of the
capitular provost. This is how the French popes came to control decisions relating to
ecclesiastical appointments, even in the most remote dioceses. At the end of the
confirmation document, the pope stated that: “We hereby appoint him again and for the
first time give him the lawful right.”24 Thus, from the point of view of the Holy See,
Dominic’s term as provost of the Cathedral Chapter of Transylvania began on the date
of the nomination (papal confirmation).
Returning to the appointments of canons, the first gesture of this kind made by
Clement VI occurred on 7 May 1343, when Peter, son of George, a cleric in the Diocese
of Zagreb, the chaplain of King Louis I, received a canonry in the Transylvanian
chapter, pending the receipt of a prebend and a dignity; furthermore, he could keep the
canonries and related prebends, which he held in the Chapter of Zagreb, respectively in
the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Szekesfehervâr. The King of Hungary
intervened in favour of this person.25
On 26 May 1343, Stephan, Bishop of Cenad, demanded and received from the
pope a canonry in the Church of Transylvania and the prebend with the dignity, honour
or service, with or without the pastoral care of souls, for Ladislaus, Archdeacon of
Bekes in the Diocese of Oradea, his chaplain. Ladislaus also had the archdeaconry,
canonry, prebend and the chaplain positions of Paul from Ârtând (a village in Hajdu-
Bihar County, Hungary) and Șișterea (the commune Cetariu, Bihor County). The
episcopal chaplain was willing to give up the Archdeaconry of Bekes.26
An unusual request addressed to the pope was made on 4 June 1343. Thus, the
congregation of the students from Bologna requested and obtained from Clement VI a
canonry in the Transylvanian chapter for Peter yclept of Satu Mare, a cleric in the
Diocese of Transylvania, who was a student of canon law in the famous Italian
university.27 A benefice was requested either related to the pastoral care of the souls or
not. This character was of modest means, his colleagues in Bologna intervening with the
pope for him. On 26 December 1343, Peter became the priest of St. Nicholas’ Church in
Szekesfehervâr.28 This document is an example of solidarity in a medieval university, as
the students asked the pope to help a colleague with meagre materials means.
An interesting appointment of a canon occurred in 1343, when Clement VI
appointed his nephew, Guillaume de La Jugie, Cardinal Deacon of the Church Santa
24 Ibidem.
25 DIR C, XIV, IV, p. 129; Bossânyi Ârpâd, Regesta Supplicationum. A Păpai Kervenykonyvek Magyar
Vonatkozăsu Okmănyai Avignoni Korszak, I. Kotet, VI. Kelemen Pâpa 1342-1352, Stephaneum Nyomda,
Budapest, 1916, p. 11.
26 Ibidem, p. 143; Bossânyi Ârpâd, op. cit., p. 23.
27 Ibidem, p. 144; Bossânyi Ârpâd, op. cit., pp. 23-24.
28 Bossânyi Ârpâd, op. cit., p. 40.
The Beneficial Policy of Pope Clement VI
89
Maria in Cosmedin (Rome), Archdeacon of Alba Iulia, a post which also involved a
canonry in the Transylvanian Cathedral Chapter.29 It is obvious that the high church
dignitary was appointed to this dignity to have his revenue supplemented, but it seems
that at first the cardinal did not like his uncle’s donation. On 21 October 1343, the pope
approved an exchange of churchly positions between the cardinal, who was, among
others, a canon in the Transylvanian chapter and Archdeacon of Alba, and Stephen, son
of Lawrence from Gyor, a canon and a reader in Văc (he was the nephew of Paul, judge
of the royal court between 1328 and 1349). Therefore, Stephen became a canon in Alba
Iulia.30 On 23 September 1345, Clement VI allowed his nephew to become a canon of
Transylvania and Archdeacon of Alba once again, claiming that he had taken some
steps to help the cardinal, whose income was not ample enough to meet the costs
incurred by the dignity to which he had been elevated.31 Consequently, the pope stated:
“it is not at the insistence or request of another person, which may have been addressed
to us in your favour, but only out of our generosity” that he allowed his nephew to be
Archdeacon of Alba; the cardinal had to have an annual income, not in excess of 500
silver marks, but “the said archdeaconry should by no means be counted in the above-
mentioned sum.”32 On 30 September 1345, Paul, the judge of the Hungarian royal court,
who was on a diplomatic mission in Avignon, requested and obtained from the pope a
new exchange of dignities between the cardinal and Stephen, son of Lawrence from
Gyor. Thus, the nephew of the judge received the provostship of the church in Old Buda
and a canonry in Oradea, while the papal nephew became a reader and prebendary
canon of Băcs.33 On 20 October 1345, Cardinal Guillaume de La Jugie requested and
obtained from the pope the annulment of the exchange with Stephen, son of Lawrence
from Gyor, regarding the Archdeaconry of Alba and the canonry from Băcs. Guillaume
claimed that when he had made the exchange (according to the document of 21 October
1343), he did not know that his proxies had received for him the Archdeaconry of
Sirmium (Diocese of Băcs), which he could not occupy because he was not allowed to
hold two offices in the same church. Accordingly, the cardinal requested the
cancellation of the exchange and permission to keep the Archdeaconry of Alba, a
position he had not actually filled because of the opposition manifested by the Bishop of
Transylvania. This document makes it clear that Stephen had given up the
Archdeaconry of Alba.34 The case of the French cardinal illustrates the fact that
churchly positions were at the discretion of the French popes, who had right to distribute
and change them at will, especially if they affected a character like Cardinal Guillaume
de La Jugie, the nephew of the pope.
On 11 February 1344, the pope granted, at the request of Thomas, Comes of
Lipto (now in Slovakia), a canonry to Ladislaus of Geburlin in Mintiul de Satu Mare
29 Ibidem, pp. 292, 294.
30 DIR C, XIV, IV, p. 158.
31 Ibidem, p. 254.
32 Ibidem, p. 255.
33 Ibidem, pp. 258-259.
34 Ibidem, p. 268.
35 Ibidem, p. 171; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., p. 58.
90
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
(now included in the city of Satu Mare). With an attached income, namely the prebend,
the positions of canons were envisaged for the relatives of high ecclesiastical dignitaries.
On 9 October 1344, Ladislaus, Archbishop of Kalocsa, requested and obtained from the
pope a canonry in the Transylvanian church for his nephew, Ladislaus, son of Bako. The
latter also had two canonries with the related prebends in the Chapters of Zagreb and
Băcs, being also a cantor at Băcs.36 Cardinal Guillaume de La Jugie did not break his
ties with Transylvania, and on 10 January 1345, he obtained from his uncle a canonry
for Thomas, son of Peter, Provost of St. Lawrence’s Church in Hay,37 who was the
cardinal’s procurator. Thomas also had one canonry in Băcs and one in Oradea.
Luke, son of Ladislaus of Zekeres, obtained from the pope a canonry in
Transylvania, on 28 August 1345; the former Bishop of Oradea, Andrew, intervened for
him, requesting this grace from the pope, before his death.38 The recipient of this
canonry was a character with high-level connections. We base this assertion on the fact
that subsequently, on 25 May 1347, Cardinal Bertrand obtained from the pope for Luke,
son of Ladislaus of Zekeres, another canonry in the Church of Transylvania, which had
39
been vacated through the resignation of Ladislaus, Archdeacon of Ugocea.39
Another allogeneic character who owned a canonry in Transylvania was John,
son of Bertold of Wilkow (the Diocese of Wroclaw), the nephew of Nicholas,
Chancellor of King Louis of Anjou, who intervened on his behalf with the French
pontiff.40 John, son of Bertold, had two other canonries in Văc and Bratislava, which he
could keep. He was appointed on 11 September 1345.
On 28 September 1345, Elisabeth, Queen of Hungary, requested and obtained
from Clement VI a canonry in the Church of Transylvania for Master Ladislaus of Prague,
the teacher of Duke Stephen, the son of the queen and the brother of King Louis I. The
appointee could keep the canonries and prebends he held in Esztergom and Oradea.41
On 10 November 1345, Clement VI granted Egidiu, son of Valentin, Canon of
Oradea and rector of the altar of St. Thomas in the Cathedral of Oradea, a dignity in the
Diocese of Transylvania, and on 23 June 1346, he was appointed canon.42
The beneficial policy promoted by the French popes was not to the liking of the
local bishops. The latter considered that the popes infringed their area of competence.
Conflicts were born from this state of affairs. One such case occurred in the Diocese of
Transylvania. On 20 June 1346, Clement VI ordered some clergymen in the Dioceses of
Esztergom and Zagreb to carry out the appointment of Peter, a canon of the Church of
Transylvania, as Archdeacon of Dăbâca. The papal document also reveals that Bishop
Andrew of Transylvania did not agree to the appointment and designated another cleric
for the post of Archdeacon of Dăbâca, and he gave the prebend pertaining to this post to
someone else. The Transylvanian chapter supported the efforts of the diocesan bishop
36 Ibidem, p. 213.
37 Ibidem, p. 222; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., p. 89.
38 Ibidem, p. 251; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., p. 96.
39 Ibidem, p. 362.
40 Ibidem, p. 251; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., p. 98.
41 Ibidem, p. 257; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., p. 113.
42 Ibidem, p. 273, 306; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., pp. 147-148.
The Beneficial Policy of Pope Clement VI
91
for more than a year, and because of its defiant attitude towards the pontiff, the Church
of Transylvania was placed under interdict. However, Clement VI stated that the priests
had continued to administer the holy sacraments “to the detriment of the said Peter and
the vexation of most people.”43 The pope characterized Bishop Andrew: “a blatant
disdainer of the commandment issued by the Holy See, who tramples underfoot the
churchly punishment and cannot be restrained by this.”44 The pope informed the
respective clergymen from the Dioceses of Esztergom and Zagreb that they could
request the help of the secular power for installing Peter in the Archdeaconry of
Dăbâca.45 The situation of the conflict between the papal decision and the desire of the
Bishop of Transylvania shows the limits of the French pontiffs’ beneficial policy.
Starting from the fourteenth century, the Diocese of Transylvania was faced with a
completely new situation, in the sense that all the appointments to ecclesiastical dignities
had to pass through the filter of the papal curia, according to the beneficial policy. This
overturned the old rules for the election and appointment of the clergy, in which the
local bishop had an important role. The hierarch thus lost his pre-eminence over the
priests, whom he coordinated. Bishop Andree tried to resist this phenomenon, but was
received, together with his church, the punishment of interdict, through which Clement
VI imposed his will, vision and policy over the Diocese of Transylvania.
In the Chapter of Alba Iulia, a canon position was vacated in 1346 along, when
Nicholas was consecrated as Bishop of Pecs. On 2 December 1346, the latter requested
and obtained from Clement VI that his canonical position should be awarded to
Michael, son of John of Zăuan, a cleric from the Diocese of Wroclaw46
As previously stated, an archdeacon was automatically a canon too, but it was
possible for the appointment to the post of archdeacon to occur before a canonry was
granted. One such case occurred in the Chapter of Transylvania. On 25 May 1347,
Cardinal Bertrand obtained, from the pope, for Nicholas, son of Valentine, a cleric from
the Diocese of Transylvania, the position of Archdeacon of Ugocea, which had been
vacated after Ladislaus waived it into the hands of the Papal Chamberlain Stephen,
Bishop of Saint Pons de Thomieres (Southern France). Nicholas could keep some
income from the quarter of the tithes levied in the villages from the Diocese of Oradea,
amounting to 20 florins.47 On 24 June 1347, the pope granted Nicholas, son of
Valentine, a canonry and a prebend in the chapter of the Church of Transylvania, who
could still keep those tithes.48
On 9 November 1347, Clement VI granted a new canonry in the Church of
Transylvania to Nicholas, son of Conrad, Canon of Esztergom. The benefice from
Transylvania had belonged to Nicholas, who had been consecrated Bishop of Nitra.49
On 19 June 1348, Stephen, Archbishop of Kalocsa, had requested and obtained from the
43 Ibidem, p. 302.
44 Ibidem.
45 Ibidem, p. 303.
46 Ibidem, p. 324.
47 Ibidem, p. 361; Bossănyi Ârpăd, op. cit., p. 173.
48 Ibidem, p. 369.
49 Ibidem, p. 409.
92
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
pope the appointment of Luke, son of Alexius, a canon and reader in Zagreb, to a
canonry in the Church of Transylvania.50 On 22 March 1349, at the request of Cardinal
Guillaume de La Jugie, his uncle, the pope appointed Vincent Begonis Castrensis as a
canon in the Transylvanian chapter, the brother of his procurator in Hungary and
Poland.51 The last appointment of a canon in the Church of Transylvania made by
Clement VI took place on 2 July 1352, when, at the request of the King of Hungary, he
granted such a position to Peter, son of Bertold of Brunna (Brno, Bohemia), who was
the chancellor of Duke Stephen of Anjou, the brother of the king. Peter had benefices in
the Dioceses of Zagreb and Esztergom.52
Clement VI’s beneficial policy targeted even the lower ecclesiastical positions,
such as those of parish priests. This demonstrates that the French popes’ policy extended
to the lowest levels of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. On 8 September 1344, the pope
ordered the Archbishop of Kalocsa and the Archdeacons of Tilegd and Satu Mare to
make sure that Andrew, son of Peter, a parish priest in Dipșa (Bistrița Năsăud County),
would receive the parish church in Orăștie.53 Subsequently, on 9 October 1344, Andrew,
son of Peter, obtained a post as a canon at Szekesfehervâr. From his appointment
document, we find that the parish of Orăștie was occupied by another cleric (Thomas
Martini), who had ignored the previous papal command and did not take into account
the appointment of Andrew, son of Peter.54 From this information, we may infer that the
reason for Clement VI’s initial demand was the settlement of the new conflict with the
local ecclesiastical hierarchy and the enforcement of the papal decision.
The pope made another appointment of a parish priest in the Diocese of
Transylvania. On 28 January 1350, Stephen of the Order of Hermits of St. Augustine
and Bishop of Nitra (1350-1367) had requested and obtained, from Clement VI, for his
brother John, a priest from the Diocese of Pecs, the position of parish priest of Cojocna,
as of the moment it became vacant.55 We should mention that up until 1350, this parish
had been led by Nicholas, referred to as the Abbot, a cleric from the Diocese of Nitra,
who was later appointed Bishop of Zagreb (1350-1356).
The popes of Avignon distributed the so-called expectative graces (the right to
receive a benefice as soon it became vacant). On 30 September 1345, Clement VI
reserved a dignity in the Transylvanian chapter (dignemini reservare) to the priest
Benedict of Elijah on the Diocese of Veszprem, who had another canonry in the Chapter
of Oradea.56 It seems that this papal indulgence was not to the liking of that priest, who
relinquished it on 11 October 1345 in favour of a dignity in the Chapter of Cenad.57
The vastness of the beneficial policy forced the French pontiffs to make some
concessions. On 10 September 1346, Clement VI allowed Archbishop Stephen of
50 Ibidem, p. 444; Bossânyi Ârpâd, op. cit., p. 185.
51 Bossânyi Ârpâd, op. cit., p. 197.
52 Ibidem, p. 244; Documenta Romanaie Historica, seria C Transilvania, vol. X, Bucharest: Ed.
Academiei Republicii Socialiste România, 1977, p. 141.
53 DIR C, XIV, IV, p. 210.
54 Bossânyi Ârpâd, op. cit., p. 87.
55 Ibidem, p. 211; DIR C, XIV, IV, p. 527.
56 Ibidem, p. 117.
57 Ibidem, p. 121.
The Beneficial Policy of Pope Clement VI
93
Kalocsa to appoint canons in his diocese, but also in the suffragan dioceses, including
Transylvania, Oradea and Cenad.58 A balance sheet of the beneficial policy promoted by
Clement VI in Transylvania would reveal that he appointed 20 canons. To these were
added two appointments of parish priests at Oraștie and Cojocna and the granting of an
expectative grace.
Final considerations
Clement VI was the one who promoted the most intense beneficial policy in the Diocese
of Transylvania, of all the French popes. In relation to the Diocese of Transylvania, the
outcome of Clement VI’s beneficial policy is impressive. During his pontificate, he
appointed 20 canons. This massive involvement attests to the refinement of the beneficial
policy of the French popes, a mechanism that functioned with sufficient precision at the
border of the Christian world too. The analysis of the papal documents that present
Clement VI’s beneficial policy in the Diocese of Transylvania generates a series of
considerations. Thus, it may be noticed that the pope was the supreme ecclesiastical
authority, which appointed or confirmed clerics to specific positions. The candidates to
canonry were proposed and supported by a powerful Hungarian local authority (the king,
the queen, an archbishop, a bishop, etc.). In order for such a candidate to execute his office
canonically, papal endorsement was required. The appointees were familiars, or even
relatives of major secular and ecclesiastical figures in Hungary. Thus, Clement VI’s
beneficial policy could not avoid the practice of nepotism, extremely widespread at the
time. As regards the characters who requested an ecclesiastical benefice from the pope for
a close acquaintance in the Diocese of Transylvania, they can be divided into two main
groups: secular and ecclesiastical. During the pontificate of Clement VI, those who
intervened to gratify their close acquaintances with canonries were: the King of Hungary,
Louis I of Anjou, Queen Elisabeth, Paul, the judge of the royal court, Thomas, comes of
Lipto, Nicholas, Chancellor of the King, and the congregation of students from. the
University of Bologna. From the category of the ecclesiasts who requested the pope to
grant canonries to their close acquaintances, mention should be made of: Stephen, Bishop
of Cenad, Ladislaus, Archbishop of Kalocsa, Cardinal Guillaume de La Jugie, Andrew,
Bishop of Oradea, Nicholas, Bishop of Pecs, Cardinal Bertrand and Stephen, Archbishop
of Kalocsa.
It may be noticed that the most numerous canons were locals, most likely
Hungarian (15), but there were also allogeneic elements, especially from Central
Europe: two Polish canons (both from the Diocese of Wroclaw), two Czechs (both
being in the service of Duke Stephen of Anjou, the brother of the King of Hungary) and
a Frenchman (Cardinal Guillaume de La Jugie, the nephew of Pope Clement VI). This
reveals the fact that the Diocese of Transylvania was profoundly connected to the
European Catholic space.
58 DIR C, XIV, IV, p. 316.
94
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
Annex
The canons appointed by Pope Clement VI to the Chapter of Transylvania
No.	Name of the canon	The person who intervened for him	Appointment year	Other information and observations
1	Dominic Szechy	He was appointed capitular provost by Bishop Andrew Szechy, his uncle	27 August 1345	He held the post of Bishop of Transylvania between 1357 and 1368
2	Peter, son of George	The King of Hungary, Louis I of Anjou	7 May 1343	He was a royal chaplain and had two more canonries in the Chapters of Zagreb and Szekesfehervăr
3	Ladislaus, Archdeacon of Bekes	Stephen, Bishop of Cenad	26 May 1343	He was the bishop’s chaplain and had another canonry and other positions in the church from Oradea. He had to give up the Archdeaconry of Bekes
4	Peter yclept of Satu Mare	The congregation of students from Bologna	4 June 1343	He studied canon law at Bologna, as he had a modest background, and on 26 December1343, he became the priest of St. Nicholas’ Church in Szekesfehervăr
5	Guillaume de La Jugie, Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Cosmedin		1343 post 1345	The beneficiary was the nephew of the pope, who appointed him Archdeacon of Alba. The cardinal wanted to exchange this position with Stephen, son of Lawrence, but later the exchange was cancelled by Clement VI at the request of Guillaume
6	Stephen, son of Lawrence from Gyor	Paul, judge of the royal court	21 October 1343 - 20 October 1345	The beneficiary was a canon and reader in Văc and the nephew of Paul, judge of the royal court. Later he received the provostship of the church in Old Buda, a canonry in Oradea.
7	Ladislaus of Geburlin fi-om Mintiul de Satu Mare	Thomas, Comes of Lipto	11 February 1344	
8	Ladislaus, son of Bako.	Ladislaus, Archbishop of Kalocsa	9 October 1344	He was the nephew of the archbishop and also had two canonries with the related prebends in the Chapters of Zagreb and Băcs, being also a cantor at Băcs
The Beneficial Policy of Pope Clement VI
95
9	Thomas, son of Peter, Provost of St. Lawrence’s Church in Hay	Cardinal Guillaume de La Jugie	10 January 1345	The beneficiary was the cardinal’s procurator and also had a canonry at Băcs and Oradea
10	Luke, son of Ladislaus of Zekeres	Andrew, Bishop of Oradea	28 August 1345	Subsequently, on 25 May 1347, Cardinal Bertrand obtained from the pope, for him, another canonry in the Church of Transylvania, vacated through the resignation of Ladislaus, Archdeacon of Ugocea
11	John, son of Bertold of Wilkow (the Diocese of Wroclaw)	Nicholas, Chancellor of the King of Hungary	11 September 1345	The beneficiary was the nephew of the royal chancellor and had two other canonries in Văc and Bratislava.
12	Ladislaus of Prague	Elisabeth, Queen of Hungary	28 September 1345	The beneficiary was the teacher of Duke Stephen, the son of the queen, the brother of King Louis I. The appointee could keep the canonries and prebends he held in Esztergom and Oradea.
13	Egidiu, son of Valentine, Canon of Oradea		On 10 November 1345 the pope granted him a dignity, and on 23 June 1346 he was appointed canon.	The beneficiary was the Canon of Oradea and rector of the altar of St. Thomas in the Cathedral of Oradea.
14	Peter		20 June 1346	He was appointed by the pope Archdeacon of Dăbâca, but faced the opposition of Bishop Andrew and the cathedral chapter
15	Michael, son of John of Zăuan, a cleric from the Diocese of Wroclaw	Nicholas, Bishop of Pecs	2 December 1346	The beneficiary received the canonry that had belonged to Bishop Nicholas of Pecs
16	Nicholas, son of Valentine, a cleric from the Diocese of Transylvania	Cardinal Betrand	On 25 May 1347, he obtained the post of Archdeacon of Ugocea and on 24 June 1347, he received a canonry and a prebend.	Nicholas could keep a series of revenues derived from the quarter tithes of some villages in the Diocese of Oradea, amounting to 20 florins.
96
Răzvan Mihai Neagu
17	Nicholas, son of Conrad, Canon of Esztergom.		9 November 1347	The benefice granted by the pope had belonged to Nicholas, who had been consecrated as Bishop of Nitra
18	Luke, son of Alexius, a canon and reader in Zagreb	Stephen, Archbishop of Kalocsa	19 June 1348	
19	Vincent Begonis Castrensis	Cardinal Guillaume de La Jugie	22 March 1349	The beneficiary was the brother of the cardinal’s procurator in Hungary and Poland
20	Peter, son of Bertold of Brunna (Brno, Bohemia)	Louis I of Anjou	2 July 1352	The appointee was the chancellor of Duke Stephen of Anjou, the brother of the king. Peter had benefices in the Dioceses of Zagreb and Esztergom
Other ecclesiastical benefices distributed by Clement VI in Transylvania
No.	Name of the canon	The person who intervened for him	Appointment year	Other information and observations
1	Andrew, son of Peter		9 October 1344	He was appointed parish priest of Orăștie, having been transferred from Dipșa
2	John, a priest from the Diocese of Pecs	Stephen of the Order of Hermits of St. Augustine and Bishop of Nitra (1350-1367)	28 January 1350	The beneficiary was the brother of the Bishop of Nitra and was appointed as parish priest of Cojocna
3	Benedict, son of Elijah from the Diocese of Veszprem		30 September 1345	For this cleric the pope reserved a dignity in the Chapter of Transylvania, but on 11 October 1345, he relinquished it in favour of a dignity in the Chapter of Cenad
MIHAI FLORIN HASAN1
ANTHROPONYMY AND MODES OF ANTHROPONYM
TRANSMISSION IN THE TRANSYLVANIAN NOBLE FAMILIES
IN THE LATE THIRTEENTH CENTURY AND THROUGHOUT
THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY [II]
Abstract: This article is the continuation of a previous study, which aimed at highlighting several general
European anthroponymic rules that made their presence felt in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary and, in
particular, in the Voivodate of Transylvania and its adjacent counties. A random genealogical selection
revealed the fact that the anthroponymic rules identified by the Western researchers were at work within
the Transylvanian (and, in general, the Hungarian) area not only in the great baronial families, but also at
the level of the counties, among the middle and petty nobles, who represented the backbone of nobiliary
power within the kingdom.
Keywords: anthroponomy, nobility, genealogy, Transylvania, model/pattern
In a previous study2 I tried to capture, in eighteen representative genealogical tables, the
modes of anthroponym transmission in the Transylvanian noble families. I consider that
at that time I offered only a brief overview of the matter, demonstrating the modes of
anthroponym transmission from grandfather to grandson [a], from uncle to nephew [b]
or from father to son [c]. The genealogies below are intended as a further argument
reinforcing those stated in the previous article. In what follows I will enlarge upon this
by adding seven more genealogical tables:
[a]	One of the cases is that of Abraham dictus magnus de Sancto Petro, who
appears in the published documents from the series Documente privind Istoria României
[Documents on the History of Romania] in the period 1334-1344.3 He was the son of
Nicolaus and the father of Nicolaus, Emericus and Johannes. In this case, we may notice
that the rule for granting Abraham’s firstborn son the name of the grandfather, Nicolaus
[I], was observed, whereas the other two sons received two names of Christian resonance:
one was given the name of one of the Holy Kings, while the second was bestowed the
theophoric and apostolic name of Johannes. We can therefore state that besides the
number 1 rule of anthroponymic baptism, we may also find the rule of thematic variation,
as identified by the researchers Eleanor Krawutschke and George Beech.4
1 The Orthodox Theological Seminary in Cluj Napoca, history teacher, with a PhD in history since 2008,
email: hasanmihai@gmail.com.
2 “Antroponimia și modalități de transmitere a antroponimelor în cadrul familiilor nobiliare transilvănene
de la sfârșitul secolului al XIII-lea și din secolul al XIV-lea,” in Acta Musei Napocensis, Historica, 48/II,
Cluj Napoca, 2011, pp. 9-30.
3 The first document in which it is mentioned bears the number 228 in Documente privind istoria
României, series C, Transylvania, the fourteenth century, volume IV. Bucharest: Editura Academiei, 1955,
p. 181 [hereinafter DIR, C, Trans.].
4 Eleanor Krawutschke, George Beech. “Le choix du nom d’enfant en Poitou (XIe-XIIe s.): l’importance
des noms familiaux,” in Genese Medievale de l’anthroponymie moderne, volume III. Tours: Universite de
Tours, 1996, pp. 145-146.
98
Mihai Florin Hasan
Nicolaus [1]
Abraham
Nicolaus [II]	Emericus	Johannes
Genealogical Table 1. The family of Abraham dictus magnus de Sancto
Petro.
Another case is that of Andreas dictus Urdug [Dracul, The Devil] de Karul
[Carei, Satu Mare County], first attested in 1291.5 His father was Symon dictus Wrdug
and his sons were called Symon, Nicolaus, Michael and Marharth. Andreas decided that
his firstborn son should be named after his father, while his last born bore an
onomasticon specific to the Karolyi family.
Symon [I] dictus Wrdug
Andreas] dictus Urdug
Symon [III]	Nicolaus	Michael	Marharth
Genealogical Table 2. The family of Andreas dictus Urdug de Karul.
This rule was also applied in the case of Andreas, yclept Urdug, whose
grandfather was Andreas, of the Kaplyon branch [1219]. Also, Andreas’ older brother,
Petrus, baptised his last born by the name of Symon [II]. He was mentioned in as early
as 1306, while Symon [III] was mentioned only in 1322.6 Marhard/Marharth, Andreas’
last born, had two sons: the last born was called Andreas [attested in 1368-1421].7
Basically, within four to five successive generations of the same branch, yet not
necessarily the same family, the noticeable custom was that of giving one of the sons,
either the first or the last born, the name of the paternal grandfather. One last
observation we should make here is related to the names pertaining to the Oriental
onomastic area used in this generus: Andreas, Symon, Nicolaus, Michael, which can
5 DIR, C, Trans., the eleventh-thirteenth centuries, volume II, Bucharest: Editura Academiei, 1952, doc.
408. The nobleman Andreas was attested between 1291 and 1351, cf. Șerban Turcuș et alii. Antroponimia
în Transilvania medievală (secolele XI-XIV). Evaluare statistică, evoluție, semn ficații, volume II. Cluj
Napoca: Editura Mega, 2011, p. 44.
6 Pal Engel. Magyar kdzepkori adattâr. Magyarorszâg vilăgi archontologiâja 1301-1457. Kdzepkori
magyar genealogia. Budapest, 2001 [CD-ROM], Kaplyon entry, Karolyi table.
7 Ibidem.
Anthroponymy and Modes of Anthroponym Transmission
99
lead us to think of an early confessional orientation of this family - which became
extremely well known, especially during the modern period of this Central-Eastern area
- towards Oriental-rite Christianity.
Another example is provided by a relative of the Bâthorys, Bagwn, son of
Ugrinus and grandson of Marhart/Merhard, attested on 9 April 1342,8 a landowner in
Zarand County, bordering on the Voivodate of Transylvania. Under the document
preserved in this regard, this Bagwn was the father of Nicolaus and Ugrinus, the
grandfather Iohannes and Ladislaus, but he was also the son of Ugrinus and the
grandson of Merhard. Among the many relatives mentioned on this occasion,
Benchench [Vincent] and Merhard, his uncles, were also attested. In this noble family
we may also notice the transmission of anthroponyms from grandfather to grandson
[Ugrinus - Ugrinus] and transmission of anthroponyms from father to son.
	Merhard ’l		
Benchench	Ugrinus		Merhard
Chak	Bagwn , 1 Ugrinus		Briccius of Bâtor = daughter Nicolaus
	!L	adislaus	Johannes
Genealogical Table 3. The family of Bagwn in Zarand County.
The last example we shall present is the Makoi family of the Chanad branch,
with land estates in the counties of Arad and Zarand, attested on 3 May 1344,9 involved
in a lawsuit for the partition of estates. The parties to this trial were several cousins and
brothers who had a common, unmentioned ancestor.
N.
______________ I ______________________________
Benedictus	Gregorius
---------------------------1--------------:----	I
Philippus	Aron	Michael	Andreas
Bamabas Nicolaus Benedictus	Blasius Gregorius Dionysius Ladislaus
Genealogical Table 4. The Makoi family of the Chanad branch.
8 DIR, C, Trans., the fourteenth century, volume IV, doc. 72, p. 72.
9 Ibidem, doc. 233, pp. 183-186.
100
Mihai Florin Hasan
This family also evinced the adoption, between generations II and IV, of the rule
for anthroponym transmission from grandfather to grandson: Benedictus - Benedictus
and, respectively, Gregorius - Gregorius.
[b]	For the second type of anthroponymic baptism [uncle - nephew], we have
several clear cases, especially from the late thirteenth and the early fourteenth centuries.
Thus, we have selected the cases of families like the Csarnavodais of the Kata
branch or the Dengelegis of the same Kata branch.10
Gabriel [I]
1261-1268
Thomas [I] Nicolaus Johannes [I]
1299-1308
Gabriel Johannes Stephanus Thomas [II]	Georgius [I]
1311-1351
Georgius [II] Michael
Genealogical Table 5. The Csarnavodai family of the Kata branch [cf. P.
Engel].11
In this family fragment we can easily observe rule a too [grandfather -
grandson], and also rule c [father-son], in addition to the nephew - uncle rule we wish to
illustrate through Thomas [I] and his nephew Thomas [II] and, respectively, through
Georgius [I] and his nephew, Georgius [II].
Johannes
1318-1342
____________________________________I________________________________
Bartholomeus	Pangratius [I]	Ladislaus [I]
I
Sigismundus Ladislaus [II] Colomannus Pangratius [II]	Susana
Genealogical Table 6. The Dengelegi family of the Kata branch [cf. P. Engel].12
For the Dengelegi family, anthroponymic formula b for the first three
generations is evident in the case of Pangratius [I] and Pangratius [II] and, respectively,
Ladislaus [I] and Ladislaus [II].
10 Pal Engel. Magyar kozepkori adattăr. Magyarorszăg vilăgi archontologiăja 1301-1457. Kozepkori
magyar genealogia. Budapest, 2001 [CD-ROM], Kata entry.
11 Ibidem, table 3.
12 Ibidem, table 5.
Anthroponymy and Modes of Anthroponym Transmission
101
The rule we have referred to as rule [c] (father-son) was the most frequently
encountered in the space under examination here, both for the great noble families and
for the families belonging to the middle and small gentry. Documents stored in various
family archives or those that have already been published reveal, without the trace of a
doubt, this anthroponymic reality: this was the case, for example, of Iako, son of Iako,
mentioned in 1279,13 or Ihon, son of Ihon of Erkud, attested in 1293.14
We can also mention Petrus, the son of Master Petrus, grandson of Mykud,
brother of Johannes and David15 or Stephanus, son of Stephanus of Semyen.16
Such examples were numerous throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries and continued, as a rule, during the fifteenth century.
A general example for the first half of the fourteenth century is given by the
Bethlen family of the Becsgegelyi branch.
Jacobus
1282-1329
Andreas Jacobus Johannes	Apa	Dionysius
Andreas	Nicolaus
Genealogical Table 7. A genealogical fragment of the Bethlen family from the
17
Becsgergelyi branch [cf. P. Engel].17
These seven complete genealogical tables clearly round off what I had stated in
the previous article and indicate an obvious anthroponymic approach that was found
throughout Christianitas, starting from the Atlantic corner unto the eastern borders of
this political- confessional space subordinated to the Roman Curia.
13 DIR, C, Trans., the eleventh-thirteenth centuries, volume II, doc. no. 237.
14 Ibidem, doc. no. 444.
15 DIR, C, Trans., the fourteenth century, volume IV, doc. 76, pp. 77-79.
16 Ibidem, doc. 255, p. 206.
17 Pal Engel, Magyar kdzepkori adattâr. Magyarorszâg vilâgi archontolâgiâja 1301-1457. Kdzepkori
magyar genealâgia. Budapest, 2001 [CD-ROM], Becsgegelyi entry, table 3.
DRAGOȘ-LUCIAN ȚIGĂU1
NEW INFORMATION CONCERNING THE PRESENCE
OF STUDENTS FROM CLUJ AT THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA
PRIOR TO 1550
Abstract: This article examines, in particular, the activity of 34 students from Cluj who obtained various
academic degrees (Bachelor’s, Master’s or PhD) from the faculties of the University of Vienna up until the
middle of the sixteenth century. The information is taken from recently published repertories and the
original transcripts, available online: Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Vindobonensis and Matricula
Facultatis Juristarum Studii Wiennensis.
Various aspects are highlighted, such as: the succession of the educational cycles, the duration and
the cost of the studies, the subjects of the lectures they attended and the structure of the exams, the rules for
obtaining academic degrees and the practice of attending several universities (peregrinatio academica).
Six of the individuals from Cluj who studied in Vienna became Doctors of Law or Theology, and
nine received the title of magister artium. Mention should be made of the remarkable activity of Iacob
Vexillifer, who was elected procurator nationis Hungaricae on several occasions and served as a board
member of the Faculty of Liberal Arts (1500-1525). The graduates who returned home embarked on
various careers, becoming clerics, teachers, notaries, secretaries, etc.
The dissemination of the Protestant ideas and the Ottoman occupation of Hungary greatly
diminished the interest manifested by the students from Cluj in attending the Catholic University of
Vienna.
Keywords: Cluj, Vienna, education, Bachelor’s degree, doctoral degree.
The presence of the Transylvanians at the University of Vienna prior to the
middle of the sixteenth century became the subject of research after 1870. Saxon,2
Hungarian3 and Austrian4 historians have published several transcripts and repertories
concerning the attendance of this academic centre, where many scholars from Cluj also
studied. In recent years, this concern has continued, with significant results.5 For
students coming exclusively from the intra-Carpathian area and the western territories of
Romania, vast repertories have been compiled, showing the phenomenon of academic
peregrination during the centuries of the Middle Ages and the modern era.6 A detailed
1 Teacher at the Superior Commercial School “Nicolae Kretzulescu,” Bucharest; PhD student at the
University of Bucharest, Faculty of History, dragoslucian68@yahoo.com .
2 Georg Daniel Teutsch, “Siebenburgen Studirende aus der Hochschule in Wien im 14., 15. und 16.
Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte Siebenburgens,” in Archiv des Vereins fur Siebenburgische
Landeskunde, 16, 1881, pp. 321-354.
3 Fraknoi Vilmos, Magyarorszăgi tanărok es tanulok a becsi egyetemen a XIV. es XV. szăzadban,
Budapest, 1874.
4 Karl Schrauf, Magyarorszăgi tanulok kufoldon, I: Jena; II: Becs; III: Krakko, Budapest, 1890-1893;
idem, Die Matrikel der Ungarischen Nation an der Wiener Universităt, Wien, 1902.
5 Kissne Bognăr Krisztina, Magyarorszăgi diăkok a becsi tanintezetekben 1526-1789, Budapest, 2004;
Tuskes Anna, Magyarorszăgi diăkok a becsi egyetemen 1365-1526, Budapest, Eotvos Lorănd
Tudomănyegyetem Leveltăr, 2008.
6 Tonk Săndor, Erdelyiek egyetemjărăsa a kozepkorban, Bukarest, 1979; Szabo Miklos, Tonk S.,
Erdelyiek egyetemjărăsa a korai ijkorban 1521-1700, Szeged, 1992. The subject is further investigated by
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
103
approach to this subject is possible thanks to the initiatives undertaken by the University
of Vienna, which has published the transcripts of its faculties7 and allowed direct access,
by electronic means, to the documents in its own archives.8 Very useful are the works
referring to the Faculties of Liberal Arts9 and Legal Sciences,10 two institutions that
were at the forefront of the preferences exhibited by the scholars from Cluj in the
fifteenth century. The information retrieved thus is especially valuable for acquiring
knowledge about those who managed to obtain various academic degrees: Bachelor’s,
Master’s or PhD. Also, the initiative of the Hungarian National Archives to post, on its
electronic website,11 the images and the registers of documents issued before 1526, both
those preserved in its own collection and the documents kept in archives outside
Hungary, provides an opportunity for reconstituting the post-graduate career many
graduates who originally came from Cluj.
The constant interest of the students from Cluj in higher education may be
inferred from the large number of scholars included in the repertories. Compared to the
total number of the students identified for the Transylvania-Banat region, the scholars
who originated in the city of Cluj amounted to 4.88% (122 out of 2,496)12 in the period
before 1520, and 3.75% (107 out of 2,854)13 in the period between 1520 and 1700. The
religious Reformation radically changed the options for the universities. Prior to 1520,
most of the young men had studied in Vienna and Krakow,14 but during the
Reformation and the autonomous Principality, they turned mainly to the Protestant
academic centres, avoiding more prestigious universities that had remained Catholic.15
The general phenomenon was also reflected accordingly at the level of the city of Cluj.16
Szabo M., Szogi Laszlo, Erdelyi peregrinusok. Erdelyi diăkok eurâpai egyetemeken 1701-1849,
Marosvăsărhely, 1998; Szabo M., Erdelyiek Magyarorszăgi egyetemeken 1848 elott, Marosvăsărhely,
2005; more recently, Szogi L., Studenți români din Transilvania la universitățile din Europa în secolele
XVI-XX, Târgu-Mureș, 2011.
7 Die Matrikel der Universităt Wien [1365-1746], I-VII, Wien-Koln-Graz-Munchen, 1956-2011.
8 http://bibliothek.univie.ac.at/archiv/
9 Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Vindobonensis 1385-1416, ed. Paul Uiblein (Publikationen des
ifOG VI. Reihe: Quellen zur Geschichte der Universităt Wien, 2. Abteilung), Graz-Wien-Koln, 1968. Acta
Facultatis Artium. Personen-Nennungen im Zusammenhang mit Prifung, Graduierung und Verteilung der
Vorlesungsthemen, vol. II (1416-1447), III/1 (1447-1471), III/2 (1471-1497), IV (1497-1555) (UAW Cod.
Ph. 7, 8, 9), Bearbeitung: Thomas Maisel, Ingrid Matschinegg, Wien, 2007. http://bibliothek.univie.ac.at/
archiv/cat_publikationen.html (hereinafter, AFA).
10 Die Matrikel der Wiener Rechtswissenschaftlichen Fakultăt/ Matricula Facultatis Juristarum Studii
Wiennensis (hrsg. Kurt Muhlberger), I (1402-1442), Wien-Munchen, 2011 (hereinafter, J 1).
Archiv der Universităt Wien, Archive/ Fakultăten/ Rechtswissenschaftliche (Rechts- und
Staatswissenschaftliche) Fakultăt/ Geschăftsbucher der Juridischen Fakultăt/ J 2 Matricula Facultatis
Juridicae II. (1442-1557) (hereinafter, J 2).
11 Magyar Orszăgos Leveltar, Diplomatikai Leveltăr and Diplomatikai Fenykepgyujtemeny, available on
the website http://mol.arcanum.hu/dldf/opt/a110505htm?v=pdf&a=start (hereinafter, DL/ DF).
12 Tonk S., op. cit., p. 42-43, 68 (Cluj occupies the third place, after Sibiu-285 and Brașov-267 students).
13 Szabo M., Tonk S., op. cit., p. 286, 381. The fourth place, after Brașov-359, Sibiu-256, Bistrița-127.
14 Tonk S., op. cit., p. 43. Vienna-1588 matriculated students, Krakow-811.
15 Szabo M., Tonk S., op. cit., p. 357-374. At Wittenberg-1152 matriculated students, Franeker-279,
Leyden-264, Vienna-241 and Krakow - only 93.
16 Up until the year 1520: Vienna-85, Krakow-21, at both universities-3; between 1520-1700: Vienna-12
(5 before the year 1550), Krakow-3 (all before 1550).
104
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
The first definite record of a young man from Cluj who enrolled in a European
university, the Viennese one, dates from April 1387.17 The orientation towards the Alma
Mater Rudolphina, founded on 12 March 1365, is primarily explained by the absence of
universities in the Hungarian Kingdom.18 The University of Vienna distinguished itself
through its professors’ high degree of expertise and the connections established both
with Italian cities that promoted Humanism and with the German universities.19 This
centre was preferred by the students from Cluj because it provided them with many
advantages: the shorter distance from home, more moderate study expenses, or the use
of the German language, which made their everyday life much easier.
The entries in the matriculation registers contain the first information about the
scholars (scolares). The place of origin is spelled in different forms and the native
region is sometimes indicated too (Transilvanus, de Septemcastris). Onomastics helps
identify the scholars in the registers of the faculties and of the Hungarian university
“nation” (natio Hungarie alme universitatis Wiennensis).20 These latter documents
highlight cases where young men from Cluj registered themselves simultaneously, in
groups of 2-3-4, together with their conationals from different localities.21 Their
companionship contributed to increasing their safety during their journey to Vienna and
to easing their daily life in the city. Regarding the social condition, all the students from
Cluj were free men, coming from the estate of the townspeople. In the registers of the
Hungarian “nation,” they were listed among the “magistri arcium cuiuscunque status
sive condictionis infra baronatum et prelatos minores” or “baccalarii arcium simplices
sive sub nobilium statibus non comprehensi,” or among those “scolares cuiuscunque
facultatis sub nobilium statibus non comprehensi.”22 A distinction can be made from a
socio-professional perspective. In the transcripts, next to their baptismal name is
recorded their own profession or that practised by the family: Aurifabri (goldsmith),
Carnificis (butcher), Institoris (merchant), Lapicida (stone mason), Lutifigulus (potter),
Notarius (notary), Pellificis (furrier) Vanentrager/ Vexillifer (ensign), and even
Czechsch (guild member).
17 Tonk S., op. cit., no. 240 (Bartholomeus de Clawsenburg).
18 The initiatives of the Hungarian sovereigns resulted in the establishment of several institutions whose
existence was ephemeral: the University of Pecs (1367), Studium generale (Klosterhochschule) in Buda
(1389) and Academia Istropolitana in Bratislava (1467), cf. Âbel Jeno, Egyetemeink a kozepkorban,
Budapest, 1881.
19 Alphons Lhotsky, Die Wiener Artistenfakultăt, 1365-1497: Festgabe der Osterreichischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften zur 600-Jahfeier der Universităt Wien, Wien 1965.
20 At the University of Vienna there were four “nations”: Austrian, Rhenish, Hungarian and Saxon, cf. K.
Schrauf, Die Matrikel, p. VII.
21 In the first semester of 1453: 34 matriculated students (Sibiu-2, Brașov and Cluj - one each, 3 other
Transylvanians); the first semester of 1456: 34 (Cluj-4, Sibiu-3, 2 other Transylvanians); the first semester
of 1461: 44 (Brașov-3, Sibiu-2, Cluj-1); the first semester of 1464: 18 (Cluj-2, Brașov-1); the first
semester of 1465: 34 scholars, two of which were from Cluj; the first semester of 1475: 31 (Sibiu-3,
Brașov and Cluj - one each); the second semester of 1477: 8 (Cluj and Sibiu-2 each, one from Sighișoara);
the second semester of 1488: 7 (Sibiu-3, Brașov-2, Bistrița and Cluj - one each); the first semester of
1549: 28 (one from each of the following: Brașov, Cluj, Feldioara, Sibiu and Sighișoara), cf. ibidem, pp.
89, 95-97, 102, 105-108, 123-124, 126-127, 136, 201-202.
22 Ibidem, pp. 38-54 (magistri), 67-89 (baccalarii), 89-210 (scolares).
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
105
The data preserved suggest that course attendance was influenced by the
students’ social origin and wealth. For most of them, studies represented a way of social
affirmation. Moreover, only the wealthy could aspire to higher education, as to the
tuition fees there were added expenses for maintenance and the purchase of manuscripts
and printed books.23 Other amounts were requested for admission into “natio Hungarica”
as scolarius,24 baccalaureus and magister.25 The studies of law, medicine and theology
were much more expensive. From the records of the Faculty of Law it appears that the
few students from Cluj who were enrolled there had paid 2-3 Groschen or half a florin
on admission, while on their graduation they paid one florin. There was only one law
student (Jacob Sczas, 1455) who was recorded as a pauper.26
The financial situation was partly responsible for the fact that out of the total of
the students enrolled between 1387-1550, only 36% (34 out of 93) completed their
studies by obtaining an academic degree. Of the 34 Cluj graduates, most had paid on
admission between 2-4 Groschen,27 while a few of the poor scholars were exempt from
payment, being granted the privilegium paupertatis.28 During examinations, requests
were made for fee waivers (Bachelor’s - 9, Licentiate degree - 3), which were approved
by the dean and the receiver.29 There were also instances where material deprivation
was an obstacle for the graduates. In 1401, Nicolaus de Septemcastris de Clausenburch
was accepted on the promise that he would pay the admission fee (promisit), but on 3
May 1405 his being granted the title of magister artium was made conditional upon the
payment of the overdue fee. The following year, he enrolled at the University of
30
Krakow, giving the same assurance.
At the basis of university education was the Faculty of Liberal Arts and
acquiring the title of magister artium opened the way for higher education in law,
medicine and theology.31 The years of study were divided into two semesters: the
23 A calculation by tranches of expenses shows that within the two years between enrollment and
baccalaureatus, the amounts of money required were at least 19 florins, 35 Groschen and 66 denarii, while
the sum necessary for the following two years, until the title of master (magisterium) was awarded,
included at least 45 florins, 49 Groschen and 156 denarii, cf. Tonk S., op. cit., p. 115.
24 K. Schrauf, Die Matrikel, pp. 89, 96, 106 (4 den.); 102, 123 (5 den.); 106 (6 den.); 127 (7 den. Wienn.);
107, 136 (8 den.); 108 (1 Groschen); 183 (2 Kreuzers); 202 (nil).
25 Ibidem, pp. 42, 47-48 (masters: 14-19 denarii); 73, 80, 82 (B.A.s: 8-10 denarii).
26 J 1, pp. 8, 15, 36, 41, 42; J 2, f. 10r, 11v, 13r.
27 Tonk S., op. cit., no. 637, 775, 970, 974 (2 Groschen); 95, 101, 497, 576, 802, 806, 812, 1002, 1015,
1033, 1082, 1115, 1508, 1568, 1789, 2205, 2208, 2246, 2380 (4 Groschen); 2261 (29 denarii); 564 (dedit);
2296 (totum); Szabo M., Tonk S., op. cit., no. 1017 (2 solidi).
28 Jacobus (1407), another Jacobus (1413), Martinus Lapicida (1428), Valentinus Institoris (1432),
Johannes Sterchen (1440), cf. S. Tonk, op. cit., no. 778, 786, 1411, 2400, 971. On 2 Jan. 1403 “...
deliberavit facultas [artium], quod super conscientias suas dicerent michi [decano], an haberent vel
possent habere in brevi, quod tunc darent, si autem non haberent nec sperarent se posse habere et essent
pauperes, quod tunc esset cum eis dispensatum,” cf. AFA, I, p. 216.
29 AFA, II, no. 4873, 5842, 6788 (lic.), 8172, 8775; III/1, no. 11222, 11737, 15224, 15317, 15623 (lic.),
16091; IV, no. 22633 (lic.).
30 S. Tonk, op. cit., no. 1730; AFA, I, p. 248. Album Studiosorum Universitatis Cracoviensis, I (1400-
1489), Krakow, 1887, pp. 23-24: “Nicolaus Koessel de Clausemburk baccalarius in Artibus Universitatis
Viennensis promisit.”
31 The scheme of the educational cycles, in S. Tonk, op. cit., p. 97.
106
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
summer (Sommersemester) and the winter semesters (Wintersemester), starting in mid-
April and, respectively, in October.32 The scholars from Cluj were included in the “natio
Hungarica”33 and coordinated by Masters/Magisters. For two years, the students (scolares)
learned the three disciplines of classical trivium: grammar, dialectic (logic), and rhetoric,
with the prospect of becoming bachelors.34 In general, the courses had dogmatic
rigidity, because the object of research was not the world or man, but the conception of
ancient and canonical authors about nature and society. The teaching activities included
presentations with text commentaries (lectiones), questions (quaestiones), debate and
the highlighting of key issues (disputationes), revision exercises (exercitia, repetitiones).35
At the end of this cycle, the students took a preliminary test (responsio)36 in the fields of
grammar and logic to prove their ability to take part in a public determinatio. If
37
successful, they were admitted to the examen determinantium seu baccalariandorum.37
At that time, determinatio had great pedagogical importance as a means of assessing the
extent to which the scholars mastered Latin, above all, and then argumentation,
eloquence and rhetoric.
The transcripts from the Faculty of Liberal Arts in Vienna recorded the
participation of 32 students from Cluj in this exam,38 and there were situations when
two fellow-townsmen were assessed simultaneously.39 From the annex of the study it
appears that most of them took the examination 2-2.5 years after enrolment (13-13
scolares). Jacobus Septemcastris was the first and the fastest to obtain the Bachelor’s
degree (June 1394). In contrast to him, there were young men who received the title 6%,
9 or 11 years after enrolment.40 In the sessions, the number of those enrolled and
examined was variable, going up to 78 candidates.41 Each university “nation”
designated the examination board, and the latter established the bibliography for the
examination. We know of the existence of four scholars from Cluj who became Masters
of the Faculty of Liberal Arts and were selected as examiners: Jacobus Septemcastris
32 As a rule, the dates for the beginning of the summer (I) and the winter semesters (II) were 14 April and,
respectively, 13 October, cf. K. Schrauf, Die Matrikel, p. XXI.
33 By way of exemplification, consider the following: the first semester of 1456: “sub procuracia Mag.
Jacobi Schafnd de Cibino, intitulati sunt scolares infrascripti... Stephanus Egidii Sartoris, Jacobus Zafi,
Paulus, Leonardus Geetsch [omnes] de Clausemburga” (with 30 other fellow students, three of them from
Sibiu); the second semester of 1488: “procurante Mag. Mathia Knofloch ex Corona, tempore [h]yemali,
intitulati sunt scolares subscripti, anno 1488... Joannes Cleynmichel ex Coloswar (with 7 other scholars,
three of whom were from Sibiu, two from Brașov and one from Bistrița), cf. K. Schrauf, Die Matrikel, pp.
95-97, 136-137.
34 Ovidiu Drîmba, Istoria culturii și civilizației, III, Bucharest, 1990, pp. 149-150, 161. S. Tonk, op. cit., p. 95.
35 O. Drîmba, op. cit., p. 161, 164, 179. S. Tonk, op. cit., pp. 104-105.
36 Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis, V, Paris, 1845, p. 731 (art. responsio).
37 Ibidem, II, 1842, p. 824 (art. determinatio).
38 There are no know details for Jacob Zaz/ Sczas (1454-1455) and Joannes Colosbarinus (1548-c. 1551),
that quickly passed through the cycle of Arts, enrolling in the faculties of law and theology.
39 AFA, II, no. 8160, 8172 (4 July 1442); III/1, no. 14284, 14289 (14 April 1463), 14865, 14888 (14 April
1466); III/2, no. 19128, 19144 (14 April 1480).
40 Valentin Institoris (1432-1441), Johannes Weyr (1442-1453), Johannes Kolb (1456-1463).
41 There were nine series of up to 25 aspirants (those prior to the year 1431 and in 1524), another eight
groups of 26-40 candidates (between the years 1441-1467), four groups of 40-50 scholars (between 1466-
1490) and another five groups of 71-78 students (in the years 1449, 1453, 1470, 1471, 1502).
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
107
(1397-1399), Nicolaus de Clausenburch (1415), Nicolaus de Klawsnburga (1474,
1477), Jacobus Vexillfer (1505-1525). Here it must be stressed that there were no written
examinations in the medieval universities,42 and the candidates themselves could
determine the degree of difficulty of their exam; this ranged from the most comprehensive
and difficult (rigorosum) to the ordinary, average-level exam (transibile). This system
favoured the candidates’ success, as evidenced by the Viennese transcript records. Thus,
for each session, no more than five failures were recorded, usually accounted for by
absence from the exams or suspension for disciplinary misconduct. As regards the
students from Cluj, only three had such problems. On 4 July 1442, Johannes Han was
not admitted to the examen determinantium, but six months later (5 January 1443) he
participated in a special test, for only two candidates, and was granted the right to sit for
the Bachelor’s exam.43 The same situation was experienced by Johannes Klein de
Kolnswar: he was absent from the exam of 12 July 1490, which he took again, as the
sole student, only on 13 October 1491.44 In the same period, Jacobus Vanentrager de
Kolnschwar’s sitting for the exam was temporarily postponed, as he was most likely
suspended for indiscipline (13 October 1493). His name appeared again in the
transcripts only on 12 March 1501 (Iacobus Vexillifer de Clausenburga), defending his
Bachelor’s degree in the Liberal Arts.45
After receiving the Bachelor’s degree,46 the young people had the alternative to
return home, where they could valorise their intellectual training, or continue to study in
Vienna or at another university. Many left the university primarily for material reasons.
However, as regards the number of graduates, the city of Cluj had a privileged position
47
within the Banat-Transylvania region.
48
The Bachelors were considered aspirants to the degree of magister atrium.48
They were also enrolled in the Hungarian academic “nation,”49 being coordinated by a
42 O. Drîmba, op. cit., p. 179.
43 AFA, II, no. 8160, 8281.
44 AFA, III/2, no. 20827, 21188.
45 AFA, III/2, no. 21500; IV, no. 22633.
46 “Baccalariatus erat primus gradus academicae dignitatis, qui conferebatur juvenibus scholaribus...
corona laurea baccifera a magistris donandis,” cf. Statuta nec non liber promotionum philosophorum
ordinis in Universitate studiorum Jagellonica ab anno 1402 ad annum 1849, ed. Joseph Muczkowski,
Cracoviae, 1849, p. 443. This was considered laurea prima. “Laurea secunda designat magisterii
honorem” (ibidem, p. 446).
47 Up until 1520, Cluj had 44 graduates with bachelor’s degrees in Arts (32 from Vienna and 12 from other
universities) out of 122 matriculated students (36%). The average is higher than the regional mean, of
10.65 % (266 out of 2496), calculated by S. Tonk (op. cit., p. 103). Thus, the city of Cluj gave 16% of the
total number of graduates in the Liberal Arts.
48 “Baccalarius dicitur candidatus magisterii,” cf. Statuta Univ. Jagellonica, 1849, p. 443.
49 Let us refer to the following examples: the first semester of 1468: “sub procuracia Michaelis Kuttner de
Buda, licenciati in decretis, intitulati sunt baccalarii subscripti, anno Domini etc. LXVIII-o: Jacobus de
Klausenburga, dedit 1 gr.” (next to an individual from Sibiu); the first semester of 1492: “Mag. Valentino
Krauss Coronensi inclitae Ungaricae nationis procuratorio offitio functo per aestatem, se matriculae
nationis memmoratae inscribi procuraverunt baccalarii infra notati: Johannes Chlayn ex Klaufienburg,
[dedit] 8 den.” (with three fellow students from Brașov and one from Bistrița); the first semester of 1503:
“sub procuracia Mag. Martini Capinii Cibiniensis baccalarii infrascripti sunt intitulati: Steffanus de
Kolozswar, 10 den. [dedit]” (with 3 other colleagues), cf. K. Schrauf, Die Matrikel, pp. 73, 79-80, 82.
108
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
Master. In the second university cycle (quadrivium), students received training in the
branches of natural philosophy and metaphysics.50 The candidates wishing to receive
permission (licentia) to teach in the Faculty of Arts were subjected to a preliminary test
(tentamen, temptamen),51 before a committee appointed by the Chancellor of the
university. In the months between obtaining the licentia and delivering the inaugural
lecture (inceptio),52 the Bachelor had to study moral philosophy and complete his
studies of natural philosophy.53 The aspirant to the degree of magister artium appeared
in the position of initiator and defender (inceptor) of the ideas his thesis (quaestio)
contained. The subject of controversy was discussed in public, under the supervision of
a Master of the university. The argumentation and refutation of ideas were made under
predetermined proceedings, as practised during previous courses. The reward for these
endeavours was the award, in a solemn frame, of the Master’s insignia.54
The records of the University of Vienna directly record the nine students from
Cluj who managed to obtain a Bachelor’s degree and were admitted to sit in for that
inceptio. Two of them received the degree of licentiatus relatively quickly (in less than
two years), three others in a reasonable amount of time (3-4 years), while four scholars
from Cluj succeeded in obtaining this title only after 6-7 years. 12-26 candidates signed
up for the sessions, but some did not pass the exams for various reasons: absence and
suspension (9 out of 26 candidates in March 1470) or death (1502).55 Few of those who
were awarded licentia docendi chose to teach and continue their academic career. The
titles served to certify their intellectual training and launch their careers in other sectors
than education.56
Six of the scholars from Cluj who obtained the Bachelor’s degree became
Masters. The first was Jacobus Septemcastris, listed as an examiner of the Hungarian
“nation” (1398-1400) and a member in the Council of the Faculty of Liberal Arts (16
January 1399).57 After 16 January 1400, he chose to leave the university and settled in
Cluj, where he became one of the most influential and respected inhabitants.58 The
documents present his real name (Jacobus dictus Bulkisser), to which are added the
academic degrees obtained in Vienna.59 The next aspirant to the Master’s degree was
50 S. Tonk, op. cit., pp. 96-98 (the description of the courses on arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music).
51 Du Cange, op. cit., VI, 1846, p. 543 (art. tentatio). No students from Cluj appear to have signed up for
this test.
52 Ibidem, III, 1844, p. 792 (art. inceptio).
53 O. Drîmba, op. cit., p. 161.
54 “Insignia magistralia erant: birretum seu pileus doctoralis, epomis superhumerale, annulus digito
impositus, liber clausus et apertus traditus, amplexus et osculum magistrale,” cf. Statuta Univ.
Jagellonica, p. 446.
55 AFA, III/1, no. 15870-15895; IV, no. 22625.
56 O. Drâmba, op. cit., pp. 163-164.
57 AFA, I, pp. 150, 157, 159, 160, 163, 166-168, 179, 180.
58 On 2 July 1405 “Jacobus dictus Polkyscher artium liberalium magister juratus et Nicolaus dictus Mwn
cives de Coloswar” obtained vast privileges for the city from King Sigismund of Luxemburg, cf.
Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenburgen, ed. Franz Zimmermann, Carl Werner,
Georg Muller, III, Hermannstadt, 1902, pp. 347, 350, 354, 356, 358, no. 1531-1534 (hereinafter, UB).
59 “vir scientificus Jacobus dictus Bulkisser artium liberalium magister.” Attestations between 1407-1423
(UB, III, pp. 432, 447, 474, no. 1585, 1605, 1628; IV, 1937, p. 201, no. 1937).
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
109
Nicolaus de Septemcastris de Clausenburch: after four years of study, the award of his
degree was postponed due to the non-payment of fees (3 May 1405). Nicolaus was not
discouraged and enrolled in the University of Krakow, where he quickly achieved his
second Bachelor’s in Arts (1406).60 He returned to Vienna and received the coveted title
of Master, practising for several years (1409-1415).
As regards the activity of Masters Stephanus de Clausenburck (1433) and
Martinus de Chlosenburg (1438), only the titles of the lectures that they were to deliver
are known: Secundam/ Tertiam partem (Doctrinalem) Allexandri.61 Nicolaus Pellificis
de Klausnburga and Iacobus Vexillifer Transilvanus had a better known academic
career. The former’s name was recorded four times, on the days of 1 September of the
years 1474 to 1477, next to other Masters of the Faculty of Arts who obtained the titles
for their courses (regens).62 Nicolaus delivered lectures on Parva naturalia (1474)63,
Proporciones Breves (1475)64, Obligatoria (1476)65 and Tertiam partem Allexandri
(1477). He was also elected examiner of the Hungarian “nation” at two exams for the
Bachelor’s degree.66 His fellow-townsman, Jacobus Vexillifer, took his Master’s degree
in March 1501, being registered with this degree in the registers of the Hungarian
“nation.”67 He had a long academic career, attested up until 1525. The subjects of his
lectures included: Tertiam partem Allexandri, Elenchorum68 and Horas canonicas.69 In
the academic community, Jacob Vexillifer occupied honourable positions: procurator
nationis Hungaricae70 (the first semester 1505; the first semester 1512; 9 February - 14
April 1515 (substitute); the first semester 1522), vice-procurator (the second semester
1508; the second semester 1515)71 and examinator (nine times between 17 May 1505-
16 September 1525).72 He enjoyed a similar influential position at the level of the
Faculty of Liberal Arts. After an unsuccessful attempt to enter the faculty council (22
60 Album Studiosorum, I, pp. 23-24; Statuta Univ. Jagellonica, p. 5: “promoti sunt hy: Nicolaus de Septem
castris, baccalarius Wy(en)nensis, per Facultatem assumptus” (II 1406).
61 AFA, II, no. 6385, 7057. The treatise on grammar Doctrinale puerorum, written by Alexander de Villa
Dei (Villedieu-les-Poeles, in Normandy) in around the year 1200, is published in the collection
Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, XII, Berlin, 1893.
62 AFA, III/2, no. 17521, 17759, 18093, 18458. On “regens: professor qui docet in Academiis,” see Du
Cange, op. cit., V, p. 667.
63 A generic title that comprises Aristotle’s seven works on the human body and intellect.
64 A part of Tractatus de proportionibus, written by Thomas Bradwardine (c. 1328), printed in Paris in 1495.
65 A treatise compiled by Johannes de Hollandria (c. 1369-1375); edited by E. P. Bos, John of Holland.
Four Tracts on Logic (Suppositiones, Fallaciae, Obligationes, Insolubilia), Nijmegen, 1985.
66 AFA, III/2, no. 17447, 18243 (16 Sept. 1474 and 28 Febr. 1477).
67 AFA, IV, no. 22633; “Anno Domini 1500 [intitulati sunt infrascripti magistri] Mag. Jacobus ex
Clausenburga dedit den. 16,” cf. K. Schrauf, Die Matrikel, p. 47.
68 Aristoteles, Liber Elenchorum, in Opera nonnulla, Venice, 1496.
69 AFA, IV, no. 23113, 25461, 25993 (on the dates of 1 September 1502, 1511, 1514).
70 The presentation of the function, in K. Schrauf, Die Matrikel, XVII-XXIX. During the first mandate (the
first semester of 1505) “sub procuracia Mag. Jacobi Vexilliferi de Transsilvania sunt intitulati infrascripti
venerabiles domini (3)... magistri (6)... generosi domini (2)... baccalarii (11)... scolares (29),” cf. ibidem,
pp. 34, 48, 67, 82-83, 158-159.
71 Ibidem, p. 27: (14 Apr. 1505) “Mag. Jacobus Vexillifer de Transillvania in procuratorem inclite
Ungarie nacionis electus est.” Their list is on pp. 378-379.
72 AFA, IV, no. 24070, 24493, 24733, 25546, 25938, 26611, 27046, 27383, 27708.
110
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
May 1510), he was admitted on 3 May 1511.73 In the next period, during elections for
the faculty board, the Master registered repeated successes, being appointed assessor of
74
his “nation” of his (five times between 14 October 1511-13 October 1520).
The interest in higher education is also evidenced by enrolment in the superior
Faculties of Law or Theology. Nine scholars from Cluj opted for legal studies, seven of
them being graduates of Liberal Arts. The resumption of classes was done over an
extensive period of time: after 1-2 years - 4 scholars; over 5, 9 or 11 years - one scholar
in each case; and after 18 years - 2 scholars. The students were coordinated by holders
of Licentiates and Masters in Canon Law.75 The efforts made over the course of 2.5-3
years were rewarded through the award of two Bachelor’s titles76 and three doctorates.
The doctoral degree - the highest in the medieval universities - was obtained by
three scholars from Cluj, at Padua or Vienna. The first arcium et decretorum doctor was
recorded on 21 December 1481, in the person of the new parish priest of the city, Jacobus
(filius) quondam Petri notarii civitatis. Most likely, he had carried out his legal studies in
the decade prior to the aforementioned record.77 Over the years, the former student in
Vienna Johannes Cleynmichel ex Coloswar could be found in Padua, under the name
Ioannes Clem de Colosuar transilvanus, at the time when he was awarded the Doctorate
in Canon Law (12 April 1509).78 In the middle of the same century, Johannes
Colosbarinus brought to an end the series of the scholars discussed here, and there is
79
information that he may have obtained a PhD in Canon Law and Theology in Vienna.79
This last detail is also the only one available on the attendance of another superior faculty
- Theology. There is still no confirmed presence of a student from Cluj at the Faculty of
Medicine in Vienna, even though preoccupations and titles referring to this field are
80
known for both the townspeople and the inhabitants of the neighbouring settlements.80
We may also ascertain that peregrinatio academica was rarely practised by the
graduates who originated in Cluj because this entailed additional expenses. Overall, this
was due to the desire of obtaining academic degrees and the prestige enjoyed by various
universities. There are known only three study trips in several university centres:
Vienna- Krakow (2) and Vienna- Padua (1).81
73 AFA, IV, no. 25204, 25418
74 AFA, IV, no. 25541, 25933, 26205, 27077, 27260.
75 Consider the following examples: (the second semester of 1414) “in decanum facultatis assumptus est
venerabilis vir dominus Michael de Aczmanspach licenciatus in decretis, sub quo intitulati sunt
infrascripti: Mag. Nicolaus Koeschel de Clawsemburg [dedit] 2 gr.”; (the second semester of 1431)
“assumptus est in decanum facultatis magister Paulus de Wienna decretorum doctor, sub quo intitulati et
promoti sunt infrascripti: dom. Stephanus Feyr de Clawsemburg [dedit] 3 gr.” cf. J 1, pp. 15, 42.
76 13 Oct. 1430: “Promoția Dom. Jacobus de Chlausenburga pro baccalariatu [dedit] 1 fl.”; 13 Oct.
1456: “D. Gregorius plebanus in Claussemburg [dedit] 1 florenus,” cf. J 1, p. 41; J 2, f. 13r.
77 He may have graduated in the first or the second semester of 1473, with no mention in J 2, f. 23 r-v.
78 Acta graduum academicorum gymnasii patavini, III/1: ab anno 1501 ad annum 1525, ed. Elda
Martellozzo Forin, Padua, 1969, no. 567.
79 Jako Zsigmond, A kolozsmonostori konvent jegyzokonyvei 1289-1556, I (1289-1484), Budapest, 1990,
p. 85.
80 On 13 and 30 April 1540, Ciriacus de Măcicaș (Chepegew Machkas) recommended himself as a nobleman
and a physician (nobili Ciriaco medico), cf. ibidem, II (1485-1556), 1990, p. 634, no. 4747, 4749.
81 S. Tonk, op. cit., no. 1082, 1115, 1730.
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
111
The postgraduate career of the graduates can be traced back and retrieved in an
acceptable manner. The offices they held and their intellectual concerns confirmed the
achievability of the generous intentions manifested by the University of Vienna, in the
sense of elevating the social standing of its members through education (... quia facultas
nullius suorum suppositorum honorem wlt restringere, sed omnium, quantum in ea est,
ampliare).82 Most graduates headed towards a clerical career, which gave them social
prestige and material security. Mention should be made here of three jurists who long
held the office of parish priest (plebanus) of Cluj: Grigore Schleunig/ Slewnig (1453-
1481),83 Iacob (1481-1496)84 and Ioan Cleynmichel/ Clem/ Kleen (1521-1528).85
Another person who acquired prestige was Urban, who became the preacher of the
city.86 The last in the series of graduates, Johannes Colosbarinus (c. 1517-1562),
distinguished himself through an outstanding cursus honorum: a member of the
Dominican Order in Cluj, the last abbot of the Cluj Mănăștur Convent (1554-1556)
before its secularisation, Bishop of Cenad in absentia (1561-1562). He participated in
87
the Catholic Council of Trent, where he passed away (November 1562).87
The graduates’ intellectual concerns are confirmed by their didactic, notarial or
chancellery activities. Gaspar de Chlausenburg, one of the first attested Bachelors,
preferred to return home and serve the interests of the city. He coordinated the activity
of schools and obtained from King Sigismund reconfirmation of the privileges granted
by King Louis I of Anjou to the city in 1377.88 His fellow townsman Grigore Schleunig
worked in the chancellery of the Cluj-Mănăștur Convent, after obtaining his Bachelor’s
and before enrolling in the Faculty of Law (1449-1450),89 which facilitated his
knowledge of the rules of law. It was also then that Johannes Hann began his career as a
notary, in the service of Cardinal Dionysius Szechy - Archbishop of Esztergom.90
82 The Decision of the Faculty of Liberal Arts of 6 May 1397, cf. AFA, I, p. 149.
83 UB, V, 1975, p. 421, no. 2878 (6 Sept. 1453); Jako Zs., op. cit., I, p. 569, no. 1465 (26 July 1460:
decretorum et artium liberalium baccalaureus); UB, VII, 1991, p. 169, no. 4238 (12 Mar. 1478: utriusque
iuris baccalaureus); p. 302, no. 4454 (21 Dec. 1481 - he relinquished this position).
84 UB, VII, p. 302, no. 4454 (21 Dec. 1481: Jacobus quondam Petri notarii ciuitatis praefatae artium et
decretorum doctor); Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni Hungariae illustrantia, I/5, Budapest, 1889, pp.
7-8 (21 June 1482: Iacobus Pecy decretorum doctor plebanus de Koleswar, entered, by proxy, in the
Confraternity of the Holy Spirit in Rome); Jako Zs., op. cit., II, p. 73, no. 2725 (26 May 1491); Barabâs
Samu, Erdelyi kăptalani tizedlajstromok, in Tortenelmi Tăr, 1911, pp. 420-439 and Tonk S., op. cit., no.
812 (a canon at Alba Iulia between 1496-1515).
85 Tortenelmi Tăr, 1898, p. 155, no. 394 (29 Mar. 1521); DF 275447 (10 Mar. 1524: honorabilis Johannes
Kleen, decretorum doctor, plebanus Koloswariensis), Jako Zs., op. cit., II, pp. 480-481, no. 4173 (12 Jan.
1527); pp. 507-508, no. 4270-4271 (12 Sept. 1529: out of office).
86 Jakab Elek, Okleveltăr Kolozsvăr tortenete, I, Buda, 1870, p. 301, no. CLXXXIV (26 Sept. 1492:
honorabili dominus Urbanus arcium liberalium baccalaureus Alme Uniuersitatis Viennensis
cognominatus Keuel pro tunc predicatore ciuitatis nostre).
87 Juhâsz Kâlmân, Ket kolozsmonostori puspokapăt a XVI. szăzadban, in Erdelyi Muzeum, 38, 1933, no.
10-12, pp. 432-445; Jako Zs., op. cit., I, p. 95.
88 UB, III, p. 382, no. 1548 (6 Dec. 1405: Caspar scholasticus ac notarius civitatis); pp. 479-480, no.
1633-1634 (15 July 1409: magister Caspar rector scholarum et notarius civitatis Coluswar).
89 Jako Zs., op. cit., I, pp. 101, 150 and plate no. 9.
90 DF 237456 (10 Sept. 1451: Johannis Zaaz de Koloswar secretarius dicti dominis cardinalis); DF
237501-3 (24 July 1458:... coram circumspecto viro Johanne Zaaz de Koloswar Transsylvanensis
112
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
The attendance of the Viennese university declined rapidly after 1525.
Determining, in this respect, were the Ottomans’ attempts to conquer Vienna,91 their
steadfast presence in Hungary, and the spread of the Protestant doctrines. The scholars
from Transylvania began to go for other confessional options, bypassing a Catholic
academic centre exposed to the Islamic threat. Under these conditions, only a small
number of scholars from Cluj oriented themselves towards the Alma Mater Rudolphina.
Annex
No.	Scholar’s name	Date	Academic degree	References
1	Jacobus Septemcastris	II 1392	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 775
		24 June 1394	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, I, p. 105
		2-4 Jan. 1397	Magister artium	AFA, I, p. 144
		13 Apr. 1397	Licentiatus artium	AFA, I, p. 147
		1398 - 16 Jan. 1400	Examinator	AFA, I, pp. 150, 157, 159, 160, 163, 166- 168, 179-180
2	Gaspar de Chlausenburg	II 1399	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 564
		2 Jan. 1402	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, I, p. 202
3	Nicolaus de Septemcastris de Clausenburch	I 1401	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1730
		10 Mar. 1403	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, I, pp. 218-219
	Nicolaus Koessel de Clausemburk	1406	Scolarius at Univ. of Krakow	ASUC, I, pp. 23-24
	Nicolaus de Septem castris	II 1406	Baccalaureus artium Univ. of Krakow	Statuta Univ. Jagellonica, p. 5
		13 Apr. 1409	Licentiatus artium and magister at Vienna	AFA, I, p. 316
	Mag. Nicolaus Koeschel de Clawsemburg	13 Oct. 1414	Scolarius Fac. of Law	J 1, p. 15
		1415	Examinator	Fraknoi, p. 33
dyocesis, apostolica auctoritate notario publico,... domini Dionisii... cardinalis... archiepiscopi
Strigoniensis... cancellario et secretario); DF 237507 (20 Aug. 1458: Ego Johannes Zaz Laurency Hano
de Coloswar clericus Transsilvaniensis diocesis publicus sacra apostolica auctoritate notarius). On all the
four documents from 1458 there appears the notarial monogram with his name, as well as the motto
CON[COR]DIA.
91 The siege of 1529 compromised the summer semester, cf. AFA, IV, p. 212 and J 2, f. 65r.
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
113
4	Thomas de Nadischin de Clausemburg	II 1406	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2296
		2 Jan. 1409	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, I, p. 306
		23 Apr. 1410	Scolarius Fac. of Law	J 1, p. 8
		19 Mar. 1413	Licentiatus artium	AFA, I, p. 393
5	Jacobus de Clausenburg	II 1407	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 778
		13 Oct. 1410	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, I, p. 343
		14 Apr. 1428	Scolarius Fac. of Law	J 1, p. 36
		13 Oct. 1430	Baccalaureus juris	J 1, p. 41
6	Stephanus Angeli de Clusenburg	I 1423	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2205
		1 Jan. 1426	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 4873
	Stephanus Feyr de Clawsemburg	13 Oct. 1431	Scolarius Fac. of Law	J 1, p. 42
		8 Mar. 1433	Licentiatus artium	AFA, II, no. 6277
		1 Sept. 1433	Magister artium	AFA, II, no. 6385
7	Stephanus Leonhardi de Chluesbar	I 1426	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2208
		8 Oct. 1428	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 5402
8	Martinus Lapicida de Clausenburga / Chlosenburg	II 1428	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1411
		2 Jan. 1431	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 5842
		22 Febr. 1437	Licentiatus artium	AFA, II, no. 6788
		1 Sept. 1438	Magister artium	AFA, II, no. 7057
9	Valentinus Institoris de Clausemburg	I 1432	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2400
		13 Oct. 1441	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 7952
10	Johannes Sterchen/ Stelhchin de Clausemburg	I 1440	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 971
		4 July 1442	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 8172
11	Johannes Han de Clausemburg	I 1440	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 970
		5 Jan. 1443	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 8160, 8281
114
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
12	Gregorius Schlewnig de Klausemburga	II 1442	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 637
		7 Jan. 1445	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, II, no. 8775
		11 Nov. 1453	Scolarius Fac. of Law	J 2, f. 10r
		13 Oct. 1456	Baccalaureus juris	J 2, f. 13r
13	Erasmus Wenchim/ Wulching de Clausenburga	I 1447	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 497
		2 Aug. 1449	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 9819
14	Gaspar Pellificis/ Brustel de Clausemburga	II 1447	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 576
		5 Febr. 1451	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 10389
15	Johannes Weyr de Clausenburck	II 1442	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 974
		14 Apr. 1453	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 11222
16	Johannes Notarii de Klausemburg	II 1452	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1002
		14 Apr. 1455	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 11737
17	Jacobus Zaz/ Sczas de Klausemburga	I 1454-I 1456	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 802
		14 Apr. 1455	Scolarius Fac. of Law	J 2, f. 11v
18	Jacobus Lutifiguli de Klausemburg	II 1460	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 806
		14 Apr. 1463	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 14284
19	Johannes Kolb de Clausemburga	II 1456	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1015
		14 Apr. 1463	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 14289
20	Johannis Czechsch de Clausenburga	II 1463	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1033
		14 Apr. 1466	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 14888
21	Nicolaus Pellificis de Clawsenburga	II 1463	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1789
		14 Apr. 1466	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 14865
		16-20 Mar. 1470	Licentiatus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 15891
		I 1471	Magister artium	Schrauf (1902), p. 42
		1 Sept. 1474 - 1 Sept. 1477	Magister artium; examinator Nat. Hung.	AFA, III/2, no. 17447, 17521, 17559, 18093, 18243, 18458
The Presence of Students from Cluj at the University of Vienna
115
22	Melchior (Auri)Fabri de Clausenburga	II 1464	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1568
		5 Jan. 1467	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 15119
23	Mathias de Clausenburga	I 1465	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1508
		13 Oct. 1467	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 15317
24	Jacobus Notarii de Clausenburga	I 1465	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 812
		20 June 1467	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 15224
		27 Febr. 1469	Licentiatus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 15623
		Prior to 21 Dec. 1481	Arcium et decretorum doctor	UB, VII, no. 4454, p. 302
25	Urbanus de Kawsenburga cognominatus Keuel	I 1468	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2380
		23 Nov. 1470	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 16091
26	Andreas Pellificis de Coloswar	II 1468	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 95
		17 May 1471	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/1, no. 16279
27	Andreas Carnificis de Clausenburga	I 1474	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 101
		11 Nov. 1476	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/2, no. 18204
28	Johannes Nicolai de Klausenburga	II 1477	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1082
		14 Apr. 1480	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/2, no. 19128
		16 Oct. 1484	Scolarius at Univ. of Krakow	ASUC, I, p. 265
29	Stephanus Fuerst de Klausenburga	II 1477	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2246
		14 Apr. 1480	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/2, no. 19144
30	Johannes Klemicher/ Cleynmichel ex Coloswar	I 1488	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 1115
		13 Oct. 1491	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, III/2, no. 20827, 21188
	Ioannes Clem de Colosuar Transilvanus	12 Apr. 1509	Doctor Decretorum Univ. of Padua	Acta graduum, III/1, no. 567
31	Jacobus Vanentrager de Kolnschwar	Prior to 13 Oct. 1493	Scolarius	AFA, III/2, no. 21500
	Iacobus Vexillifer	12 Mar. 1501	Licentiatus artium	AFA, IV, no. 22633
116
Dragoș-Lucian Țigău
	Jacobus ex Clausenburga	II 1500	Magister artium	Schrauf (1902), p. 47
	Jacobus Transsilvanus / Septemcastrensis	1 Sept. 1502 - 16 Sept. 1525	Magister artium; examinator Nat. Hung.	AFA, IV, no. 23113, 24070, 24493, 24733, 25461, 25546, 25938, 25993, 26611, 27046, 27383, 27708
32	Stephanus de Coloswar	I 1500	Scolarius	Tonk, no. 2261
		30 Mar. 1502	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, IV, no. 22919
		27 Febr. - 31 Mar. 1504	Licentiatus artium	AFA, IV, no. 23532
		Apr. 1504	Magister artium	Schrauf (1902), p. 48
33	Joannes Brawn/ Praun de Coloswar	4 May 1521	Scolarius	Tonk-Szabo, no. 986
		26 Sept. 1524	Baccalaureus artium	AFA, IV, no. 27600
34	Joannes Colosbarinus Hungarus	II 1548	Scolarius	Tonk-Szabo, no. 1017
		c. 1552	Doctor theologiae et decretorum	Jako, Kmjk, I, p. 85
CORINA TOMA1
THE UNDATED DENARII MINTED BY VLADISLAV II -
NEW MONETARY SUBTYPES
AND THE ISSUE OF THEIR SEQUENCE
Abstract: This article records the results of the analysis conducted on the undated denarii struck by
Vladislav II, between 1500 and 1502, in the mint from Kremnica (Slovakia). Based on direct observations
on the denarii in several Transylvanian hoards (Oradea - Bihor County, Hotoan - Satu Mare County etc.),
taking into account the previous study of the Hungarian numismatist J. Lakos, I ordered the new subtypes
identified, the so-called hybrid coins, into three distinct categories. Unlike classical hybridisation, where
the dies of a monetary subtype are combined, during the minting process, with the dies of the neighbouring
subtypes, in the case of Vladislav II’s denarii I noticed that the dies had suffered a series of changes as
regards the writing of the coin legend. At stake were not the formulas of abbreviating the legend: M
WLADISLAI R VNGARIE / PATRONA VNGARIE, but the combination of the different types of script,
which highlights the gradual elimination of Gothic characters and their replacement with the humanist
ones. Besides this observation, we have also identified the mechanism of die association: the new subtypes
appeared as a result of associating the obverse of the tradițional denarii Huszâr 806, Huszâr 808 and
Huszâr 807, with versions of the reverse of the Huszâr 809 denarius.
Looking at the classical subtypes from the standpoint of the new categories and the
standardisation process to which Vladislav II’s undated denarii were subjected, it appears that there are
more subtypes of undated denarii and versions thereof than those illustrated in Hungarian numismatic
catalogues. The positioning of the consecrated and new subtypes according to the idea of standardisation
towards imposing a single prototype (the future Huszâr 811 denarius) leads us to propose a new
typological sequence, in which the Huszâr 806 denarius becomes the head of the series, followed by
Huszâr 808 denarius, which was succeeded by the Huszâr 805 and respectively, Huszâr 807 subtypes.
Keywords: Hungary, Vladislav II, undated denarii, Kremnica, subtypes.
During 1500-1502, the Chamber of Kremnica/Kormocbânya issued, for the Hungarian
King Vladislav II, a series of undated denarii marked on the reverse with the privy
marks of the chamber administrator, Hans Thurzo (K-H or K-h). Due to the
standardisation of the representations, as Vladislav II maintained the drawing of
Matthias Corvinus’ reformed denarius - the quartered shield of Hungary and the Virgin
Mary with Jesus in her arms -, the separation of the denarii with almost identical legends
and coin representations by subtypes has proved to be difficult.2
1 Cris County Museum - Oradea (hereinafter MȚCO); corinatoma00@yahoo.com.
2 Among the elements used by the Hungarian numismatists to separate by subtypes the undated denarii of
Vladislav II, there are the small differences pertaining to the manner of rendering the eagle of the
Jagiellonians, which surmounts the quartered shield on the obverse, and those related to the manner of
representation of the Virgin Mary on the reverse.
118
Corina Toma
The attempt to typologically identify these undated denarii, which have been
preserved in several of the Transylvanian hoards,3 according to the classification made
by the Hungarian numismatists L. Rethy, J. Lakos or L. Huszâr has turned out to be
challenging. The difficulty arose due to the numerous versions noticed and to the
presence of new monetary subtypes, unreported in the numismatic catalogues.
The real variety existing for each subtype is difficult to determine, as there appear
a series of minor differences, quite often, due to the characteristics of the dies or the
manner of abbreviating the coin legend. Besides these less suggestive variations, there
appear repetitive deviations from the prototype, which impel us to bring the traditional
typology of the undated denarii back into discussion. Moreover, establishing the versions
of the subtypes consecrated by the numismatic determinators is relevant for identifying
and ordering the new subtypes catalogued in numismatic literature as hybrid denarii.
The typology of the undated denarii struck by Vladislav II
Depending on the small differences observed in the rendition of the legend and
the coin design, the Hungarian numismatist L. Huszâr grouped the undated denarii of
Vladislav II, minted at Kremnica between 1500-1502, into five coin subtypes4 (Fig. 1).
The starting point of L. Huszâr’s approach was the old classification made by L. Rethy.5
Rethy________________C274_________C272A_________C272B__________C275________C272C
Huszâr	H805	H806	H807	H808	H809
Fig. 1. The correspondence of the subtypes of undated denarii issued at Kremnica (1500-1502)
The description in words or the graphical rendition of the image characteristics
of each coin subtype is difficult, but it is necessary for identifying and recording the
deviations. What proves to be much easier is ascertaining the script versions of the
circular legend M WLADISLAI R VNGARIE / PATRONA VNGARIE, where the
variations are given by the letter script or the abbreviations used (PATRONA-PATRON
and VNGARIE-VNGARI-VNGAR).
3 Our analysis is based on the lot of denarii stored in the hoards discovered in Oradea - cart. Ioșia (Bihor
County), Hotoan (Satu Mare County), Ghighișeni (Bihor County) and, to the extent that the published
descriptions and illustrations have allowed us, a part of the denarii from the hoard in Iara (Cluj County). E.
Chirilă, I. Nemeti, “Tezaurul monetar de la Hotoan, sec. XV-XVI,” in Tezaure monetare din jud. Satu-
Mare (Munzhorte aus Kreis Sathmar), Satu Mare, 1968, pp. 61-81, pl. X-XVI; Fr. Pap, Z. Milea, V.
Feneșan, “Tezaurul monetar din secolele XV-XVI de la lara (jud. Cluj),” in Studii și cercetări de
numismatică, 5, 1971, pp. 188-189); Corina Toma, “Un tezaur monetar din sec. XV-XVII descoperit în
localitatea Ghighișeni (com. Rieni, jud. Bihor),” in Cercetări Numismatice, 15, 2009, pp. 197-256; Eadem,
“Un tezaur monetar din secolele XV-XVI descoperit la Oradea (cartierul Ioșia),” in Sargetia, I, s.n., 2010,
p. 224/942.
4 L. Huszâr, Munzkatalog Ungarn von 1000 bis heute, Munchen, 1979, p. 125/805-809.
5 L. Rethy, Corpus Nummorum Hungariae. Magyar Egyetemes Eremtăr, II. Kotet Vegyeshăzi Kirălyok
Kora, Budapesta, 1907, p. 35/272A-D, 274-275, Tâb. 4
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
119
Fig. 2. Denarius of the C274/H805 subtype (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/846)
(1)	The denarii of the C274/H805 subtype, marked with the privy marks K-H or K-h,6
render on the obverse a small eagle with short wings displayed and elevated. On the
reverse, the Virgin Mary, represented with a nimbus and crown, has a shortened dress
hem, which barely crosses the circle framing the coin legend written exclusively with
humanist letters: M WLADISLAI R VNGARIE/PATRON VNGARIE / (Fig. 2).
Fig. 3. Denarius of the C272A/H806 subtype (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/769, 755)
(2)	The denarii of the C272A/H806 subtype feature the eagle with the wings folded on
the obverse and the hem of the Virgin’s dress on the reverse is rendered in the shape of
the letter M (Fig. 3). Regarding the coin inscription, next to the version of Gothic script
rendered in the catalogues, ® -WLSDISLfll • R ■ VBG3IRI0 PjffTRORA—VRGOIQ,
there appears a new version, standing out through the specific typeface of the letter A
(with a horizontal crossbar above),
® -WLTTDISLTÎl • R • VRGTIRI/PTîrROR-VRGKRI. Even if both privy marks used by
Hans Thurzo (K-H or K-h) are signalled in the numismatic catalogues, on the reverse of
the denarii we have analysed we have identified only the privy mark written in Gothic
script (K h ).
Fig. 4. Denarius of the C272B/H807 subtype (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/1456)
(3)	The coin subtype C272B/H807 is characterized by the illustration of an eagle similar
to that on the obverse of a denarius of the C274/H805 subtype, the difference consisting
6 The presence of both versions of the privy mark on the reverse of the denarii reinforces the conclusion of
Fr. Pap, according to which we cannot talk about a chronological differentiation based on the type of script
(Gothic or humanist) of the mark, as they were used in parallel for the denarii issued between 1500 and
1502 (Fr. Pap et alii, pp. 188-189).
120
Corina Toma
in charging the heraldic bird on a shield (Fig. 4). The obverse described is associated
with a twofold reverse version: a. the Virgin Mary represented partially in the coin field
bounded by the circular legend (H807) and b. the Virgin Mary rendered whole,
interrupting the circular legend (C272B). The coin legend is written, in different
abbreviation formulas, exclusively in humanist script: M WLADISLAI R VNGARIE /
PATRON VNGARIE . Regarding the privy marks, even though we encounter the
humanist script (K-H), it is predominantly written using the Gothic script (K-h).
Fig. 5. Denarius of the C275/H808 subtype (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/815, 848, 1457)
(4)	The denarius of the C275/H808 subtype features two obverse versions. The item
illustrated by L. Rethy, C275, renders an eagle with the wings displayed and inverted
(Fig. 5/1), while the denarius with the number 808 in L. Huszâr’s catalogue depicts a
large eagle with wings displayed and elevated, addorsed to the level of the head (Fig.
5/2). The coin legend is different from the previous subtypes by associating the Gothic
and the humanist scripts. The combinations between the Gothic or humanist typefaces
of the letters M and A (W, X K, A) gave rise to several versions of the legend on the
obverse, whose common feature is the particular typeface of the uppercase N, rendered
in a mirror (X).
The common reverse (C275/H808) depicts only the upper half of the body of the
Virgin Mary, surrounded by the coin legend PA TROZA V ZGÂRII-, impressed with the
same typographical error in writing the letter N. The only copy identified is a denarius
from the hoard of Oradea-Ioșia (MȚCO, inv. 16/848, Fig. 5/3),7 which presents, like in
the case of the coin illustrated by E. Unger,8 a version of the obverse legend written
entirely in humanist script, but featuring the same peculiarity of writing the uppercase N
(M • WFaihsr v[• k «V/GARl»), The privy mark identified for the denarii of this
subtype is K-H.
7 During the publication of the hoard from Oradea-Ioșia, the denarius with the inv. number 16/848 was
hypothetically included among the hybrid coinages (Corina Toma, “Un tezaur...,” 2010, p. 224/942).
8 E. Unger, Magyar Eremhatărozo. II fuzet (1307-1540), Budapest, 1960, pl. XXXVI/646.
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
121
Fig. 6. Denarius of the C272C/H809 subtype (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/1436)
(5)	The last subtype of undated denarius mentioned by L. Huszâr, C272CH809, depicts
the heraldic eagle in the same manner with the eagle on the obverse of the C272B/H807
and C274/H805 denarii (Fig. 6). By contrast, the reverse stands out through the scale of
the crown worn by the Virgin Mary and though the manner of draping the dress. The
circular legend is written, like those on the C272B/H807 and C274/H805 denarii,
exclusively in humanist script. The Gothic script appears only in the case of the K-h privy
mark, which is competed, at least in the hoard from Oradea-Ioșia, by the K-H mark.
The new subtypes of undated denarii struck by Vladislav II
Defining the characteristics of the coin subtypes presented in the numismatic catalogues
is necessary with a view to the identification and ordering of the new subtypes. Among
the denarii that we could examine directly,9 we have identified a series of so-called
hybrid coins that are grouped according to the origin of the dies, more specifically of the
coin iconography, into two distinct groups:
(1)	Denarii that combine the obverse of C272A/H806 with the reverse of C272C/H809
(the H806-H809 subtype)
The first new subtype associate - with some changes in terms of the writing of
the coin legend - the obverse die of the H806 denarius with the reverse die of the H809
denarius. The analysis of the coins in the hoards from Oradea-Ioșia and Hotoan10 has led
to the identification of two dies for the obverse and another two dies for the reverse of
this subtype of denarius (Pl. I).
One of the obverse dies is identical to the die version of the H806 denarius,
which imprinted the coin legend: W -WlTtlHSÎ.’Ti h Vni.oHi (Obv.l). The other
die of the obverse derives from it, the difference consisting in the replacement of the
Gothic typeface of the letter N with the humanist one: ® ■ WUÎDISLKl ■ K ■ VNGKRI
(Obv.2).
In the case of the reverse, the differences compared to the die of the H809
denarius are much great. The relationship between reverse of the new subtype and the
reverse of the denarius of the H809 subtype is confirmed only by the unmistakable
manner of representing the Virgin Mary, while the legend reveals, given the
combination between the Gothic and the humanist script, close connections with the
obverse of the H806 denarius. From the association of the original iconography with the
modified legend there results a new reverse die, with two versions of legend writing,
9 The provenance of the coins and their technical data are summarized in Annexes no. 1 and 2.
10 I must thank my colleague Peter Szocs for making available to me the denarii of Vladislav II from the
hoard of Hotoan, preserved in the numismatic collection of the Satu Mare County Museum.
122
Corina Toma
entailed by the Gothic or humanist script of the letter N: PITIROR—VW7VRI (Rev.1) and
l’lt0 N VNCmtl (Rev.2).
As a result of the manner of associating the four dies in the process of minting
the denarii from the aforementioned hoards, we have identified three sub-groups of the
H806-H809 subtype: the obverse die Obv.1 is combined with the reverse die Rev.2, and
the obverse die Obv.2 combines, in turn, with both reverse dies, Rev.1 and Rev.2
(Annex 1).
The absence of the version of writing the legend of the H806 denarius with the
Gothic letter A (H), the replacement of the Gothic typeface of the letter N (H) with the
humanist uppercase and the manner of combining the dies for the H806-H809 subtype
suggest the tendency to gradually relinquish the Gothic script in favour of the humanist
script.
(2)	Denarii that combine the obverse of C275/H808 with the reverse of C272C/H809
(the H808-H809 subtype).
The second new subtype, with much more numerous variants, combines the two
variants of the die for the obverse of C275/H808 denarii with the reverse die for
denarius H809. Depending on the borrowed obverse dies, C275 (eagle with wings
displayed and inverted) or H808 (eagle with wings displayed and elevated), the H808-
H809 subtype is divided into two sub-groups, each with several spelling variations for
the circular legend (Annex 2):
•	Sub-group I associates the obverse iconography of the C275 denarius, the
eagle with the wings displayed and inverted, with the reverse iconography of the H809
denarius (Pl. II).
•	Sub-group II associates the obverse iconography of the H808 denarius, the
eagle with the wings displayed and elevated, with the reverse iconography of the H809
denarius (Pl. III).
Despite the impression of apparent, meaningless diversity, the legend versions
found for each of the two sub-groups illustrate the transition from one coin subtype to
another or, in other words, the sequence of coin subtypes.
The denarii in the first sub-group suggest a direct relationship between the H806
and the H808 denarii,11 as evidenced by the appearance in the coin legend, in its various
versions, of the letter antiqua A (Tî), specific to the H806 denarius, together with the
incorrect form of writing, in a mirror, the letter N (Z), specific to the H808 denarius.
The coin legend changes with the introduction in the process of preparing the dies of a
new punch for the humanist uppercase A. The three punches were used concurrently for
a while, indicating a direct succession between the H806 and the H808 denarii.12 The
11 In the typological sequence proposed by L. Rethy, between the C275 and C272A denarii there are
interposed the C272B-C, C273 and C274 denarii (Rethy, Corpus Nummorum..., p. 35, Tab. 20). L. Huszâr
reduces the series of the interposed subtypes and places a single coin subtype, H807, between the H806
and the H808 denarii (Huszâr, Munzkatalog Ungarn ..., p. 125).
12 For the H808-H809 denarius, we have identified three the obverse dies. The legend of the obverse die
no. 1 is identical with the legend of the H806-H809 denarius, sub-group 3. The connecting link between it
and the obverse die no. 3, which is actually that of the denarius H808, with the humanist script of the letter
A and N in the mirror, is die no. 2 combining the antiqua letter A (the mark of the H806 denarius) with the
letter N written in a mirror (the mark of the H808 denarius).
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
123
relationship between the two coin subtypes, H806 and H808, is suggested by the
persistence of the Gothic letter M (W) in writing the word moneta from the obverse
legend.
The denarii from the second sub-group capture the transition from the H808
denarius to a new subtype of denarius (H809, H807 or H805?), in the legend of which
the Gothic lowercase W was replaced with a humanist uppercase (M), the antiqua shape
of the letter A was removed by the humanist script and the humanist uppercase letter N
was impressed correctly. Replacing the Gothic lowercase substitute of the word
moneta, was done gradually. Before reaching the final version of the legend of the new
subtype of denarius (H809, H807 or H805?), written in humanist letters, the new punch
was used in combination with older punches, employed for impressing the denarii of the
H806 and H808 subtypes (the antiqua letter A and the letter N in a mirror).
The appearance in the two sub-groups of denarii embossed with legend versions
of the H806-H809 subtype (sub-groups 1 and 3) not only adds further evidence to the
idea of the vicinity between the H806 and H808 subtypes, but also indicates the short
duration of minting the denarii of the H808 subtype.13 The two sub-groups of the H808-
H809 denarius succeeded one another at a short interval, since the workshop Kremnica
still used the punches of the predecessor of the H808 denarius, i.e. the Gothic h-of the
H806 denarius.
The reverse of the CNH272C/Huszăr 809 denarius
The common denominator of the two new subtypes, H806-H809 and H808-H809, is the
reverse of the H809 denarius. Basically, the only constant is the representation of the
Virgin Mary, which is combined with different versions of the reverse coin inscription,
PATRON(A) VNGARIE, tailored to the style of writing the corresponding legend on the
obverse. Forming together with the obverse legend a unitary whole, the versions of the
reverse legend in the case of the H809 subtype display the same trend of standardising
the circular inscription, by relinquishing the mixed script (in Gothic and antiqua script)
and replacing it exclusively with the humanist script.
As in the case of the obverse, on the reverse of the H806-H809 denarius, the
Gothic script of the letter N, typical of the H806 denarius, is gradually replaced with the
humanist script, both combining with the antiqua script of the letter A
(iTrrmu/ WGmtiu râri;<.\ vnhtîk:).
On the reverse of the H808-H809 denarii, the image of the Virgin Mary,
characteristic of the H809 denarius, is associated, in the two sub-groups, with:
1.	older versions of the legend of the H806-H809 subtype, sub-groups 1 and 3.
2.	novel versions resulting from the association of the antiqua and humanist typeface
of the letter A with the mirror typeface of the letter N
(I hI Ho/ \/I.xiii/TATHOZ VZCAiîl).
13 An overview of the structure by types and issuers of the Transylvanian coin hoards published to date
reveals a different situation, as except for the copy from Oradea-Ioșia, the CNH 275/Huszăr 808 denarius
struck by Vladislav II is not reported in any of the 14 Transylvanian coin hoards considered here: Sălciva
(HD), Șieu II (BN), lara (CJ), Enciu (BN), Hotoan (SM), LuncaTârnavei (AB), Ribița (HD), Câlnic (AB),
Slătinița (BN), loșia (BH), Gelu (TM), Sângeorgiul de Pădure (MS), Șona (AB), Teaca (BN).
124
Corina Toma
3.	the new version of the legend written solely in humanist script, properly
impressed (i’ATld ’X VX( d\iU ).
Following these gradual changes that occurred in writing the coin legend of the undated
denarii, we find that	the	final form of script,
M • WLADISLAI • R «VNGARI ‘/PATRON—VNGARI , is found on three subtypes:
C274/H805, C272B/H807 and C275/H809. The constant use of the iconography of the
H809 denarius on the reverse of the new subtypes focuses attention on the latter
denarius.
L. Huszâr placed the H809 denarius at the end of a series of undated denarii,
after the H807 and H808 denarii, and before the dated denarii of the H811 subtype.14
Before him, Rethy had placed the H809 (C272C) denarius immediately after the
minting of the H807 (C272B) denarius.15 Following a comparative analysis of the H807
and H809 denarii from the hoards of Oradea and Hotoan, we noticed that they have the
same obverse die; the small differences in rendering the heraldic eagle pertain to the
characteristics of the dies. By contrast, the reverse of the H807 denarius is completely
different, as the Madonna is represented partially and not entirely, as is also the case of
the reverse of the H809 denarius.
Thus, it appears that the so-called denarius of the C272/H809 subtype does not
have its own obverse, as its reverse punch is combined with the obverse dies of the
H806, H808 and H807 denarii, all these three coin subtypes having, in parallel, their
own reverse dies. In other words, the so-called hybrid denarii of Vladislav II resulted
from the association of the obverse dies of the H806, H808, and H807 denarii with
versions of the reverse die of the H809 denarius.
Due to the changes occurring in the writing of coin legends, we believe that the
sequence of the hybrid denarii or, better said, of the new subtypes of undated denarii
was as follows: H806-H809, H808-H809 and, respectively, H807-H809. We have
placed the H807-H809 denarius, whose legend is written exclusively in humanist script,
at the end of a transition process that envisaged, as already stated, the standardisation of
coin subtypes, both in terms of representations and the style of script the letters in the
coin inscription.
The sequence of the undated denarii issued by Vladislav II
The chronological sequence of the new subtypes resulting from positioning the H808-
H809 denarius before the H807-H809 brings into question the traditional typological
order of the undated denarii issued by Vladislav II. In the Hungarian numismatic
catalogues compiled by L. Rethy or L. Huszâr, the denarii with the privy marks of Hans
Thurzo issued at Kremnica, between 1500 and 1502, were separated into five coin
subtypes, while the new subtypes, with the exception of the H808-H809, classified as
the H809 denarius, were not mentioned.
14 Huszâr, Munzkatalog Ungarn..., pp. 125-126.
15 Rethy, Corpus Nummorum ..., Tab. 20. J. Lakos adopted a similar position on the sequence of the
denarii C272B (H807) and C272C (809), but avoided including the denarius C275/H808 in the series of
typological sequences, characterized as a variant of the subtype that renders the dress of Maria in the shape
of the letter M (J. Lakos, II. Ulăszlopenzverese, în Numizmatikai Kozlony, 58-59 (1959-1960), p. 26).
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
125
The existence of hybrid coinages16 among the undated denarii issued by
Vladislav II was reported by the Hungarian numismatist J. Lakos,17 following his
research on a large number of coins from the collection of the Hungarian National
Museum. At the time, J. Lakos, talking about the combination between the obverse and
the reverse of some neighbouring coins,18 foresaw the possibility of establishing the
sequence of undated denarii with the help of hybrid denarii.
Beyond the general rule of hybridisation, the Hungarian numismatist noted the
possibility of changing just the obverse; the same reverse being consecutively struck on
several coin subtypes.19 While noting that after the death of Matthias Corvinus, the
Gothic script was slowly replaced with the humanist script, Lakos failed to notice the
direct link between this trend and the hybridisation phenomenon involving the undated
denarii struck at Kremnica, whose causes remained unknown to him.20
From among the hybridisation rules mentioned by J. Lakos, the only one we
have identified throughout our analysis is that of the constant association between a
specific subtype of reverse (H809) with various obverse subtypes (H806, H808, and
H807). There was not, however, as already stated, a single reverse die that was
randomly combined with different obverse dies, but a complex standardisation process
of the coin subtypes, ending with the appearance, in 1503, of the millesime denarii
issued by Vladislav II.
When the hybridisation phenomenon follows a certain rule and cannot be
explained solely by the negligence of the craftsmen in using the older and newer
monetary dies existing within the same workshop, the possibility of establishing a
chronological relation between the undated subtypes of denarii issued at Kremnica
increases. According to minor aspects related to writing the legend or the rendition of
the coin design, we can separate the undated denarii struck with Thurzo’s privy marks
into two distinct categories:
(A)	Consecrated coin subtypes: H805 (C274), H806 (C272A), H808 (C275), H807
(C272B).
(B)	So-called hybrid or new subtypes: H806-H809, H808-H809, H807-H809 (the
former C272C or H809 subtype).
Identifying and ordering the new subtypes leads us to propose changing the sequence
established by L. Huszâr for the consecrated subtypes: H805, H806, H807 and H808.
16 Inadequately called hybrid denarii, they are new subtypes of undated denarii resulted through the
combination of die variants, known or unknown, of monetary subtypes consecrated through their inclusion
in numismatic catalogues (Rethy, Huszâr).
17 Lakos, II. Ulăszlopenzverese ., pp. 23-32.
18 The combination of the dies, possible due to the simple rules that regulated the minting process, was
explained by the fact that, after the reverse die was made, they did not wait for the corresponding die of the
obverse to be completed, but used the dies of the previous subtype (Lakos, II. Ulăszlopenzverese ..., p. 25).
19 Ibidem.
20 Idem, op. cit., pp. 25-26. Analyzing the denarii of the hoard from Iara (Cluj County), Fr. Pap adhered to
Lakos’ opinion on the use of the Gothic script after the death of Matthias Corvinus, and indicated the
presence, among the denarii in the hoard, of Gothic next to humanist characters on the reverse or the
obverse of some coins. At the same time, the Romanian numismatist noticed the transient nature of the
new subtypes, which he called transitional, but realized that he could not establish a chronological
relationship between them (Pap et alii, Tezaurul monetar ..., p. 189).
126
Corina Toma
We noted above the presence of the coin legend written entirely in humanist
script, M* WLADISLAI* R • VNGARI •/PATRON-VNGARI, on three undated subtypes
of denarii issued by Hans Thurzo after taking over the mint in Kremnica: H805 (C274),
H807 (C272B) and H809 (C275). At the time, we placed the denarius combining the
obverse H807 with the reverse H809, known as the denarius of the H809 subtype
among the so-called hybrid coinages. In the same discussion, we reversed the traditional
order of coinages for the consecrated H807 and H808 subtypes, the place of the H807
denarius being fixed between the H808 denarius and the dated denarii of the H811
(C277-278) subtype, struck from 1503 on.
The new position of the H807 denarius, at the end of the series of undated
denarii bearing the privy marks of Hans Thurzo and the relatedness between it and the
H805 denarius, believed to be the first subtype, raises questions about the place of the
H805 coin subtype.
The H805 subtype: the head or the end of the series of undated denarii?
The similarity between the subtypes H805 and H807 is not limited to the use of the
humanist script in the coin legend. Given the representation of the eagle, the entire
obverse H805 is similar to the point of being identical with the obverse of the H807
denarius. The reverse mode is also aligned with the manner of partial representation of
the Virgin Mary, used for minting the H808 and H807 denarii. The only distinguishing
feature is the presence of the halo surrounding the crowned head of the Virgin Mary.
The rendition of the Virgin Mary and the infant Jesus with a halo is
characteristic of the first denarii issued at Kremnica for Vladislav II (the H803 and H804
subtypes) before the coming of Thurzo, when the head of the chamber had been, ever
since the time of Matthias Corvinus, Peter Schaider.21 The presence of the haloed Virgin
on the first denarii of Vladislav II led the Hungarian numismatists to place the denarius
of the H805 subtype in their immediate vicinity, but the differences between the three
subtypes are major:
a.	The H803 and H804 subtypes of denarii struck at Kremnica, for Vladislav II,
under the control of Peter Schaider, used the older reverse die of Matthias
Corvinus’ denarius, H722.
b.	On the reverse of Vladislav II’s denarius, H805, the draping of the Virgin’s dress
is totally different from that of its alleged predecessors (H803 and H804), as it is
related to the reverse of the H807 denarius. The only difference between the two
21 The haloed iconography of the Virgin Mary and the infant Jesus was taken, on the first of Vladislav II’s
denarii (the H403 subtype), from the denarii of Matthias Corvinus (type H 722/C232). In fact, it was a
matter of reusing the reverse die of Matthias’ denarius, H722, issued with the mark of Caspar Stek, who
worked at Kremnica, under the leadership of Peter Schaider, during the last years of Matthias’ reign and
the early years of Vladislav Il’s reign (Huszâr, Munzkatalog Ungarn..., p. 125; A. Pohl, Munzzeichen und
Meisterzeichen auf ungarischen Munzen des Mittelalters 1300-1540, Budapest, 1982, p. 83, Tab. 118/223-
4, Tab. 121/237). This reverse die with the mark of Caspar Stek, taken from the mint of Matthias, is
associated both with the obverse of the H803 denarius, which renders the heraldic lion of Bohemia at the
heart of the quartered shield, and the obverse of the next subtype, H804, where the lion is replaced by the
Jagiellonian eagle.
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
127
reverses, H805 and H807, is the addition of the halo around the head of the
Virgin, but not around the head of the infant Jesus, as was the case of the dies
used at Kremnica under the leadership of Peter Schaider.
c.	The humanist typeface, we refer here to the letters M and N, already introduced
on the last denarii of King Matthias, was adopted on the first denarii of
Vladislav II (H803, H804), where it was associated with the Gothic script of the
letter A. The humanist script introduced by Peter Schaider, ever since the denarii
of Matthias, was removed by Thurzo, who resumed, on the H806 denarius, the
Gothic script for the three letters. The humanist script on the H805 denarius does
not prove the succession of the H803, H804 and H805 subtypes, but was the
result of a process of transition, in which Thurzo, after relinquishing the
humanist script adopted by Schaider, returned to it himself, after a journey of
almost two years.
Following these observations, we believe that the H805 denarius does not open the
series of undated coins issued by Thurzo for Vladislav II; on the contrary, it must be
placed alongside the H807denarius, towards the end of the series of these coinages.
Conclusions
Analysing the undated denarii of Vladislav II, specifically those with the heraldic eagle
of the Jagiellonians on the obverse, issued from the mint of Kremnica after Hans
Thurzo’s appointment as head of the chamber, we have identified two new subtypes of
denarii. Both subtypes appeared as a result of the association between the obverse of the
traditional H806, H808 and H807 denarii with reverse versions of the H809 denarius.
The new categories identified are not, as it used to be thought, the result of a simple
association between the obverse and the reverse of neighbouring coins, issued
sequentially.
It was generally considered that the eagle design charged on the shield and the
manner of representing the Virgin Mary, through the draping of the dress or the crown
design, were the decisive elements in distinguishing them by subtypes and in identifying
the possible versions or deviations. The graphical representations are relevant to a point,
enabling one to distinguish Vladislav II’s undated denarii by subtypes and variants. The
key to identifying the new subtypes resides in the relationship between these
representations and different versions of writing the coin legend.
Examining the numerous versions of the legend, we have come to the
conclusion that they are relevant not through the abbreviation formulas, but through the
way of combining several types of script. We have found that they follow an
unexpectedly simple rule: the gradual replacement of the Gothic script with the
humanist script, with a view to standardizing the coin subtypes.
Identifying new subtypes and the mechanism of a complicated so-called
hybridisation process has led us to resume the discussion on the typological sequence of
Vladislav II’s undated denarii from the Hungarian numismatic catalogues. An
examination of the classical subtypes from the vantage point of the new categories and
of the standardisation process to which Vladislav II’s undated denarii were subjected
reveals that:
128
Corina Toma
1.	The H809/C272C denarius is a subtype that associates, in the absence of its own
obverse die, the obverse of the H807 denarius with the reverse of the so-called H809
denarius, a reverse that is common to the other two subtypes identified (H806-H809,
H808-H809).
2.	The H807 denarius was issued after the H808 denarius and not before it. The
reversed sequence of the two coin subtypes of monetary is proved by the obvious
similarity, in terms of the legend writing and the manner of rendering the coin design,
between the H807 denarius and the denarius of the H811 subtype, issued from 1503
on, once the standardisation of coinages was completed and the millesime was
introduced.
3.	The H805 denarius, related to the H807 denarius, does not open the series of
undated denarii issued under Thurzo’s control, for King Vladislav II. The presence of the
halo does not represent a link between this subtype of Thurzo’s and the subtypes of
his predecessor, Peter Schaider (H803, H804). On the contrary, it must be placed,
alongside the H807 coin, toward the end of the series of undated denarii.
Through the present analysis, we add two new subtypes of undated denarii issued by
king Vladislav II (H806-H809, H808-H809) and suggest a change in their traditional
sequence: the H806 denarius becomes head of the series, followed by the H808
denarius, which is succeeded by the H805 and, respectively, the H807 subtypes.
Annex 1
The H806-H809 subtype
Sub-group 1:
Vladislav II (1490-1514)
Obv.: obverse of the Rethy denarius 1907 272A, Huszâr 1979 806
Rev.: new legend+coin drawing Rethy 1907 272C, Huszâr 1979 809
Kormocbânya, Hans Thurzo (on the reverse the mark K H)
Obv.: ® -WLTTDISLTÎl • R • VDGTÎRI*
Rev.: PTTPRON— VNGKRI
Ag; 2; 0.33; 15.1x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO, inv. 16/802
Obv.: $R -WLKDISLTÎ1 • R • VBGKR
Rev.: raPRON- VNGARI
Ag; 6; 0.42; 15.7x15.5; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO, inv. 16/804 (Pl. I/1)
Sub-group 2:
Obv.: obverse of the Rethy denarius 1907 272A, Huszâr 1979 806
Rev.: legend of the denarius CNH II 272A/Huszâr 806 + coin drawing CNH II 272C/Huszâr 809
Kormocbânya, Hans Thurzo (on the reverse the mark K h)
Obv.: OT -WLKDISLKl • R • VNGKR
Rev.: PîTPROB-VBGKRIQ
Ag; 11; 0.53; 15.6x15.9; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO, inv. 16/759
Ag; 12; 0.32; 14.9x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO, inv. 16/854 (Pl. I/2)
Sub-group 3:
Obv.: legend version of the denarius CNH II 272A/Huszâr 806
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
129
Rev.: new legend version + coin drawing Rethy 1907 272C, Huszâr 1979 809
Kormocbânya, Hans Thurzo (on the reverse the mark K h)
Obv.: ® -WLKDISLm • R • VNGKRI
Rev.: WÎPR0N. VNGKRI
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition (Pl. I/4)
Obv.: OT -WLKDISLKl • R • VNGKR
Rev.: PTTPRON-VNGKRI
Ag; 10; 0.47; 16.2x15; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO, inv. 16/766 (Pl. I/3)
Annex 2
The H808-H 809 subtype
Sub-group 1:
Obv.: Rethy 1907 275 (eagle with wings displayed and inverted)
Rev.: Huszâr 1979 809
Kormocbânya, Hans Thurzo (on the reverse the mark K H)
Obverse die no. 1 + reverse die no. 1 (= legend of the denarius H806-H809/sub-group 3)
Obv.: M • WL^DISLKI • R’VNGKRI
Rev.: raPRON- VNGKRI
Ag; 5; 0.51; 15.6x16.1; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/812
Obv.: ® • WLKDISLKI . R«VNGK
Rev.: r^PROX VNGKRI
Ag; 2; 0.49; 15.8x16; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/803 (Pl. II/1)
Obv.: «I • WL2TDISL7ÎI • R’VNGK
Rev.: PATRON- VNGKRI0
Ag; 0; 0.42; 16.6x15.7; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/762
Obv.: w-wi^injîi.r-vag-a
Rev.: PTTPRON-VNGKRI
Ag; 12; 0.51; 16.2x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/801
Obverse die no. 2 + reverse die no. 2
Obv.: W -Wl/nDIn! j'O • lî -
Rev.: PîrPROH-VHGSîRI
Ag; 5; 0.52; 15.7x15.2; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/813 (Pl. II/2)
Obverse die no. 2 + reverse die no. 3
Obv.: W .Wl.nDIHjO • lî - VZhAlîl
Rev.: I ’A T R O Z V W î A H1 li (the letter A with the median crossbar rendered as a broken line A)
Ag; 11; 0.57; 15.8x16.1; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/815 (Pl. II/3)
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition
Obverse die no. 3+reverse die no. 2
Obv.: W • W L AI) IS i. A1 • R • V Z«\ j; (the letter A with the median crossbar rendered as a broken line
A)
Rev.: PKrROM-VUGOîRl
Ag; 6; 0.41; 15.3x16.3; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/814 (Pl. II/4)
Obverse die no. 3 + reverse die no. 3 (= legend of the denarius H808)
Obv.: ®• WLADISLAI • R • VHGARI
Rev.: PATROM-VUGARI
Ag; 12; 0.45; 16x15.2; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/810
130
Corina Toma
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R «OGARI
Rev.: PATROH-OGARIE
Ag; 6; 0.47; 16x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/816
Ag; 11; 0.41; 16x16.1; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/817
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R «OGAR
Rev.: PATROH-OGARIE
Ag; 7; 0.56; 15.5x15.8; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/799
Ag; 9; 0.43; 16.4x16.3; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/800
AR, 6; 0.47; 15.1x15.2; Ghighișeni, MȚCO inv. 8/13 (Pl. II/5)
Obv.: ®« WLADISLAI» R «OGAR
Rev.: PATROHA-OGARI
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition (Pl. II/6)
Sub-group 2A:
Vladislav II (1490-1514)
Obv.: Huszâr 1979 808 (eagle with the wings displayed and elevated)
Rev.: Huszâr 1979 809
Kormocbânya, Hans Thurzo (on the reverse the mark K H)
Obverse die no. 1 + reverse die no. 2 (= legend of the denarius H806-H809/sub-group 1)
Obv.: sa •WUîDISLTtl • R ■ VBGnRl-
Rev.: PTîrRON-VNGîtRI
Ag; 5; 0.52; 15.9x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/805 (Pl. III/1)
Obv.: ® -WLTTDISLTÎl • R • V«GW-
Rev.: ioHîoX VXGnk!
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition
Obverse die no. 3+ reverse die no. 3 (= legend of the denarius H808)
Obv.: ®* WLADISLAI» R «VNGARIE (=legend of the denarius H808)
Rev.: PATROHOGARIE
Ag; 12; 0.42; 15.8x16.1; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/807 (WLA DISLA)
Ag; 6; 0.53; 14.8x14.3; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/808 (Pl. III/2)
Obv.: WLADISLAI» R «OGARIE
Rev.: PATROROGARI
Ag; 6; 0.57; 15.2x14.7; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/818
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R «OGARI
Rev.: PATROHOGARIE
Ag; 12; 0.60; 15.7x15.2; double striking; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/811
Ag; 12; 0.57; 15.9x15.6; double striking; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/819
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R «OGAR
Rev.: PAT1WA-OGARIE
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R «OGARI
Rev.: PATROR-OGARI
Ag; 10; 0.57; 16x15.2; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/809
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R «OGAR
Rev.: PATROHA-OGARI
Ag; 12; 0.46; 15.2x15.3; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/806
Obv.: ®» WLADISLAI» R »OGAR
Rev.: PATROROGARI
Ag; 3; 0.54; 15x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/765
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
131
Ag; 8; 0.46; 16.4x15.7; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/767
Obv.: illegible legend
Rev.: PATROUVUGARIE
Ag; 5; 0.41; 14.8x14.8; double striking; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/865
Obverse die no. 4 + reverse die no. 2
Obv.: • M • WLHDISLm» K • VOBH
Rev.: PnTROX - VZGKRi;
Ag; 12; 0.45; 16.1x16.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/831
Ag; 4; 0.48; 16.1x15.8; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/832 (Pl. III/3)
Obverse die no. 5 + reverse die no. 3
Obv.: M • WLADISLAI • R • VUGARI •
Rev.: PATROBOGARIE
Ag; 1; 0.53; 15.5x15.3; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/827 (Pl. III/4)
Sub-group 2B:
Obv.: Huszâr 1979 808, eagle with the wings displayed and elevated
Rev.: Huszâr 1979 809
Kormocbânya, Hans Thurzo (on the reverse the markK h)
Obverse die no. 3+ reverse die no. 3
Obv.: W’ WLADISLAI» R «VHGARIE
Rev.: PATROH-VHGARI
Iara, Pap et alii 1971 no. 962, Turda Musem or MNIT Cluj-Napoca
Obverse die no. 6+ reverse die no. 4 (=legend of the denarii 805, 807, 809)
Obv.: M • WLADISLAI • R • VNGARIQ •
Rev.: PATRO—VNGAR1E
Ag; 1; 0.59; 15.3x15.5; double striking; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/825
Obv.: M • WLADISLAI • R • VNGARI •
Rev.: PATRON—VNGAR1E •
Ag; 5; 0.52; 15.2x14.9; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/820
Ag; 7; 0.48; 15.5x15.6; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/1484 (Pl. III/5)
Ag; 5; 0.50; 15.3x15.7; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/1491
Ag; 1; 0.61; 15.9x15.6; Ghighișeni, MȚCO inv. 8/14
Iara, Pap et alii 1971 no. 966, Turda Musem or MNIT Cluj-Napoca
Hotoan photo 0121-0122
Obv.: M» WLADISLAI» R»VNGAK»
Rev.: PATRON—VNGAR1E •
Ag; 9; 0.57; 15.2x14.9; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/821
Hotoan photo 0109-0110
Obv.: M* WLADISLAI» R-VNGAK*
Rev.: PATRON—VNGARI
Ag; 8; 0.51; 15x15.7; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/822
Ag; 9; 0.58; 15.1x15.5; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/823
Ag; 1; 0.36; 15.8x15.4; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/1444
Ag; 1 2; 0.57; 14.8x15.2; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/1451
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition (5 pieces) (Pl. III/6)
Obv.: M • WLADISLAI • R • VNGARI •
Rev.: PATRON—VNGARI
132
Corina Toma
Ag; 3; 0.41; 15.5x15.2; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/838
Ag; 8; 0.49; 15x15.7; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/842
Hotoan, Satu Mare Museum, f. i., exhibition
Obv.: M • WLADLSLAC* R.VNGAH*
Rev.: PATRO-VNGARI
Ag; 4; 0.49; 15.2x14.8; Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/824
List of plates:
Plate I. 1. H806-H809 subtype/sub-group 1(Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/804); 2. H806-H809
subtype/sub-group 2 (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/854); 3-4. H806-H809 subtype/sub-group 3 (Oradea-
Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/766; Hotoan, Muz. Satu-Mare).
Plate II. 1-6. H808-H809 subtype/sub-group 1(Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/803, 16/813, 16/815, 16/814;
Ghighișeni, MȚCO inv. 8/13; Hotoan, Muz. Satu-Mare).
Plate III. 1-4. H808-H809 subtype/sub-group 2A (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/805, 16/808, 16/832,
16/827); 5-6. H808-H809 subtype/sub-group 2B (Ghighișeni, MȚCO inv. 8/14; Hotoan, Muz. Satu-Mare).
Plate IV. 1. Denarius H722 issued by Matia Corvin, 1487 (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/612); 2. Denarius
H803 issued by Vladislav II, 1490-1491 (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/690); 3. Denarius H803 issued by
Vladislav II , 1497 (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/703); 4. Denarius H803 issued by Vladislav II, 1495
(Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO inv. 16/728); 5. Denarius H803 issued by Vladislav II, 1496, (Oradea-Ioșia, MȚCO
inv. 16/740).
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
133
2 cm
Plate I.
134
Corina Toma
Plate II.
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
135
Plate III.
136
Corina Toma
Plate IV.
The Undated Denarii Minted by Vladislav II
137
losia 16/846
2 cm
losia 16/1456
2 cm
Fig. 6
losia 16/1436
2 cm
Fig. I.
Fig. 2
Fig. 4
138
Corina Toma
Fig. 5
Fig II.
HORAȚIU GROZA1
ASPECTS CONCERNING THE INTERIORS
OF THE “VOIVODAL PALACE” FROM TURDA
Abstract: The Voivodal Palace of Turda is the most valuable monument of civil medieval architecture in
the town and the only palace with surviving parts that date from the late 15th century and the beginning of
the next.
Interest in conducting research on the palace is mainly due to the chronological positioning of this
monument at the boundary between two distinct periods of the Middle Ages: the Gothic (the end of the
period) and the Renaissance. This paper brings additional information to the studies already written about
the “Voivodal Palace” of Turda, providing interesting data about the interiors of this building starting from
the second half of the 17th century. All the records made during these centuries clearly demonstrate that this
building, which served, for a long time, as the Salt Storehouse, had a special significance for both the
community of the Turda area and the Principality of Transylvania.
Keywords: Turda, “Voivodal Palace”, Salt Storehouse, Orban Balasz, history museum
Turda, one of the important towns in central Transylvania, appeared in documents from
the second half of the 11th century on, becoming the seat of the county of the same name
two centuries later. From the 13th century on, Turda featured more and more frequently
in the medieval documents. Mentioned particularly in connection with the exploitation
of the salt mines, in the year 1297 it was referred to as civitas.2 The historical evolution
of the town has been the subject of several studies based, on one hand, on archaeological
research conducted over the recent years, and on the other hand, on written sources,
documents, ground plans and period vedute.
The economic development of Turda, the demands for comfort expressed by the
town’s nobility and, not least, demographic growth led to an expansion of the town in
the Middle Ages. The welfare and economic development of Turda during the classical
medieval period (the 15th and the 16th centuries) also entailed an increase in the cultural
level of various segments of the population. During the period 1438-1539 alone, 42
young men left Turda to study in various European universities. Certainly, many of them
belonged to the town’s affluent layer.3
The economic base of the town continued to be mining (salt exploitation),
agriculture and trade. The most important salt customs in Transylvania was located in
Turda, its headquarters standing right in the town’s medieval core. Trade in agricultural
products, salt, and livestock became predominant, especially in Turda Veche, several
annual fairs being organized during this period; this proves the importance of Turda
1 Museum curator, the History Museum of Turda, e-mail:grozahoratiudorin@yahoo.com.
2 Documente privind Istoria României (hereinafter DIR), Veacul XIII, C, Transilvania, vol. II (1251-1300),
București, 1954, p. 435.
3 Răzvan Mihai Neagu, “Studenți din Turda la marile universități europene în evul mediu și epoca
premodernă,” in Apulum, XLIX, 2012, p. 161.
140
Horațiu Groza
compared to other towns in the area. Economic development certainly imposed a
“regime of building”. Even though many of the edifices erected during that period are
no longer in existence today, it was then that the planning of the town was largely
outlined. Among the buildings of local historical importance that have been preserved
until today, mention must be made of the “Voivodal Palace”, which today houses the
collections of the History Museum of Turda.
Few buildings in the medieval centre of Turda were structured on several levels
as in the case of the “Voivodal Palace”; in general, civil constructions from this period
were modest. The (old) housing fund consisted mostly of houses built of wood, thatched
sunken huts, which certainly contributed to enhancing the appearance of the larger
public buildings, made of stone, which were found in the town’s central square.
Shortly after the completion of the construction works on the Catholic Church
(the beginning of the 16th century), the large town square closed its northern side. The
urban streetscape still preserves the medieval structure with a main street with a central
thickening for the square, its space being intended primarily for economic activities. It
was here that fairs were held periodically throughout the year, selling both domestic
products and goods brought by foreign merchants. The square gradually acquired
administrative, political and social functions by hosting the major events in the town’s
life, including diets, as well as various shows and even public executions. The town core
was gradually surrounded by stone buildings, which today no longer exist. Medieval
buildings in the town centre have been replaced with others since the 19th century, some
of them surviving to this day.
The historical and architectural value of the oldest civil medieval building in the
area preserved until today has attracted the attention of both the foreign travellers who
passed through Transylvania and of the researchers, historians and, not least, of the
tourists visiting the town.
The period of the Middle Ages in Turda was littered with events that profoundly
marked the town’s political, economic, religious and demographic development. There
were numerous armed conflicts, followed by epidemics and plagues that decimated the
population of the town, profoundly impacting its urbanistic development.4
The creation of Salt Storehouse took place in parallel with the development of
salt-mining towns, as was the case of Turda. The most important Transylvanian Salt
Storehouses were those of Turda, Ocna Dej, Sic, Cojocna and Ocna Sibiului. The
Storehouses, which were subordinated directly to the royal court, organized the
exploitation and valorization of salt. Throughout time, the five aforementioned Salt
Storehouses were most often under a single administration, headed by the comes of the
Storehouse in Turda. The function of this high official was often very important, as this
comes was sometimes a member of the royal council.5 Salt mining was a royal right, the
profit from this activity representing an important source of income for the crown of
Hungary; Salt Storehouses were the institutions that supervised salt mining and they
were run by comites and vice-comites.
4 Eugen Gergely, Turda istorie și contemporaneitate, Cluj-Napoca, 2005, p. 76.
5 DIR, Veacul XIII, C, Transilvania, vol. II, p. 46; Monumenta Ecclesiae Strigoniensis, vol. I, p. 478.
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
141
Over time, the building that is the subject of this study had numerous
destinations, including that of Customhouse of the Salt Mines of Turda. In conjunction
with archaeological research and on-site observations during the restoration works
(1997-2011), documentary information has allowed us to reconstruct an image what the
interiors of this building looked like in the past. The most valuable information remains
that provided by the scribes Diosi Găspâr and Pavai Jânos, who, at the order of Acațiu
Barczai, Prince of Transylvania (1658-1660), inventoried the movable and immovable
property of the Salt Customhouse of Turda, with all its outbuildings, in 1660.
In the early 20th century, when large-scale works of refurbishment took place,
the building was structured on two levels, having also a single-storey part.
The interiors of the building. The ground floor consisted of a hallway, three
rooms located in the two-storey wing of the building and two rooms located in the
single-storey area. Another room on the northern side, located in the extension of the
other two from the single-storey wing of the building, decommissioned in the last
century, has recently been rebuilt. The perimeter of the foundation of the old walls has
been highlighted, marked out and preserved.6
The hallway and the festive staircase. The large and spacious hallway allows
access to different parts of the building. We do not know the material originally used to
achieve its floors and those in the rooms situated on the ground floor. The treading
levels found in archaeological research have revealed several types of flooring used over
time: clay, stone, brick and wood.
At the beginning of last century, the floor made of wood was in a poor state of
preservation, due largely to water seepage through the shingle roof structure, but also
due to the excessive moisture accumulated inside the building. In 1913, the wood
flooring was replaced with slabs of stone, which, in turn, were later replaced with
ceramic tiles imitating brick.7
The staircase (in 1997), supported on brick masonry, consisting of three
segments (the western, northern and eastern walls), allowed access to the first floor of
the building, being constructed of concrete at the beginning of last century. The stairs
were made of stone and the beautifully carved railing was made of oak. The stairs led to
a wooden gallery supported by two pillars of the same material, carved with solar motifs
8
that have been preserved. The gallery was extended during the latest restoration works.8
The reason for this change must be linked to the need for increasing the exhibition space
and providing a sightseeing circuit, as well as to the new location of the staircase, rebuilt
on another site in 2008.
From the first landing of the old staircase, at the mezzanine, one could go out
into a gazebo (according to information from the 19th century), which, during the
renovations of 1913, was replaced with an enclosed extension, provided with four
windows and door. The second landing of the staircase led (on the northern side) to an
entrance fitted with a beautifully ornate metal door, which allowed access to the small
6The architectural blueprint of the monument was executed by S.C. POLARH S.R.L. in Bucharest.
7The stone slabs in the hallway, which are now gone, had the size of 0.46 m x 0.40 m.
8 The wooden gallery upstairs was actually the smaller lobby on the first floor of the building.
142
Horațiu Groza
attic of the building (the single-storey wing - Figure 1). Both the staircase and the
entrances to the extension and, respectively, to the attic have been decommissioned.
From the hallway, one could reach the basement (1913). The stairway (made of
concrete, today decommissioned) was placed under the ramp of the festive staircase. On
the single landing of this stairway, there was the restroom and the exit to the backyard of
the building9.
We do not know what material was used in the construction of the first stairs of
the building, but we can assume that they were originally built of wood.
At the end of the 19th century, when the historian Orban Balasz visited the
building, the wooden staircase was in a poor state of preservation10. Balasz was the only
historian who supported the idea that the staircase, whose railing was adorned with
sculptures, was built of stone. He based his hypothesis on the traces of the stone
consoles supporting it, which were visible at the end of the 19th century11.
The rooms of the building branch out from the hallway, to the south, west and
north. On the eastern wall, there is the entrance to the building, with a Gothic platband
made of stone. This, together with the door, is described in a document issued in 167712.
The solid oak door from the entrance had hinges reinforced with metal brackets
(full width) and it could be locked with a deadbolt. Perhaps as a safety measure, the
door handles were removable, and there was also a casement for them13.
The entrance to the first room is made through a platband similar to that from
the entrance. To the right of the entrance, one may notice the “manhole” of the central
chimney from the old hot air heating system.
From the second half of the 17th century, information on the layout and destination
of the building interiors multiplied. Some of the descriptions found in the documents
consulted no longer reflect today’s reality. Some descriptions relating to the layout of the
chambers and other details have been confirmed by archaeological research.
In 1660, the wooden ceiling of the hallway was in an advanced state of decay14.
Two decades later, the situation appears to have slightly changed, following the
renovation interventions, a ceiling being added to the hallway in the upper part15. Some
sources inform us about the existence of brick arches, prior to the wooden ceilings, the
traces of the brackets that supported them being visible up until the end of the 19th
century16.
9 Both the lower and the upper part of the extension, where the restroom and, respectively, the chamber of
the supervisory staff were located, have been decommissioned. The boiler has its location here today.
10Orban Balasz, Torda văros es kornyeke, Budapest, 1889, p. 347.
11 Ibidem.
12 Kolozsmonostori Konvent Leveltăra. A tordai sokamarahaz 1677-es leltări listăja, Magyar Orszagos
Leveltar, Budapest, Urbaria Folia 786-890 (hereinafter MOL, Urbaria Folia).
13 Ibidem.
14 Az erdely kăptalan orszăgos leveltăra: A tordai sokamarahăz 1660-as leltări listăja, Magyar Orszagos
Leveltar, Budapest, Lymbus XVI/1, (hereinafter MOL, Lymbus, XVI/1). The inventory conducted by the
scribes in the prince’s chancery found several objects stored in the hall: a bench, a box for candles, and a
piece of iron for the chimney door.
15 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890.
16 Orban Balasz, op.cit., p. 347.
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
143
According to the information available, from the hallway one could reach the
garden. When the plaster in the hallway was removed (1997), the remains of a vault
were discovered in the elevation of the western wall, which certainly represented an exit
to the garden of the building. The many renovation and restoration interventions
seriously affected the building interiors, leading later to walling in this exit.
At the end of the 19th century, the hallway provided access to the chambers on
the southern, western and northern sides, each with a Gothic stone platband, carved and
ornamented. Today, only the one on the south wall of the hall is preserved17. The doors
to the rooms were blocked with boards, the space behind them being used as a storage
space for barrels of alcoholic beverages (plum brandy was marketed in another building,
facing town’s Big Square18.
The chambers situated on the ground floor from the two-storey wing of the
building. The first room, the one in which the cămăraș lived (the comes of the Salt
Customhouse), had an oak door fitted with a cornice, metal hinges, wrought iron
reinforcements and a latch19. In the second half of the 17th century, the room did not have
a ceiling, as the old medieval structure of vaults made of bricks had been maintained20.
The appearance of this room underwent significant changes during the renovations of
1818, when a ceiling was built here, as well as in the other rooms of the building.
The room in which the cămăraș lived had window glazing fitted in wooden
frames, its stone platband having two metal rods inserted vertically and one
horizontally21. The room was heated by a terracotta stove, made of green glazed tiles,
decorated at the top22, and the brick arches of the room were supported by “props” made
of wood. The room, presented as an evidence room (sămădaș) in a document, was
probably used as employee housing23. It was probably here that, in the mid-16th century,
the reckoning deacon (the accountant) lived, who was paid 18 florins annually, and the
payment allotter, remunerated with 12 florins annually24.
Next to it, there was another vaulted chamber used as storage space25. The two
rooms, initially conjoined into one, were separated by a stone wall, introduced in one of
the previous renovations. The date when this change occurred is not known, and the
material used in making the flooring of these rooms is also not known. What is known
17 Ibidem.
18 Ibidem, p. 136. After the year 1848, when the salt customs house in Turda was moved, the building was
rented to merchants.
19 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890.
20 Ibidem.
21 Ibidem.
22 Ibidem. The inventory of this chamber included: an old long table, a bench-type chair, a peasant hanger,
a bed, a small white cupboard, and a cabinet used for storing crockery.
23 MOL, Lymbus XVI / 1. The inventory of this chamber, presented by the document, is about the same, but
the descriptions are much more succinct: a stove in good condition, two empty barrels for vinegar, a shelf
for glasses, a table, a bed, a cupboard, a seat with backrest, two benches, a peg, a glass window, two basins
for plates and a griddle.
24 Călători străini despre Țările Române, București, 1970, vol. II, p. 21 (hereinafter Călători...).
25 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890. In this room were deposited: a bench, food for horses (oats), 250
small bread loaves, a box for vegetables, a trough with handles, 3 new hoes, 2 old hoes, 3 seals harnesses,
3 pieces of flax linen, 3 metal parts made in Hungary, 20 oci (unit of measurement) of lentils in a pot, half
a pound of peas and a pound and 3 oci of barley.
144
Horațiu Groza
for sure is that at a certain time, the floor was made of brick, probably in both rooms. In
the first room, no traces showing this have been preserved, as the flooring suffered
changes during the interventions from the early 20th century, when the new hot air
heating system of the building was introduced.
The second room had a treading level that has been fully preserved. It consisted
of brick paving, which, considering its wear, represented a treading level for a longer
time. The non-homogeneous pavement placed on a bed of sand had a variable thickness,
due to the two types of brick used to make it26.
From this room, one could reach the latrine27. Archaeological research
undertaken in this area of the building has located this latrine.
From Balâsz’s romantic descriptions, we may also find other details referring to
these chambers. The first one served as a guard room, while the second was destined to
warming food, as the kitchen was an outbuilding located in the courtyard28.
Today these rooms no longer exist. The damaged vaults were replaced with
wooden ceilings in the 19th century, which is also when the wall separating the rooms
was removed. The last intervention on the ceilings, superficial and of poor quality, was
made in the years 1963-1964, when out of the desire to consolidate the monument, the
“authors” poured reinforced concrete, with plate, beams and belts, into this section of
the building increasing the difficulty of subsequent restorations. During the latest
restoration, the beams were masked with wood elements, the restoration being made in
tune with the existing woodwork in the building.
In the western wing adjoined during another phase of construction, there are two
rooms that have the same size. The rooms communicate with each other through a door
with stone platband. This type of rectangular shaped framing, with profiles turned
towards the door gap at the base, is found in most of the building’s rooms, the vast
majority of which were restored in the early 20th century.
The rooms were divided width-wise at some point. The walls that had an arch
opening were most likely annexed during the renovations of 1818. Built of stone and
brick, they were dismantled in 1998. When one of the walls was removed, there were
found two fragments of limestone platband, one of them being engraved. The text,
which contained a person’s name, should be attributed to the master mason’s insignia,
which were common in the medieval period (Figure 2).
Orbân Balâsz confirms the existence of these “double rooms,” noting that there
were held the meetings of the Hungarian nobility29. The assumption of the Hungarian
historian regarding the existence of a door, walled in today, which opened from one of
the rooms onto the church, has not been confirmed.
The first information about these two rooms comes from a document dated 2
April 166030. The first room had a “padded” oak door, was provided with a cornice, and
26 The first had the size: 32 x 15.5 x 7 cm and had the stamp of the workshop of origin impressed on one
side (“W”). The second type of brick, probably older, had the size: 29 x 14.5 x 4.5 cm. Prior to this
pavement, there was another treading layer, consisting of a clay mix that was 5 cm thick.
27 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890.
28 Orbân Balâsz, op. cit., p. 347.
29 Ibidem.
30 MOL, Lymbus XVI / 1. The inventory of this chamber included: a table, two boards, a box with 1386
candles, a thread for leather bellows and a door.
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
145
had fittings installed31. Heating was ensured by a glazed tile terracotta stove. It is also
here that the presence of a second (common) stove appears to have existed, constructed
from the same type of tiles, which could be fuelled from the adjacent room.
The room was separated by a wall of fir plank, which had a white door fitted
with wrought iron hinges and flaps. It could be locked with a sliding latched board.
Inside this partition, on one of the walls there was a window that was blocked, at the
time, with boards32.
The other chamber, also partitioned with boards, was used as storage space. The
existing partitions (silos) were used for storing wheat, oats and vegetables33. The room
had the window blocked with boards and beamed ceiling was not planked. From this
room one could reach the latrine. The latrine had a small wooden door with two hinges,
wrought iron reinforcements and a latch34. The rooms communicated through a padded
wooden door, provided with a cornice35.
The heating system. The many changes and transformations suffered over time
have also affected the heating system. Thus, in over 400 years since the “foundation,”
there have occurred location changes for both the smoke chimneys and the heating stoves.
On a European level, we have little data on the existence of tiled stoves prior to
the 11th century. Terracotta stoves began to spread widely in the 13th and 14th centuries,
when it there appeared the first representations on tiles. In the Middle Ages there were
centers specialized in this field, especially in the German area.
In Transylvania, the closed heating system was introduced by the Saxon
colonists. The existence of terracotta tiled stoves at the “Voivodal Palace” is confirmed
both by the documents and by archaeological research. What we do not know is their
location and placement.
Parament researches have identified the sites of old smoke chimneys (a few of
them) and, implicitly, the location of the stoves used for heating the building. Up until
1997, the building had two smoke chimneys, one being centrally located in the two-
storey wing and a secondary one, located in the one-storey wing.
The smoke chimneys identified by us were built through the walls of the
building and they were not functional at the time of their discovery. One of them, found
on the eastern side, preserved with a length of 2.70 m, had a cross-section of 25 x 25 cm
and was plastered (Figure 3). The traces of another dismantled chimney, partially built
of bricks, could be seen on the northern side of the one-storey wing. Its cross-section
was 20 x 20 cm. Another smoke chimney was found upstairs, on the northern side of the
extension to the west.
The first floor. Information about the rooms on the first floor of the building is
incomplete and confusing. The most numerous, but not necessarily accurate data were
31 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890. The door had two hinges with wrought iron reinforcements and a
latch handle. In the room were deposited: a box for the door handles, wooden utensils for making nails, a
hammer, two damaged windows that had animal guts (intestines) mounted instead of glass and two
brackets for nailing tools.
32 Ibidem. In this room there was a peasant’s bed, while on one wall there was a wooden frame.
33 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890.
34 This was the latrine previously described.
35 The document describes minutely the hardware of each door.
146
Horațiu Groza
offered by Orban Balasz, who, in an era characterized by romanticism, brought his
subjective contribution to presenting the building premises and their destination. The
very rich imagination of the Hungarian historian regarding political events in the history
of Transylvania that occurred inside the “Voivodal Palace” have remained unconfirmed.
The hallway upstairs. In 1997, public access to the History Museum of Turda
was ceased because work for the restoration and preservation of the building had begun.
At that time, the staircase made of three segments, designed at the beginning of the 20th
century, led to a small rectangular hall on the first floor. On three sides of the hallway
were placed openings provided with stone platbands. Two of these were entries to the
rooms on the first floor of the building, while the last one allowed access to the balcony
of the building.
Medieval and modern documents and the reports from the late 19th century speak
about the existence of an opening located on the northern wall of the hallway that led to
the former attic of the one-storey wing, which has a garret today36.. This entrance was
walled in during one of the rehabilitation interventions that have occurred over time.
Another entrance fitted with an ornate metal door was located at the intersection
of the eastern and northern walls of the hallway. The entrance opened at the beginning
of last century was on the second landing of the old staircase and allowed access to the
attic of the one-storey wing of the building. A stone inscription written in medieval Latin
and recently deciphered is mounted on the eastern wall of the hallway (Figure 4).
MANEÂ[AN]T • [ F]IO[D]ES • SPES • CHARITAS • TRIA • HEC[HAEC]
The inscription is original and definitely belongs to this building. Such inscriptions
often appeared in medieval public buildings in many parts of Europe. Its text presents a
biblical psalm from “St. Paul’s First Letter to the Corinthians,” chapter 1337.
Southern wall of the (present-day) hallway upstairs has been restored during one
of the renovation interventions. When the plaster was removed (1998), it was observed
that it had been rebuilt on a different site, partially blocking a gap in one of the walls of
the building (now in the form of a niche), which was probably an older entrance or
passageway to one of the building’s interior spaces.
It is unlikely that we can accurately reconstruct the original appearance and
purpose of the rooms on the first floor of the building. This is due to the numerous
renovations and restorations throughout the ages, which have simplified the image
building to a great extent, and to the lack of documentary information on this issue.
The significance of the rooms also changed whenever major renovations took
place or when the destination of the building was modified. We believe, generally
speaking, that the current form of this building was given by the renovations of 1818.
Then, the initial appearance of the building was deeply modified by interventions
conducted both outside and especially inside. One final “blow” was given by the
restorations of the early 20th century, which, although scientifically executed, made it
even more difficult to reconstruct the original appearance of the building given the
36 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890. These entries are found even today. Only one of them, the one
located on the north side, allows access today to a room that is the product of renovations conducted in the
years 1997-2008 and that was the attic of the one-level building.
37 In translation, the psalm goes: “And now these three remain: faith, hope and love.”
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
147
modifications it brought about. Many elements that might have been useful for a
reconstruction of the “Voivodal Palace” area and its outbuildings were lost when the
building in Republic Square no. 15 was erected.
The subsequent renovations brought other changes, further hindering the
operation of reconstructing the image of the old building interiors.
The balcony of the building. The Hungarian historian Orban Balasz said: “on
the eastern gable of the building one may notice a pointed portal carved very
harmoniously out of stone, above which there is a wooden balcony in an advanced state
of decay. Before it, there was another, older one, built of stone, which was removed
during the renovations of 1886-1887”38.
With the radical changes of the 19th century, the spiral staircase that rested on
one of the pillars of the balcony was destroyed, the latter protecting it from the weather,
because protruded outside the building. The bases of the columns that supported the old
balcony were seen by the Hungarian historian during his visit. Their traces were found
before the main entrance during renovations carried out between 1911 and 1913 and
have been confirmed by archaeological research.
The balcony was rebuilt at the beginning of last century, resting on five consoles
in gradual withdrawal, carved in stone, after the blueprints made by the architect Lux
Kalman. When it was rebuilt, the pillars were removed, given the short distance between
them and the Post Office building, an edifice erected in 1900-190239.
The rooms on the first floor of the building. Improperly called “palaces” by one
of the documents, the upstairs rooms, five in number, were partially inhabited. The
document informs us about the advanced state of degradation (decay), at that time, of
two rooms which are said to have been “deserted”40.
The first room. The first of the rooms found upstairs today (Exhibit Hall 4) is
located in the old wing (the former tower with a rectangular ground plan).
In the second half of the 18th century, this room, as described in the document,
does not appear to be reflected in the current appearance of the building. The document
mentions six windows, five of them made of fir wood and one made of stone41.
An alternative that could be considered would be an error committed by the
scribes who inventoried the Salt Customhouse at that time. Upstairs, namely in the
hallway and the room located south of this, described in the document issued in 1677 as
the living room, there are indeed six windows today. It is possible that the chancery
scribes considered the total number of windows, including those that were in the hall on
first floor42. Perhaps the only window fitted with stone platband was that from which a
fragment is preserved today on the eastern side in the old body of the building. The
other windows with platbands must have been replaced at a later date, after the
document was issued.
38 Orban Balasz, op.cit., p. 347.
39 “A Kozmuvelodesi haz letesiteserol”, în „Emlekkonyv”, Torda, 1913, pp.16-23.
40 MOL, Urbaria Folia, pp. 786-890.
41 Ibidem.
42 Ibidem.
148
Horațiu Groza
Access from the hallway into the room (living room) was made through an
opening that had a wooden frame mounted. The “living room” was partially floored with
planks of fir, and in the porch area (the hall upstairs - our note), the beams were apparent.
This area was under construction at the time. Here were three pieces of furniture
(cupboards) for storing crockery, arranged along one of the walls of the room43.
The second room. In the second room (palace), one could enter through a “half”
door (probably with two leaves), with a stone platband and threshold44. The flooring of
the room was also made of fir boards. We do not have details regarding the room
windows45. From this room, one could get to the latrine. The rudimentary latrine had
only a fir wood platband mounted, having no door or seat. Given its positioning,
according to research conducted here, it overlapped the latrine found during
archaeological research.
The third room. About this room, we know only have that it had a door made of
unsanded fir plank and that the two windows of the room had stone frames46. One of
them had a wooden platband and frame (no glass), on which were mounted two iron
hinges and a latch47.
The uninhabited rooms upstairs. On the northern wall of the hallway there was
an entrance that allowed access to two rooms without ceilings, deserted at that time
(1677). It has not been possible to locate these rooms in the current layout of the
building.
Conclusions. The description given in the document issued in 1677 justifies, to
some extent, the existing spaces upstairs. The hallway and the three inhabited rooms
described above are positioned in the same layout. The latrine mentioned in the
document no longer exists, as it was decommissioned in one of the subsequent
renovations.
As regards the uninhabited spaces, the so-called “deserted palaces”, we do not
know where they were located or if there ever existed. According to the information we
have at present, their location may have been in the one-storey wing of the building.
Reports on this area, issued after this document, speak about the existence of a balcony.
Other sources mention the existence of a two-storey wing, where the general administrator
and other notables lived, his residence being related to the “Voivodal Palace”48. None of
this information can be verified or confirmed in the present state of research.
The ground plan of the building from 1997 outlines the situation of the spaces
on the first floor and their functionality. According to it, the floor was composed of: the
hallway (now modified) and two rooms (Hall 4 and the Big Hall - the latter being
compartmented width-wise - Hall 5 and Hall 6).
Interesting things emerged when the plaster was removed. Thus, in the first
room, on the eastern wall, there were found two artistically wrought medieval fragments
of stone. The first, which is rather dulled, represents a human figure. Floral motifs are
43 Ibidem. Here were stored a long board and a short one.
44 Ibidem. The door was fitted with two hinges, had wrought iron flaps and a latch.
45 Ibidem.
46 Ibidem. The door was equipped with the relevant hardware: hinges, brackets, a latch and a lock with a key.
47 Ibidem.
48 Orbân Balasz, op. cit., p. 346.
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
149
represented in the second (Figure 5). On the southern wall of the same room, on one of
the carved blocks, there have been discovered the insignia of master masons (Figure 6).
Compared with carpenters or bricklayers, stonemasons have left the highest amount of
evidence preserved to this day.
On the western wall of the room, we could notice, at that time, the traces of an
older entrance that was walled in later. In conjunction with the parament study, the
documentary information makes us believe that this entrance led to the latrine
mentioned in the document and described by us. It was also along this wall that the old
hot air circulation channel was discovered. The channel is not functional, having been
walled in during one of the restoration interventions.
The interior aspect of the other rooms (the Big Hall) was given by Kâlmân Lux’s
renovations (1911-1913), when all the woodwork was replaced.
During the renovations of the late 20th century, the idea of resting the ceilings on
pillars was abandoned and the initial partitioning was returned to. Thus, a dividing wall
was mounted in the middle of the room along the east-west direction, creating two
exhibition spaces. We do not know the date when the old wall was dismantled. The fact
is that it did not exist in the late 19th century, when Orbân Balâzs visited the building. He
mentioned only the existence of a large room with an area of 6/5 fathoms (about as large
as the Big Hall on the first floor, before it was partitioned)49.
Solid and imposing, the “Voivodal Palace” in Turda, the most important
monument of medieval urban architecture in the locality that has been preserved until
today, has many secrets to share. Future researches will certainly prove this.
List of illustrations
Fig.1.	Metal door at the entrance to the attic of the building.
Fig. 2.	Reused - engraved platband.
Fig. 3.	Smoke chimney found on the eastern side, in elevation.
Fig. 4.	Medieval inscription - the hallway upstairs.
Fig. 5.	Decorated platband.
Fig. 6.	Signs of master masons.
49 Ibidem. 1 fathom = 1,896 m; the name of the Big Hall was given when the spaces of the exhibition
rooms in the History Museum were created.
150
Horațiu Groza
Fig.1
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
151
Fig.2
Fig.3
152
Horațiu Groza
Fig.5
Fig.4
The Interiors of the “Voivodal Palace” from Turda
153
Fig.6
ANDREA FEHER1
FAMILY LIFE IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY TRANSYLVANIA.
CASE STUDY: THE HALMĂGYI FAMILY
Abstract: This article presents the history of a pre-modern family from the eighteenth century, from the
ranks of the bourgeois intellectuals, as revealed by the narrative of the testament drawn up by Istvăn
Halmăgyi Sr. in 1743. Due to the large number of remarriages in this family, and the relatively high
number of common children and stepchildren, this spiritual work proves to be an excellent source for
analysing the range of mentalities and sensibilities towards the family during the pre-modern era.
Keywords: social history, family history, the eighteenth century, Transylvania, ego-documents
This article presents the history of a pre-modern family from the eighteenth century, from
the ranks of the bourgeois intellectuals, more precisely the life of two generations, as
revealed by the narrative of the testament drawn up by Istvăn Halmăgyi Sr. The Lfe and
Testament of Jânos Halmăgyi and Istvăn Halmăgyi Sr. was drawn up by the latter in 1743
and presents, as the title suggests, first the adventures of the two, and then the inheritance
they left. Due to the large number of remarriages in this family, the relatively high number
of common children and stepchildren, this spiritual work proves to be an excellent source
for analysing the range of mentalities and sensibilities towards the family during the pre-
modern era. This document, which is by no means succinct, fully reflects the attitudes of
the Halmăgyi family towards marriage, children and biological vs. step-parents, providing
a nuanced picture of coexistence of the eighteenth century.
Theoretical background
Researchers on the history of the family and of childhood have identified the eighteenth
century as a turning point as regards the meaning of family life and the attitudes towards
children and childhood. It used to be assumed that marriage was happier than ever, and
that most children enjoyed increased attention and amounts of affection that had rarely
been encountered before. According to the British researchers Foyster and Marten, this
exaggeration has led to entirely wrong conclusions. In their view, the relationships
between parents and children, husband and wife were different, and the relationships
within one and the same family could range from emotional and intimate to violent and
brutal, just like in any other previous era.2 Our studies on this topic fully reflect the
conclusions of the aforementioned researchers, so in approaching the subject herein, we
will rely on the research model proposed by them. More specifically, we want to analyse
1 Ph.D. Researcher at the Transylvanian Museum Society, Cluj-Napoca, e-mail:
feher_andrea@yahoo.com.
2 Elisabeth Foyster, James Marten, “Introduction,” in Idem, A Cultural History of
Childhood and Family in the Age of Enlightment. Oxford: Ed. Berg, 2010, p. 1.
Family Life in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania
155
the phenomena of private life in their particularity. According to Steven Ozment, if we
can accept the idea that history is the continuation and rethinking of human actions, a
metamorphosis of the inheritance left by different generations, then the history of the
family and of feelings should also be studied in this context.3 The author considers that
we must clarify once and for all that generalisations about the institution of the family
are irrelevant. The problem lies in the very nature of the family, for it is not the standard
product of a universally valid social base, but an organism of human interactions. The
family is not a reflection of politics, a microcosm of culture or an authentic image of the
state. It will have to be thought of primarily in terms of individuals and not of
communities, and will be more interested in the evolution of its members than of the
community around it.4
In what follows we shall omit generalisations, attempting nonetheless to
contextualise the content of the testament by correlating the information presented in the
pages of this personal document with other narrative sources of the time.
Jânos Pap
The testament begins by recounting the adventures that Jânos Pap from Hălmeag, the
testator’s father, went through.
Jânos Pap was orphaned at an early age, and his education was taken over by an
aunt who not only raised him to be honest and fed him, but also enrolled him in the
Protestant school from Făgăraș. From here, he went to Kosice, to the college run by the
Jesuit Order, whence he successfully escaped when he realised that the price of
education was too steep (in the sense that the Jesuits wanted to convert him and, even
more, to ordain him). Jânos Pap completed his studies at the Protestant College in
Sârospatak, taking into account the warning of the aunt who had educated him in the
Protestant spirit: “remember, especially in our unfortunate days, when souls are hunted
everywhere, that your parents and your kin were not Papists, but true Calvinists, and this
you must never forget.”5
After completing his studies and after the anti-Habsburg struggle led by Imre
Thokoli was defeated, Jânos Pap reached Șimleu Silvaniei, becoming the secretary of
Captain Ferenc Bialis. Once settled there and earning an income with which he could
support a family, he married Mâria Miskolczi (1678). When he got married, Jânos was
about 30 years old, as the exact date of his birth is not known.
Given the dynamics of marriages in this century, Jânos Pap was at an age
considered advanced for getting married. While the aristocracy seemed to reserve the
right to bachelorhood, the bourgeoisie and, especially, the members of the guilds, were
limited in this right, in the sense that the city compelled its inhabitants to marriage.6
3 Steven Ozment, Ancestors. The Loving Family in Old Europe. Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2001, p. 2.
4 Ibidem, pp. 7-8.
5 “Halmâgyi Jânos es Istvân elete es vegrendelete (1743)” in Istvân Halmâgyi Naploi 1752-53, 1762-69 es
iratai 1669-1785, ed. Lajos Szâdeczky in Monumenta Hungariae Historiae. Scriptores, vol. XXXVIII,
Budapest: Ed. Akademiai, 1906, p. 432.
6 Zita Deâky, “Jo kis fiuk es leânykâk”. A kisgyermekkor torteneti neprajza Magyarorszâgon. Budapest:
Ed. Szâzadveg, 2011, p. 73. For instance, master Eperjesi from the guild of the blacksmiths from Cluj was
about to lose his status within the guild because of his reluctance towards marriage: “Istvân Eperjesi alias
156
Andrea Feher
Pap’s situation was different, even though he lived in a city, was an official in the
service of a captain, without obligations to the guild or to the townspeople. However,
even in his case there were serious pressures for marriage. Jânos Pap manifested some
sensitivity towards an older merchant woman. The two were fond of each other and
spent much time together, which sparked rumours among the people of Șimleu.
Moreover, during one of the Sunday sermons, the Protestant minister paraphrased the
relation between the two by reference to the relationship between the red dragon (Jânos
Pap usually wore a red cloak) and the green snake (Mrs. Szarka, in turn, preferred green
garments) in not too favourable a light. The irony of fate is that after Jânos Pap
(although free to love whomever he wanted as long as he was under the jurisdiction of
Bialis) realised the absurdity of the situation and entered the matrimonial market, that
Protestant minister, Gâspâr Miskolci was not afraid of giving the dragon his own
daughter. Beyond the fun story, this anecdote reflects in fact the pressure exerted on
bachelors by the bourgeois society. Katalin Peter’s studies, based on the analysis of
legislative sources, prove that in the case of the bourgeoisie there were certain
psychological barriers related to marriage. While children born to the nobility were
described, until their marriage, as the daughters or sons of such and such nobleman (no
matter what age they were), in the legal documents the bourgeoisie, the serfs or the
peasantry were defined by their marital status. Thus, girls were called hajadon
(unmarried) from the age of 13-14, while boys were notlen (without a woman) after the
age of 18 years, which meant that after this age it was appropriate for people to already
be married.7
The wife Jânos Pap chose was definitely younger, especially since Maria was
still fertile after 14 years of marriage. The advantageous marriage of two people of the
same faith and belonging to similar social strata fell within the trend of the period,8 and
it is not at all surprising that the testament did not linger on the sentiment of love, which
was not at all the first and most important component of a successful marriage.9 We do
not wish to deny the existence of this feeling or its importance in setting up a family; we
merely want to draw attention to the fact that in previous eras, compatibility entailed
several nuances and love in the couple has several connotations.10
The passage that evokes the image of Jânos Pap reflects the existence of a
harmonious couple, the narrative stating that the testator’s father had lived in peace with
Mâria Miskolczi, having a total of seven children (four of whom died at a young age):
Eva - 1679, Jânos - 1680, they died the next three years; Sâra - 1684, Istvân - 1686 (the
testator); Sândor was born in 1688, he died of a fracture, then Krisztina was born in
Kovâcs has listed the poignant reasons for not having got married yet, stating that he does not want
[marriage] even now, while he leads his life as a bachelor, all the married craftsmen will be ahead of him,
if he marries, he shall regain his present rank and status.” Romanian National Archives Cluj County
Branch, Cluj-Napoca (hereinafter SJAN Cluj), Court Protocols (hereinafter POC), II/32:81, on microfilm
no. 202/year 1738.
7 Katalin Peter, Hâzassâg a regi Magyarorszâgon (16-17. szâzad). Budapest: L’Harmattan, 2008, p. 42.
8 Mary Abbott, “Life Cycle” in Foyster, Marten, A Cultural History of Childhood, p. 118.
9 Foyster, Marten, “Introduction,” p. 10.
10 Peter, “Hâzassâg a XVII. szâzadi Magyarorszâgon” in Tamâs Farago ed., Bolcsotol a kcporsoig.
Budapest: Ed. U.M.K., 2005, p. 90.
Family Life in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania
157
1690, and she died two or three years later, and in 1692 the last child was born, after the
father’s death (May 7, 1692), and they named him Jănos. After the death of her husband
in 1693, after about one year of mourning, Măria remarried the teacher Andrăs Mester
Bagameri. From the second marriage, which lasted only three years, two daughters were
born, Măria and Borbăla.
As it is clear from the information presented, Măria Miskolczi gave birth to a
total of 9 children, 5 of which reached maturity. We have no information on her age at
the time of marriage, but the age difference between the spouses was very probably
quite high. The marriage was considered a success, as Jănos was the secretary of the
captain and Măria was the daughter of the Protestant minister. The new couple lived in
the fortress, under the protection of the above-mentioned Ferenc Bialis. The husband
died after 14 years of marriage, leaving two minor children (6 and 8 years) and an infant
in the care of his wife. Regarding the dynamics of birth, the first child was born just one
year after the marriage was concluded, in 1679, followed by the second child in the next
year (1680). They died before they got to know their siblings. After 1684, the births
took place every two years, until the birth of the last common child, in 1692.
After the disappearance of the first nucleus, the young widow could not do
without a companion, all the more so as Bialis had suggested that she should give up
solitude. After the mourning period ended, Măria married a promising young man, a
teacher at the school in Șimleu who, moreover, succeeded to the post of secretary
previously occupied by Jănos. The little fortune left by her first husband was wasted by
the alcoholic teacher, so the five children were left within nothing but the assets
inherited from their mother.
Meanwhile, the testator’s older sister, Săra got married sometime between 1694
and 1695, so at the age of 10 years, an anomaly considering the Transylvanian
jurisdiction, according to which girls were considered mature only at the age of 12:
“because up until seven years of age, their spirit still lies in the shadow of ignorance and
they can hardly distinguish between right and wrong, so before they reach the age of
seven years they cannot get engaged. The law considers that they become mature at the
age of 12.”11 The Catholic Church did not bring many amendments to the existing
legislation, so the minimum ages accepted were of 12 years for girls and 14 for boys.
The situation was different for the Protestants. The synods from the century under study
devoted several debates to this topic. Thus, according to the Reformed Church, a boy
12
was only considered fit for marriage at the age of 18 and girls at 13-14 years.12
It is highly likely that Măria had insisted on Săra getting married at this age,
because only thus could she ensure the peace of the children born of the first marriage.
Under the Transylvanian law, the new couple, more exactly the husband, Istvăn Enyedi
was empowered to take the orphaned children from their step-father.13 The explanation
11 Farkas Cserei, A magyar es szekely asszonyok torvenye. A manuscript found in the “Lucian Blaga”
Central University Library, Cluj-Napoca, the Special Collections Department, Mss. 500, 64 v.
12 Dăniel Bărth, Eskuvo, keresztelo, avatăs. Egyhăz es nepi kultura a kora ijkori Magyarorszăgon.
Budapest: MTA-ELTE, 2005, pp. 54-56.
13 Săra’s husband, Istvăn Enyedi was raised by an aunt at Șimleu, his father, Jănos Krakkai, living in Aiud
together with his second wife.
158
Andrea Feher
for this unusual act should be sought in the legislation, for there were restrictions on the
widow’s right to bring up her children after remarriage.14 For the period studied, the
most striking (and perhaps the most publicised) case was that of the Protestant noble
woman Kata Bethlen, who had her children taken away from her after the death of her
first husband, Count Haller, a Catholic, on confessional grounds.15 Under the law, if the
father of the deceased man was still alive, or if there were other paternal relatives
(agnatus), they had more rights over the children than their mother or her relatives
(cognatus). Only women who had illegitimate children had full rights over their own
children.16 In the present situation, however, there were no relatives to formulate
objections regarding the future of the children, so Janos Pap was raised by an aunt
because there was no paternal relative to claim the education and upbringing of the
children or the administration of the goods. It is important to note that Enyedi, in turn,
was much older than his wife, Sara, because he had the right to become a guardian only
after the age of 24, i.e. when he reached full maturity before the law.
It is not the purpose of this presentation to analyse the two historiographical
currents regarding the subject of childhood and parental attachment in pre-modern and
modern eras. However, for the uninitiated reader, the survival rate in this family was not
exactly reassuring. The situation was anything but more favourable in Western Europe.
In eighteenth-century England, only 3 out of 5 children crossed the threshold age of 10
years, which was considerably better than in France, where half the children died before
the age of 10.17 The surveys we have conducted on this topic starting from the personal
narratives of the Transylvanian noble elite suggest inconstancy rather.18 There were
noble families with an extremely high rate of infant mortality, such as the family Wass
of Țaga (where none of Laszlo Wass’ 12 children survived), there is also evidence from
modest families, such as the one of the priest Hermanyi, where the children were cared
for and protected in a special way.
A possible explanation for the high rate of infant mortality is found at the level
of the collective mentality. Specifically, the analysis of Transylvanian memoirs proves
that in most cases, people treated their children themselves, from their own pharmacy,
then with the help of relatives, and only eventually did they resort to the services of
physicians, or healers, or midwives.19 The treatise of the Hungarian physician Istvan
Hatvani offered the first table on infant mortality and vehemently criticised the
14 According to the Tripartitum, orphaned children remained in their mother’s care while the widow still
had the name of her deceased spouse, i.e. until she got remarried. Werboczy Istvân Hârmaskonyve (1517)
in Corpus Iuris Hungarici. Budapest, Franklin-Tarsulat, 1897. P I. Tit. 114. After remarriage, women lost
custody of their children, who passed under the tutelage of their paternal relatives. The orphans were taken
by the relatives in the female line only if they had no paternal relatives. Ibidem. P I. Tit. 116.
15 Andrea Feher, “The Lord My God Has Given My Wife a Child. Childbirth in 18th-Century
Transylvania” in Transylvanian Review. vol. XXI, Supplement No. 2, 2012, p. 222.
16 Marry Wiesner, “Political, Economic, and Legal Structures” in ed. James B. Collins, Karen I. Taylor,
Early Modern Europe. Blackwell, 2006, p. 231.
17 Foyster, Marten, Introduction, p. 7.
18 Feher, “Bolile copilăriei. Mentalități și atitudini în Transilvania secolului al XVIII-lea” in Caiete de
Antropologie Istorică, vol. 9, no. 2 (2010). pp. 7-23.
19 Linda Pollock, “A gyermekekkel kapcsolatos attitudok” in eds. Zsuzsa Vajda, Bela Pukanszky, A
gyermekkor tortenete. Szoveggyujtemeny. Budapest: Ed. Eotvos, 1998. p. 201.
Family Life in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania
159
Hungarians’ lack of sanitary education, suggesting that they were actually completely
unaccustomed to seeking medical advice for healing puerile diseases.20 The analysis of
the case referring to the family of the nobleman from Țaga reveals that there were
families that would send for the doctor only for children aged three years and above, as
in the case examined here: all of Jănos Pap’s children died before the age of 4 years,
which could suggest that the family did not seek medical help in case of illness.
Therefore, it was no coincidence that some children died because of some fractures,
which even the physicians did not know much about (as proved by the death in the
family of Baron Wesselenyi, caused by a sprain21), while others out of negligence.
Negligence, however, was punishable, the trial protocols of the city of Cluj proving that
the deaths of children caused by the negligence and carelessness of adults could have
severe consequences, and revealing the awareness, at the level of the collective mind, of
the role adults played in protecting and caring for children.22 But as stated before,
generalisations on the delicate subject of the pre-modern family and childhood are
irrelevant and by no means constructive.
Another interesting aspect revealed by the sources is cohabitation with other
blood relatives, as both Jănos Pap and Istvăn Enyedi were raised by aunts. Amongst the
nobility, there were situations where children were reared by grandparents, by relatives
who had no children, but although they were abandoned by their parents for long
periods, children were usually with their own families most of the time, of course only
until the age at which they started their education or entered the services of nobles.
While Jănos Pap grew up with his aunt as an orphan, Istvăn Enyedi grew up with his
dead mother’s sister, until his biological father founded another family. By custom, of
course, Enyedi’s place would have been with his father, but for reasons not stated by
him, he lived his life hundreds of km away from his biological family.
Istvân Halmăgyi Sr.
The second part of the testament describes the testator’s life and the inheritance he left
his children who were still alive. The narrative bears the characteristic of memoirs and
presents the history of the undersigned from the moment he left home. It suggests that
immediately after his mother’s marriage to Bagameri, the author was sent away,
according to the indications given by the late Jănos Pap, to study. Istvăn Halmăgyi
attended the College in Cluj, and did not visit his mother during this period, as the
description reveals: “they never sent for me, not once, so it’s no wonder I didn’t
remember my mother’s face, not to mention my father’s, so their image became
20 Istvăn Hatvani, Bevezetes a szilârdabb filozcfia alapelveibe cited by Deăky, Jo kis fiukes leânykâk, p. 323.
21 Feher, Bolile copilăriei, p. 21.
22 The analysis of trial protocols from the city of Cluj reveals that the most drastic measures related to
cases of infanticide (see the description in SJAN Cluj. POC. II/29:22 and II/32:23-24), which were usually
settled by death sentences. The healers were also not safe: if children were cured by methods that were
unknown to the doctors and could be associated with magic, the physical punishment of the healer and the
prohibition of returning to the city were customary sentences (SJAN. Cluj, POC. II/41: 60); this is also
how cases of death caused by negligence were actually solved (SJAN. Cluj, POC. II/34: 7). Clearly, one of
the most interesting cases is that of a husband who took his wife to court for not behaving honestly towards
her children (SJAN. Cluj, POC. II/42:145).
160
Andrea Feher
obliterated, as if I had never seen them.”23 He was not even present at his mother’s
funeral. As we mentioned before, after the death of their mother, the minors came under
the protection of the married sister, specifically under the tutelage of Istvăn Enyedi. He
turned out to be as expected, especially since financed his brother-in-laws’ studies. The
testator was sent to Aiud, where he was helped not only by his brother-in-law’s
stepmother, but also by the brothers and sisters of his mother, Măria Miskolczi. After
discontinuing his studies in Aiud (due to the liberation struggle), he returned to Șimleu,
where, in 1711, he entered the service of Istvăn Wesselenyi.
Istvăn Halmăgyi was 23 years old when he returned to his hometown and had
been Wesselenyi’s secretary for four years when he gave up the job because of his
incurable disease, which he had identified as scurvy (severe arthritis). After many
treatments and different receipts, he went to Debrecen, where he was cared for by a
famous doctor, thanks to whom he recovered, returning to Șimleu in 1718. He had
turned 30 and was still a bachelor. According to his account, one of the reasons he had
postponed marriage derived from his scepticism towards married life: “I have seen
many failed marriages; I could not get out of my mind the vain lives of these couples,
because of which I was afraid of commitments.”24
Finally he made this step: in March 1719 (when he was 31) he married the
widow of Săndor Boloni, Zsofia Detsei, because “I dared to take a liking to her and
become associated with her all the more so as I had known her both as regards her
temperament and as a skilful housewife, living with her under a roof in the house of
Istvăn Tordai.”25 The woman had had two husbands before Halmăgyi: the first, Boloni,
had died, while the second, Sămuel Levai, had got divorced.
From this marriage there were born: 1719 - Istvăn ,26 1722 - Ferencz, 1725 -
Mihăly, 1727 - Măria, 1729 - Sămuel, 1731 - Jănos. Of these, only two died and four
survived. Zsofia Detsei already had two sons and a daughter from her first husband:
Săndor, Lăszlo and Zsuzsanna, so the family raised 8 children altogether.
From the travelogue of Istvăn Halmăgyi Jr. we learn more about his two half-
brothers, whom he did not distinguish from his blood brothers, mentioning them fondly
every time and calling them my brothers. Istvăn Halmăgyi Sr., manifested also special
affection for Boloni’s two sons: “I have treated them as on my own children, I sent them
to college and I gave them expensive meals, paying for their clothes, books and tutors.”
As for Zsuzsanna Boloni, she was sent to Wesselenyi’s court, specifically in the service
of Lady Kata Bănffi: “as there did not exist, in my time, a more suitable house in
Transylvania to prepare a girl for marriage.”27
Istvăn Halmăgyi Sr. had a promising career, and after completing the services of
secretary, he became assessor of Crasna County, was appointed as a delegate to the Diet
in Bratislava, then also carried out the duties of a notary and vice-comes. In 1730 he went
to Vienna to present the requests of the Protestants from Șimleu (1731), during this while
23 Halmăgyi Jănos es Istvăn elete es vegrendelete (1743), p. 436.
24 Ibidem, p. 453.
25 Ibidem, p. 443.
26 Autrul jurnalului political-administrativ: Istvăn Halmăgyi, Naploi 1752-53,1762-69 es iratai 1669-1785.
27 Halmăgyi Jănos es Istvăn elete es vegrendelete (1743), p. 454.
Family Life in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania
161
both his wife and his daughter passed away: “I arrived home grieving, finding my
daughter buried, my wife in the coffin, the children desperate, the cellar and the granary
emptied. In such misfortune I prepared for the burial with the five children, Istvân,
Ferencz, Mihâly, Sâmuel, Jânos (who was still in the nurse’s arms). I deserved everyone’s
pity. [...] In the following years, I spent my time, distressed as I was, weeping.”28
A year and a half after the death of his first wife, on 3 February 1733, the
testator married another widow (Kata Pap Vid, the widow of Jânos Torok): “all the
more so as I needed a wife, my children needed a mother and the house a good
housewife.” With this marriage the domain increased (as did the number of children,
because Kata also had two children, Zsigmond and Krisztina Torok), and the couple
was forced to keep two households, one in Șimleu and one in Acâș. In the years that
followed, the new family lived in Șimleu together with the smaller children, their sons,
Istvân and Zsigmond Torok being sent to the college in Cluj.
Thus Istvân Halmâgyi Sr. married twice, in both cases going for widows. In the
case of Halmâgyi, as shown by the will, what prevailed in choosing the ideal wife were
her temperament, their compatibility and her household skills. This does not mean that
there was no special affection between the spouses, but in choosing a life partner, civil
servants, the members of modest social structures, deemed that domestic skills were as
important as emotional compatibility. Despite the supposed masculine economic
superiority, men needed a consort who would support their economic or household
activities, so the importance of a good wife rested on her practical qualities and skills.29
As evinced from the studies of Margit Sârdi, the economic factor was by no means
negligible.30
From the descriptions provided by the testator, there appears another important
aspect of the dynamics of Transylvanian households, namely the fact that several families
lived together under one roof. The author had met his first wife, living with her, while she
was married to another man. Especially in towns, households incorporated several
families, not just the nuclear one, and kinship often derived from such cohabitation. The
testament is clear evidence that in this region too, marriages were not concluded only
among young people, even though studies in the field have revealed that widowers
remarried more frequently than widows;31 hence, almost every woman had the chance to
marry at least one time even in a society where the number of men was lower than the
number of women.32 This was also the situation in modern Transylvania, as the sources
33
studied show that, in most cases, widowers chose the path of remarriage.33
28 Ibidem, p. 447.
29 Joanne Bailey, “Family relationships”, in Foyster, Marten, A Cultural History of Childhood, p. 20.
30 Margit Sârdi, “Lânykeres, hâzassâg, szerelem” in ed. Geza Szabo Szentmârtoni, Âmor, ălom es mămor.
A szerelem a regi magyar irodalomban es a szerelem ezredeves hazai kulturtortenete. Budapest: Ed.
Universitas, 2002. p. 51.
31 Eadem, 64.
32 John Hajnal, “Az europai hâzasodâsi szokâsok terbeli es idobeli osszehasonhtâsban” in Bolcsotol a
koporsoig, p. 87.
33 According to the calculations of Katalin Peter, in most cases the matrimonial customs of the elites
denoted a large number of marriages, usually three. The sources we have reviewed for Transylvania
typically indicate two marriages and more rarely three.
162
Andrea Feher
This case is highly suggestive, the author of the testament opting for two
widows, even though according to Bethlen’s memoirs, this was to be avoided “lest the
devil and the body should make me want a virgin, thus falling into sin even worse than
if I were unmarried.”34 The studies that we have conducted on this topic have revealed
the preference of aristocratic men for choosing young girls, regardless of the age
difference, which sometimes was half a century.35 Widows were certainly preferable,
especially if they were wealthy, but in most cases noblemen chose virgins. The analysis
of trial protocols demonstrates an increased interest, especially among older men, to
have intimate relations with young girls,36 so the topos mentioned above by Count
Bethlen seems to have been valid in several cases. However, for the testator, these
desires and temptations of the flesh were of secondary import, far behind the household
qualities and skills.
From the will we may also learn the fact that the second marriage was prolific,
as the couple had two daughters, whose names and years of birth are not mentioned. The
author therefore raised and educated a total of 12 children, five of which were his wives’
children. These women, in turn, brought other children into the family and the
relationships with the “inherited” relatives varied from case to case. While in the case of
Maria Miskolci the second husband was a cause for alarm, in the case of Istvân
Halmâgyi’s marriages, cohabitation between children and stepparents did not seem to
present difficulties, as shown in the testament: “You should know, my dears! that this
second wife has been good to you from the beginning, has loved, educated and helped
you as if you were her own children.”37 This can be verified in the political-
administrative diary of one of Halmâgyi’s sons. The 12 children and the stepmothers
apparently lived together in harmony. However, the large number of children and the
material investments necessitated by their education dried up the family wealth. There
followed difficult years in which the family had to change their domicile and give up
one of the households. Meanwhile some of the children established their own families
with separate households, some of the boys were sent to college, and the girls to
nobiliary households. Although the sons of the first wife had no obligations to
Halmâgyi, the man who had raised them, they often visited him, or hosted their
stepfather, manifesting, in this regard, special affection for the one who had invested in
their growth and their education.
From the memoirs of Halmâgyi, it appears that the will was not drafted because
there were several domains to be divided, but rather to explain to posterity, namely his
children, the reason for the impoverishment of the family. Thus, instead of an
administrative testament, Istvân Halmâgyi Sr. left a spiritual legacy, justifying all the
deeds he had committed both professionally and personally: “how I got well off, how
34 Nicolae Bethlen, Descrierea vieții sale de către el însuși. Cluj Napoca: Casa cărții de Știință, 2004. p. 119.
35 As it was also the case of Mihâly Cserei, who was 53 when he concluded his second marriage, while the
girl he chose, Zsuzsanna, was only 17.
36 As was the case of Andrâs Szatmâri, who was constantly watched by his wife because he “will not rest
until he takes the diadem off the head of a virgin” (SJAN. Cluj. POC. II/35:16-17), just like the old man
Gyorgy Kovâcs, who, despite his age, was “doing things that are not worthy of a man of his age and
status” (SJAN. Cluj. POC. II/35:71).
37 Halmăgyi Jănos es Istvân elete es vegrendelete (1743), p. 457.
Family Life in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania
163
my house filled with children; the good Lord has blessed me in my marriages, so there
was no year in which the cradle (and sometimes two) was placed [aside], moreover, my
wives did not have enough milk, and this lack always had to be supplanted by wet
nurses.”38 The text suggests that as regards newborn children, breastfeeding and
weaning represented some of the most frequently invoked aspects of private life. The
large number of references to this aspect of life proves that the feeding newborns was
considered to be an act of the utmost importance, and the fact that the testament
repeatedly emphasised the material sacrifices entailed by hiring a nurse suggests a kind
of economic strain. This pressure was also felt among aristocratic families, where
children were not usually breastfed by the mothers. It is just that the aristocracy, in ideal
cases,39 afforded to raise objections and requirements as regards the nurse’s skills. They
requested information concerning these women’s biological endowments, namely the
number of children they had given birth to, whether they were healthy, if they had had
an abortion, etc. The wet nurses had to be healthy and clean, kept on a diet to ensure the
highest quality of milk. Many believed that they to be loving, for their milk would mark
the infants’ temperament,40 so it was desirable that the women who breastfed should
have pleasant physical and moral traits. Many authors preferred wet nurses who had
given birth to boys, others favoured women who highly resembled the biological mother
of the child, so as not to create a gap between the child and the mother.41 The wealthy
bourgeois, especially if they lived in a small town, did not have many options and paid
wet nurses regardless of the quality of the services they provided. Thus, the money and
the goods offered to the wet nurses were an issue that equally touched the existing social
structures in Transylvania. In contrast with the Western sources, we have no knowledge
of cases where children were sent away for breastfeeding, as the wet nurses were
usually received into the family home, as it happened in the Halmagyi family.
As shown in the above quotations, during the first years of the child, material
concerns essentially boiled down to the costs entailed by hiring a nurse, and then to the
physicians. Of the 12 children Halmagyi raised, only seven were his, and it is assumed
that only two of these died, which was very rare even for noble families, which
allegedly spent more money to care for their children. Thus, either thanks to favourable
circumstances, or to the appropriate care of children, they reached maturity. In fact, the
first death among the children was evoked with much dramatism. The death of Maria,
the only daughter (from the first marriage) of the author, was characterised by epithets
like “my much beloved daughter,” “that God gave me besides the five boys,” “the
delight of my eyes,” denoting a special attachment to this child. Seldom do we find
direct references to the fact that our ancestors would have preferred a specific gender or
38 Ibid., p. 455.
39 There were also isolated cases when due to the tense political situation, even nobility, otherwise willing
to pay for the services of a wet nurse, did not find respectable women for breastfeeding the babies. We got
most of the information from Wesselenyi’s diary, who hired 20 wet nurses over the course of five years.
Feher, “The Lord My God Has Given My Wife a Child.” pp. 229-230.
40 Count Lăszlo Szekely was breastfed by 14 nurses, which is why he was called “the one with 14
characters.” Autobiografia lui Lăszlo Szekely. Manuscript found in the Szechenyi National Library,
Budapest, Manuscript Collections, Quart. Hung. 4312, pp. 851-852.
41 Shulamith Shahar, Gyermekek a kozepkorban. Budapest: Osiris, 2000. p. 105.
164
Andrea Feher
another, in most sources the enthusiasm being equally high if it was a girl or a boy.42
Still, usually, especially in the noble families, the joy was more euphoric if the newborn
was a boy. The explanation is quite simple, as a son could ensure the continuity of the
family, the ancestors lived through him, and only he could possess the family wealth.43
If an aristocratic family died out without male offspring, that family had to suffer both
economically and socially, but especially symbolically.44 The situation is similar for the
bourgeoisie and religious elite. In the family of the minister Hermănyi, for example, the
whole family was concerned especially with the boy’s health, as he was the only male
child. This did not, of course, exclude attachment to the other children, to the girls, but
in the period in question, the importance of a boy was always greater. Of course, it was
possible for the reverse situation to be the case. Apparently, the death of Halmăgyi’s
first daughter (which was soon followed by the death of his first wife) caused a peculiar
sadness because she was the author’s only daughter. It is especially interesting that the
testament does not mention the names of the two daughters born of the second marriage,
which may suggest that attachment to children was different, and that emotional ties
were not created with the same ease between all the children and their parents.
When the children reached puberty, the family resources were drained, this time
by the money needed for studies. The Halmăgyi family, as suggested by this presentation,
prized learning, as evidenced by the careers of both Jănos Pap and Halmăgyi Sr., but
especially by that of the young gubernatorial concipist, Istvăn Halmăgyi Jr. Although
the author of the testament managed to educate his stepchildren and his two children,
Istvăn and Ferenc, he could no longer provide equally good education for Mihăly and
Jănos (the latter remaining only a grammatist - the first tier of education). Hence, the
exhortation formulated for his stepsons: “I hope that my sons, Săndor and Lăszlo
Boloni, whom I raised and educated, then married, will take the trouble to educate the
little one, so that he will not end up as a digger.”45 The British researchers’ studies also
prove the concern among the bourgeoisie and the elite to provide as much intellectual
support to their children as possible. The parenting mode of the Enlightenment assumed
a total man, who, besides the affection manifested towards his children, also provided
the material support for their evolution, either professionally, in the case of boys, or
sentimentally, in the case of girls. Of course, it was assumed that this sentimental and
material investment would be returned later, when the parents reached old age, through
“comfort, consolation and happiness,”46 but the will indicates, Halmăgyi Sr. had doubts
about the ability of the 12 children to take care of him: “It is known everywhere that it is
easier for two parents to raise ten children, than for ten children to take care of a mother,
or a father or their poor families.”47
42 Peter, “A gyermekek elso t^z esztendeje” in ed. Eadem, Gyermek a koraijkori Magyarorszăgon.
Budapest: Ed. MTA, 1996. p. 26.
43 Abbott, “Life Cycle” in Foyster, Marten, A Cultural History of Childhood, p. 114.
44 Deăky, ”Jo kisfiuk es leănykăk”, p. 77.
45 Halmăgyi Jănos es Istvăn elete es vegrendelete (1743), p. 456.
46 Bailey, “Family relationships,” p. 27.
47 Halmăgyi Jănos es Istvăn elete es vegrendelete (1743), p. 456.
Family Life in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania
165
Instead of conclusions
This article has proposed a brief overview of customs related to marital life, reflecting
the attitudes of a bourgeois family towards marriage, the family, and the household.
Researchers who operate with retrospective narrative sources will, however, find it very
difficult to make generalisations based on single sources, or to outline an authentic
picture of what we call the marital life of the pre-modern era. As evinced by the studies
of researchers in the West, family-related experiences diversified according to social
class, economic status, or the position in the town structures, and inside the family, they
also varied according to criteria of age, marital status or family size and living
standard.48 But even so, we hope that this foray, which started from the analysis of a
simple testament, has provided a dynamic and, why not, interpretable picture of
Transylvanian private life.
48 Wiesner, “Political, Economic, and Legal Structures,” p. 237.
PAULA VIRAG1
ASPECTS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS OF 1848-1849
IN SATU MARE COUNTY
Abstract: The revolutionary actions that took place in Satu Mare County in 1848 rallied the participation
of the representatives of all ethnic groups: Romanians, Hungarians and Swabians. Their goals were related,
in particular, to the peasant unrest of the period: emancipation from serfdom, the abolition of taxes, and the
review of the urbarial regulations that had left the peasants with very little land. What is interesting about
Satu Mare is that the events here did not fit the pattern of the 1848 revolutionary movement in
Transylvania. The Romanian population here, concentrated only in certain regions, was solely influenced
by the ideas propagated in the areas adjacent to the boundaries of Sătmar. Only in these localities did the
uprising movements have a broader, national character. The Hungarian population became aware, in the
spring of 1848, of the revolutionary principles and acted according to them. The revolt movements
organized on large estates, particularly on the Kărolyi domain, comprised not only the Hungarian
population, but also the Swabians and the Romanians; these movements had been engendered by the
discontent that the new agrarian law, passed by the Diet in Bratislava, had caused. It should be noted that
on this estate, the Romanian population lived among the Hungarian and the Swabian communities, being
strongly influenced by them. That is why the events from the spring of 1848, in which the Romanians from
the Kărolyi estate were involved, had a strong social character. This was reinforced by the lack of
Romanian elites that might have assumed the role of leaders, supporting and coordinating the Romanians.
Keywords: county, national guard, uprising, authorities.
The revolutionary movements that swept across Europe in 1848 did not spare the
regions of Satu Mare County, not only the Hungarian population, but also the
Romanians and the Swabians becoming actively involved in them, according to their
own ideals and interests. Throughout time, the 1848 events in Satu Mare have been
approached from two perspectives, Hungarian and Romanian, each using certain
sources only partially. Specifically, Hungarian historiography focuses on one category
of sources, those providing information about the Hungarian national movement, while
Romanian historiography delves into another series of documents, on the revolutionary
actions of the Romanian population. Each of them touches upon the other aspects
merely tangentially, depending solely on the entwinement of those events. For these
reasons, we have considered it necessary to review the events that occurred in the region
of Sătmar, addressing both perspectives and reconstructing the timeline of those actions.
We must emphasize that, in the county of Satu Mare, just like in entire
Transylvania, the actions of the Romanian population from 1848-1849 had a distinctly
social character. This was due to several factors; we shall list only those that we
consider most important, namely the discontent aroused by the agrarian law passed by
the Diet of Bratislava on 18 March 1848 and the absence of an elite that might have
derived from among the Romanian population, an elite willing to align itself with the
peasantry in order to find solutions to the social and national issues.
1 Museum curator, PhD., the County Museum of Satu Mare, email: pcvirag@gmail.com.
Aspects of the Revolutionary Movements of 1848-1849
167
In the beginning, the revolutionary spirit animated the inhabitants from the
urban area of Satu Mare. On 24 March, an extraordinary public assembly was held in
Baia Mare, where the 12 points of the Hungarian revolutionary program adopted in Pest
were accepted, and the decision to organize the local guards was reached. On 8 April,
another assembly was convened to determine the composition of the guards’ command.
It appears that errors marred the votes counted for the election of the command, and thus
its composition was detrimental to the miners and favorable to the townspeople. A
conflict arose between the two parties, and the townspeople escaped only by fleeing.
This was the only episode of the upheaval in the region, but the permanent distrust
caused by the incident from the elections determined, throughout the duration of the
actions from the years 1848-1849, the persistence of strained relations between the
miners and the authorities, which were dominated by foreign elements, subordinated not
2
to the town, but directly to the Royal Chamber.2
On 24 March, in Carei, by way of celebrating the Hungarian national holiday,
there was held a demonstration, accompanied by music and an artistic performance.
At the county assembly held on 29 March 1848, Gabănyi Săndor, Vice-Comes
of Satu Mare County, officially made known the revolutionary events in Budapest and
the new laws adopted by the Hungarian Parliament about the abolition of the serfs’
obligations. It was decided that a representative body of the comital assembly should
travel from village to village, throughout the county, and notify the inhabitants of the
provisions of the Diet in Bratislava, on the one hand attempting thus to avoid the
emergence of any misunderstandings, and on the other hand, aiming to becalm the
spirits that had been showing signs of agitation. On this occasion, the decision was
reached to establish the local guards, meant to protect the peace and welfare of the
county. The sum of 20,000 forints was voted for providing the guards with weapons, but
the amount was too small to ensure the necessary armament.
On 12 August 1848, the order was received that the noble families should
donate all the weapons they owned, being allowed to keep only one hunting rifle a
family, which could be used for defense. It was decided that a conscription should be
drawn up, so as to have a clear record of those holding hunting rifles, and the Kărolyi
and Vecsey families were requested to donate the cannons they had kept since
Răkoczi’s revolution. Until the county guards were supplied with firearms, they were
equipped with bats and straightened scythes.3
The role of the local national guards was to protect the people’s life and
property, as well as to maintain peace and internal order. The law allowed them to act
outside the localities from which their members had been recruited or outside the
county, but their main role was to keep the order in the recruitment area. After the
rebellion of the Serbs and the successful use of the local guards for suppressing it, their
efficiency and importance became fully apparent. For this reason, and also because there
was no well-maintained national army, on 13 August 1848, Prime Minister Batthyăny
2 Balogh Bela, “Tărsadalmi es nemzetisegi mozgalmak Szatmăr es Măramaros megyekben valamint
Kovăr videken 1848-ban,” in Takăcs Peter (ed.), Forradalom es szabadsăgharc a Felso-Tisza videken,
Nyiregyhăza: Periferiăn Alaphvăny, 1998, p. 13.
3 Borovszky Samu, Szatmăr vărmegye, Budapest: Orszăgos Monografia Tărsasăg, 1910, p. 519.
168
Paula Virag
issued a new decree whereby he ordered the county authorities to form, in addition to
the local guards, mobile guards that could also act outside the county.4 Their members
had to be selected, on a voluntary basis, from among the young people who were willing
to participate, whenever needed, for as long as needed, in all the actions of the guard.
They received the same pay as the members of the military, which meant raising the
living standards for the families of the poor men who joined the guard. Another
provision of this decree referred to the endowment of these guards. The resolution
stipulated the obligation to ensure the most efficient type of weapons that were made
available to the members of the mobile guards. In the county of Satu Mare, the
implementation of the provisions of this decree encountered numerous difficulties
during the initial phase, due to the fact that the young intellectuals and newly freed serfs
did not want to enlist. However by the beginning of September, the organization of a
mobile guard comprising 300 people had successfully taken place, its captain being
Rajnagl Richard.5
Regarding the local national guards, it should be noted that their organization in
the Sătmar region had begun before the issuance of the order that regulated this action.
Sixteen commissions coordinated by the district judge were sent to the localities in Satu
Mare to take down the names of the people who could join the local guard. Every
person who had a house or land worth 200 forints, at least half a sesie [land plot] or a
fortune worth 100 forints. From among these people, those who were forced to join the
local guard included every man aged between 20 and 50 years. The rules on the
organization of these military units attempted to avoid the conscription of the poor, for
fear of riots. There was the suspicion that if the latter received weapons, they would turn
fully armed against the nobles. Thus, the commissions had to draw up lists of the names,
age, occupation and wealth on the basis of which the men were entitled to join the
guard. The study of these lists reveals that the provisions concerning wealth were not
always respected, and that peasants who lacked the necessary wealth were also
recruited. Besides these, there were also petty nobles, intellectuals (mainly priests),
traders and artisans, including a few Jews.6 The fact that the local guards from Satu
Mare County accepted the inclusion of Jews is an interesting aspect because from the
very beginning of the organization of the guards, the Jewish population had represented
a problem: they did not have full rights in society, being merely tolerated. Only in June
1849 was there a law signed that elevated the Jewish religion among the accepted
religions.7 However, many Jews were accepted among the local guards, the ones in Satu
Mare representing eloquent examples; this prompted the organization of anti-Semitic
actions in Budapest. After their annihilation, the Hungarian government decided that
Jews should no longer be accepted as members of these guards.
4 Hermann Robert, A nemzetorseg es a honvedseg 1848-1949, Budapest: Hermann Robert, 1998, p. 16.
5 Bene Janos, “Nemzetorseg szervezese Szatmăr varmegyeben 1948-ban,” in Farkas Jozsef- Zoltan Ujvary
(ed.), Tortenelem, regeszet, neprajz: Tanulmănyok Farkas Jozsef tiszteletere, Debrecen: Ethnika
Alapdvâny, 1991, p. 79.
6 Ibidem, p. 75.
7 Hermann Robert, op. cit., p. 6.
Aspects of the Revolutionary Movements of 1848-1849
169
The major towns in Satu Mare County organized their own local national
guards. Thus, the local national guard from Carei included 775 members, only some of
them having weapons. In Baia Mare, 700 people were members of the local national
guard. There were 870 different firearms available to them, at the town warehouse, at
the office of the mines and with private owners. In the town of Satu Mare, the
establishment of the local national guard was successful. The town council voted a large
sum for the supply of rifles and cannons they had ordered from Belgium. For this
reason, there was a rivalry between the county and the town authorities. When the
ordered rifles were on their way to Satu Mare, passing by the town of Carei, the county
guard attacked the convoy and looted the weapons, which came thus to be used by it and
not by the Satu Mare town guard. The conflict between the two parties ended according
to the proverb “Two dogs strive for a bone and a third runs away with it,” because the
mobile national guard, which also suffered from the lack of firearms, came to requisition
and use the rifles ordered by the town of Satu Mare.
The documents from the period 1848-1849 indicate rebellions of the population
of Satu Mare in about 22 villages. The first who rebelled were those from Moftinu Mic,
on 5 April 1848, when they entered by force the estates they considered theirs. From
here, the revolt spread also in Sătmărel, Resighea, Ciumești, Sanislău, Valea Vinului,
Ardusat, Lipău, Cig, and in other villages south of the Someș River.
The protest movements and the forced occupation of the allodial estates and
forests extended around Carei, too, sweeping across the Kărolyi domain and rallying the
participation of the Romanian, Hungarian and Saxon peasants there. At Craidorolț,
armed Swabians attacked the Hungarians and the Romanians. On 28 and 29 April, in
Cimești and Sanislău, Count Kărolyi’s allodial land was occupied by peasants who
pulled out even the bushes that marked the boundaries of the estate, causing a damage of
10,000 florins.8 In Homorod, the residents dared graze their animals in the allodial forest
without the nobleman’s permission.
The authorities’ response was prompt. Wishing to suppress the upheaval, they
requested their superiors’ approval for this. On 25 April, the Minister of Interior
authorized the county authorities to use force to quell the protests. However, the
populace continued to manifest its dissatisfaction, leading the representatives of Satu
Mare County to address the palatine on 3 May 1848, requesting permission to introduce
the martial law. On 5 May, the organization of statarial tribunals was approved also for
instigators, firebrands, rabble-rousers, etc. As expected, repression followed against the
rebellious villages. On 14 May, troops were sent into Sanislău, where 35 people were
arrested. In Resighea, 14 people were arrested and sentenced to a month in prison. In
Ciumești, 11 persons were arrested, while at Valea Vinului and Lipău, 3 people were
sentenced to prison. An inquiry commission traveled to Moftinu Mic, where 75 people
were arrested, 13 of which were subsequently released.9 Thus, in mid-May 1848, 327
peasants were imprisoned at Carei. Due to the large number of prisoners, the prison
management faced a great lack of personnel, requiring that the number of guards be
8 Viorel Ciubotă, Lupta românilor sătmăreni pentru Unire (1918-1919), Satu Mare: Ed. Muzeului
Sătmărean, 2004, p. 27.
9 Ibidem, p. 28.
170
Paula Virag
supplemented by another 8 people. Despite the arrests and the repression of public
unrest, the inhabitants of Homorod continued to manifest openly their revolt for over a
month after the authorities had annihilated the actions in the other villages.10
The most relevant information about the atmosphere and riots from Sătmar in
early 1848, as well as about the atmosphere in the prison from Carei comes from the
letters sent to Gazeta de Transilvania by Moise Sora Novac, “one of the most national
Romanians we have in Hungary.” From. the letters he addressed to George Barițiu, dated
21 and 26 May 1848, we may find details about the actions organized by the Romanian
population in Hurezu Mare Racova, about the accusations brought against it, about the
proceedings of the trial conducted against these people and the period of detention. Thus,
in the letter dated 21 May 1848, Moise Sora Novac recounted that on 7 May, the villagers
in Hurezu wanted to celebrate the day of “common liberty.” In church, the priest (Moise
Sora Novac) consecrated “the Hungarian colours” and then they headed for the
neighboring village (Racova), carrying with them the consecrated flag and four banners.
Along the way, they sang psalms and other religious songs. Arriving at the church in
Racova, they attended service, and Moise Sora Novac delivered a sermon in keeping with
“this most special celebration.” When the activities in the church came to an end, the
locals and invited the inhabitants of Hurezu to a feast. Carried away by the atmosphere of
the ensuing party, one of the villagers started firing a gun in the direction of the house
where the parish priests from Racova and Hurezu were dining. The fear of a possible
house fire caused great panic and pandemonium. Once the people calmed down and the
banquet ended, Moise Sora Novac and his parishioners left for Hurezu, in a procession
again. Frightened and intrigued by the events (the meeting in Racova, the processions
with flags, banners and religious songs), the Swabians informed Count Kârolyi Gyorgy
about what had happened in Hurezu and Racova. Following these reports, Moise Sora
Novac was sent to prison in Carei, where he was forbidden to speak with the other
prisoners or receive outside visitors. Although he was imprisoned on a Wednesday, it was
only on the next Sunday that he learned from the “hodnog [sub-lieutenant] of the city” that
he had been accused of public agitation and disturbance (“agitator, disturber of the
peace”).11 The letter dated 26 May 1848 reports that after the start of the trial, it was
proved that most of the accusations brought against Moise Sora Novac were unfounded,
which is why he was released. One of the accusations referred to the prayer books that
Moise Sora Novac had had printed in Latin spelling and then sent to Moldova and
Walachia to make the Latin spelling known also in the cultural environments of these
regions. The officials accused him of having conspired through these books too in order to
foment the Romanians’ rebellion against the Hungarian authorities. During his
imprisonment, there were 327 prisoners in Carei, to the astonishment of the author of the
letter, who stated that “there have never been so many ever since Sătmar County was
founded, for even at their most numerous, there were only 240.”12
10 Balogh Bela, op. cit., p. 15.
11 Viorel Ciubotă, Bujor Dulgău, Doru Radosav, Lupta românilor din județul Satu Mare pentru făurirea
statului național unitar român. Documente 1848-1918, Bucharest: The General Directorate of State
Archives of the Socialist Republic of Romania, 1989, p. 69.
12 Ibidem, p. 71.
Aspects of the Revolutionary Movements of 1848-1849
171
Another important aspect to be mentioned here regards the participation of a
group of Romanians from Satu Mare in the Assembly of Blaj on 3/15 - 5/17 May 1848.
It included Ioan Pop, Archpriest of Sărăuad District in Solnocu de Mijloc County (the
present-day Satu Mare County) and Demetriu Coroianu from Craidorolț.13
After May, until mid-November, the atmosphere in the county of Satu Mare
became somewhat calmer. This was also due to the consolidation of the repression
forces targeting the actions of rebellion against the authorities. There were, however,
numerous cases of no-show before the recruitment commission, especially after August
1848, when the Diet decided to form a regular army, consisting of 200,000 soldiers.
The presence at Năsăud of Colonel Karl Urban, appointed by the emperor in
October 1848 as commander of the Army of Northern Transylvania, caused an
impressive reaction among the Romanian population of Satu Mare. The newspaper
Korunk published an article written by Egyed Âkos, “The Antecedents of the Civil War.
Urban, the One Who Enforced Vienna’s Policy,” in which the author referred to the
situation above and stated that the imperial representative who had come from Vienna to
Năsăud on September 8 was the one who had stirred the spirits of Northern
Transylvania, according to Vienna’s plan.14
The opposition that started in Năsăud on 13 September expanded in Solnocul
Interior, Dăbâca and then Chioar. The imperial power was represented by two-headed
eagle, the insignia of the rioters. In Chioar there started to spread ideas that placed the
Hungarian authorities in opposition with the emperor and the Romanians. On 26
September, this agitation turned into a riot. Taking advantage of this situation, on 27
September 1848, Urban summoned the people to an assembly by tolling the bells. The
farmers who responded to the call decided to march against the Hungarian army. The
riot of the Romanian population prompted the Hungarian officials to take refuge in Baia
Mare, Satu Mare and Carei.15
The movements from Chioar affected the villages inhabited by the Romanians
in Satu Mare County. The localities that were involved were those near the Someș and
south-west of Baia Mare. True tragedy occurred in Cetățele, Medieș, Românești, and
Mocira, which brought about gory retributions.
In September, those who paid homage to the imperial flag in Năsăud included
the delegates of the villages Lucăcești (27 September), Hurezu Mare (29 September)
and Medieșu Aurit (3 October).16 On 4 October 1848, Colonel Urban signed a patent for
the Romanian delegates from Medieșu Aurit and Românești, confirming that “the
people, as envoys of the locality Medieșu Aurit, presented themselves immediately with
power of attorney and, by free will, they firmly declared that it was their desire to
reinforce their faith and obedience to his Highness, Emperor Ferdinand I, under oath,
and that if necessary, they would voluntarily send the youth capable of bearing arms into
the army of the imperial and royal Dual Monarchy, under order no. 4450 of 16,
13 Bujor Dulgău, “Considerații privind manifestările pășoptiste din zona Sătmarului,” in Satu Mare-Studii
și Comunicări, XV-XVI, 1998-1999, Satu Mare, Ed. Muzeului Sătmărean, p. 325.
14 Balogh Bela, op. cit., p. 25.
15 Ibidem, p. 26.
16 Ibidem, p. 325.
172
Paula Virag
according to the oath they swore before the imperial and royal flag, which will be
confirmed. And, therefore, the military authority rightly claims that the county or other
offices, which are also involved in enrolling the recruits, should retain them in the
17
country for peace-keeping.”17
As stated in the above lines, the uprising of the residents from Medieșu Aurit at
the beginning of October was closely connected with Colonel Urban’s personality and
his presence in Năsăud. Thus, the cattle traders in the above-mentioned locality from
Satu Mare brought information from Lăpuș about the Romanians’ movement in Chioar
and about the existence of an emperor’s man in Năsăud. Word got spread that if one
resorted to Colonel Urban, one could get a letter granting exemption from recruitment
tolls and taxes. They began an active propaganda among the population in Odoreu and
Iojib against the payment of taxes and the submission of soldiers. Also, they drafted a
letter to Emperor Ferdinand I, whom they offered armed support. Colonel Urban
answered this letter in German. Sine hey were not familiar with this language, the
villagers from Medieșu Aurit resorted to the Roman Catholic priest in Iojib. The latter,
however, denounced them to the Hungarian authorities. Thus, on 8 October, two
companies of soldiers from the national guard came to Medieș to quell the “appalling
crime” of the uprising. Armed with whatever they could find in the home, the villagers
were ready to face the guards sent to restore peace in the region, but on their arrival they
retired quietly. The statarial tribunal inquiry was held in Medieșu Aurit from 16 to 26
October. It led to the imprisonment of 60 peasants, whose property was seized. Ștefan
Zima and Dumitru Zab were sentenced to death by hanging. After the surrender from
Șiria, in August 1849, the prisoners were freed.18
The events from November inflamed the spirits again in the county of Satu
Mare. Disgruntled by the presence of the imperial troops near Sătmar, the Hungarian
authorities instructed Major Katona Miklos to gather the troops in the area, including the
national guard in the county, and lead them to Dej.19 There took place the military
confrontation with the Austrian army, which included Romanian border guards. On 23
November, Urban defeated the poorly organized Hungarian troops and advanced up to
Șomcuta Mare. The closeness of the imperial army to the border of Satu Mare County
sparked panic among a section of the population in Satu Mare. However, Urban decided
to halt the advance and stay in Transylvania. In December 1848, he was surrounded by
the Hungarian army near Cluj. He managed to break the front line near Apahida and
withdrew to the plain area. The danger of Sătmar being occupied by the imperial army
was gone.
It was also in November 1848 that 600 Croat prisoners were brought in Satu
Mare, which created numerous disputes concerning their imprisonment. They represented
the reason why, in February 1848, at the request of Csănyi Lăszlo, the commissioner of
the Hungarian revolutionary government, that the authorities of Satu Mare should send
soldiers, they refused to do so, arguing that at least two companies were needed for
guarding the Croats and, therefore, they could not do without the military support existing
17 Viorel Ciubotă, Bujor Dulgău, Doru Radosav, op. cit., p. 79.
18 Alexandru Doboși, Din istoria Sătmarului, Satu Mare: Ed. Prefectura Județului Satu Mare, 1937, p. 37.
19 Borovszky Samu, op cit., p. 519.
Aspects of the Revolutionary Movements of 1848-1849
173
in the city. Towards the end of the revolutionary actions, the Croat prisoners were
20
released. They received payment for a week and were escorted to Moftin.20
As a conclusion regarding the 1848 revolutionary actions in Satu Mare, it should
be noted that they involved the representatives of all the ethnic groups: Romanians,
Hungarians and Swabians. Their goals were related, in particular, to the peasant unrest
during that period: emancipation from serfdom, the abolition of taxes, the review of the
urbarial regulations that had left the peasants with very little land. What is interesting
about Satu Mare is that the events here did not fit the pattern of the 1848 revolutionary
movement in Transylvania. The Romanian population here, concentrated only in certain
regions, was solely influenced by the ideas propagated in the areas adjacent to the
boundaries of Sătmar. Only in these localities did the uprising movements have a
broader, national character. The Hungarian population became aware, in the spring of
1848, of the revolutionary principles and acted according to them. The revolt
movements organized on large estates, particularly on the Kărolyi domain, comprised
not only the Hungarian population, but also the Swabians and the Romanians; these
movements had been engendered by the discontent that the new agrarian law, passed by
the Diet in Bratislava, had caused. It should be noted that on this estate, the Romanian
population lived among the Hungarian and the Swabian communities, being strongly
influenced by them. That is why the events from the spring of 1848, in which the
Romanians from the Kărolyi estate were involved, had a strong social character. This
was reinforced by the lack of Romanian elites that might have assumed the role of
leaders, supporting and coordinating the Romanians.
20 Alexandru Doboși, op. cit., p. 35.
OVIDIU MUNTEAN1
PHOTOGRAPHY AND HISTORY.
THE PHOTOGRAPHIC CAMERA COLLECTION OF THE
NATIONAL MUSEUM OF TRANSYLVANIAN HISTORY
(THE NINETEENTH CENTURY - THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY)
Abstract: The discovery of photography involved two fundamental conditions: the achievement of an
optical device of the “camera obscura” type, which would allow the formation of clear images, and the
discovery of a manner that would enable their stable fixation on a support, with the help of specific
chemical procedures. The two conditions were met as a result of the efforts undertaken by the Frenchmen
Nicephore Niepce and Louis Jacques Daguerre; the end result was the emergence of the daguerreotype in
1839. The following section highlights the progress made in this area in the second half of the nineteenth
century, which was primarily aimed at decreasing the exposure time by increasing the sensitivity of the
photosensitive materials used, as well as the luminousness of the lenses used in the dark-room. The
technical development of cameras has been primarily related to the improvement of the photosensitive
substrate and to the ever more complex optical systems designed in order to obtain photographic images.
Thus, the paper highlights the main types of lenses with which photographic cameras were equipped,
ranging from simple biconvex lenses to exceptional photographic lenses, with which, through optical and
mathematical calculations, astigmatism aberration was corrected and which are still used nowadays (the
Tessar). Given the fact that the museum holds, in its patrimony, a studio photographic camera from the end
of the nineteenth century and over 1.500 glass photographic plate negatives, the paper also presents the
main stages followed in obtaining a photo through such a device one century ago. Through photographing
and developing, a photographer would obtain, at first, a glass plate negative and then, he would use a
wooden frame in which he would overlay the glass plate negative and the photo paper, which he exposed
to light for a well-determined time interval. The positive copy (the actual photograph) was attained in the
laboratory through a series of specific developing, fixing, washing and drying operations.
Keywords: Nicephore Niepce, daguerreotype, photographic camera, glass plate cliche, studio
shooting
The birth of reproduced images
In principle, the discovery of photography involved two fundamental conditions. On the
one hand, this involved the achievement of an optical device of the “camera obscura”
type, which would allow the formation of a clear image, and on the other, the invention
of ways to enable the stable fixation of this image on a support, with the help of various
chemical procedures. Regarding the first condition, it should be noted that in 1504,
Leonardo da Vinci described a camera obscura with a small orifice drilled in a thin
metal plate. This allowed the image of the objects to become visible, by way of
transparency, on a very thin sheet of white paper placed close to the orifice. After more
than half a century, Giambattista della Porta (1535-1615) and Cardinal Daniele Barbaro
(1514-1570) described and practically built such a camera, considered to be the ancestor
of classic photographic cameras.
1 Museographer, PhD, National Museum of Transylvanian History, Cluj-Napoca, email:
ovidiu2505@yahoo.com.
Photography and History
175
Light is an essential element in producing a photograph; etymologically,
photography means “writing with light” and it was thus referred to for the first time by
the astronomer John Herschell (1839).2 The silver salts’ properties of changing their
colour under the impact of light were already known, and throughout the eighteenth
century, various methods employing these substances were indeed used by the
scientists; however, they obtained merely ephemeral images because the method of
fixing them was not well established.
The real discoverer of photography was the Frenchman Nicephore Niepce, who
resorted to the camera obscura to achieve stable images in time, using a photosensitive
material. Instead of the translucent screen of the camera, he placed a photosensitive
layer made of a hydrocarbon, called Bitumen of Judea, which hardened under the
impact of light. This was applied on a silvered copper plate and, after exposing it to light
for about 8 hours, followed by washing it with oil and lavender essence, he managed to
create the first photo in the world (1826). Nicephore Niepce continuously perfected this
process, especially after 1829, when he became associated with the artist and decorator
Louis Jacques Daguerre, the inventor of the diorama.3
The official date for the invention of photography is considered, however, to
have been the year 1839, when the daguerreotype4 - basically Daguerre’s improvement
of Niepce’s invention (who had died in 1833) - was presented at the Paris Academy of
Sciences. The procedure patented and made public by the physicist Franșois Arago
came next: a silvered copper plate was subjected to the action of iodine vapours in the
dark. Silver iodide, which is very sensitive to light, was thereby formed. The plate was
impressed in the darkroom for a few minutes. Then it was subjected to the action of the
mercury vapours that developed the plate. Fixation was achieved with sodium chloride.5
The end result was a unique photographic image (somewhat similar to an image seen in
a mirror) because this procedure did not allow its transfer onto another photosensitive
medium, as would be the case with negatives later.
The invention of the negative
In parallel with these results, in England, William Fox Talbot developed the so-called
“calotype” process (1838), which involved using a negative on a paper support with
silver iodide, which, after being impressed in the darkroom, developed and fixed, could
be reproduced in positive format on albumen-coated light-sensitive paper, through
exposure to light and various complicated chemical processes.6 While in the beginning
2 ***, Larousse: Dicționar Inventatori și invenții, Bucharest, Ed. Tehnică, 2001, p. 414.
3 Ibidem, p. 315.
4 On 19 August 1839, the manner of obtaining a daguerreotype was publicly presented after the Chamber
of Deputies had passed a law in June, under which the French state was to ensure a life annuity of 6.000
francs to Daguerre and, respectively, of 4.000 francs to the descendants of Nicephore Niepce, in exchange
for this invention. Georges Potonniee, Histoirire de la decouverte de la photographie, Paris, Publication
photographiques Paul Montel, 1925, pp. 180-184.
5 Paul Agarici, Gheorghe Băluță, “Redescoperirea imaginii,” in Almanah Tehnium, 1988, p. 183.
6 Fox Talbot was the first man to illustrate a book with the aid of photography in 1844. Georges Potonniee,
op. cit., pp. 201-205.
176
Ovidiu Muntean
this process was used less than the daguerreotype, over time it proved its feasibility
because by starting from a single negative, several photographs could be obtained and
the process was less expensive due to the fact that paper was cheaper and easier to use
compared with the silvered copper plates needed to produce a daguerreotype.
From this point on, the production of an image entailed the combination of two
fundamental processes: the negative process, whose result was the transformation of the
latent image obtained through photographing, in the darkroom, an apparently negative
image (cliche-verre), and the positive process, whereby a positive copy of the
photographed subject was obtained after an existing negative cliche. The positive image
(the actual picture) could be obtained through copying on light-sensitive paper, the so-
called contact copy, which was had the same dimensions as the existing negative or was
enlarged through projection, arriving at superior dimensions compared to those of the
negative. As we shall see below, in the period, copying from a glass plate negative onto
photographic paper was accomplished by using a special device of the copy frame type;
only when the size of the negative formats was decreased did there appear the need for
enhancing devices, which used the oil lamp, the oxyhydric flame and, then, the
incandescent light bulb as a light source.
The second half of the nineteenth century registered great progress in the field of
photography, which primarily entailed reducing the exposure time by increasing the
sensitivity of photosensitive materials and the brightness of the objectives used in the
camera obscura. In this regard, in 1847, Claude Abel Niepce de Saint-Victor, the nephew
of the inventor of photography, introduced the glass plate support for photographic
emulsions and created, through a series of chemical processes, the albumen-coated glass
7
plate negative.
The next stage in increasing the sensitivity of glass negatives was the use of
collodion (cellulose dissolved in a mixture of ether and alcohol) as a substrate for the
silver salts to be applied on a glass plate. In the wet process, pictures had to be taken
immediately after the application of the photosensitive emulsion on the plate and their
development was to take place within a few minutes, while in the process using dry
collodion (1861), the emulsion could be stored for up to one month, but its sensitivity
was several times lower.
The qualitative climax of glass negatives was reached in 1871, when Richard
Maddox perfected the dry plate process, which used a stable emulsion of silver bromide
and gelatin as a photosensitive layer. A few years later, Charles Bennett discovered a
new preparation method by which the emulsion became ten times more sensitive,
reducing the exposure time to 1/25 sec. and making it possible for photos to be taken
without a tripod. After 1879, the process quickly spread as glass plates were
manufactured and marketed in standard formats, allowing the development of
photographic techniques.8 Thus, glass was the first material used as support for negative
7 Ibidem, p. 251. His two works that laid the grounds for the new procedure were: Claude Abel Niepce de
Saint-Victor, Recherches photographique. Photographie sur verre. Heliochromie. Gravure
heliographique, Paris, Alexis Gaudin et Freres, 1855, and, respectively, Traite practique de gravure
heliographique sur acier et sur verre, Paris, Librairie de Victor Mason, 1856.
8 Andre Gunthert, La conquete de l’instantantane. Archeologie de l’imaginaire photographique en France
(1841-1895), These de doctorat, Paris, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1999, pp. 230-231.
Photography and History
177
photosensitive materials and had the advantage that it maintained the photosensitive
emulsion perfectly flat regardless of the format size. However, this support also had a
number of drawbacks: it was heavy, brittle, it occupied a large space and was
uncomfortable to use, especially when it came to transporting it. Therefore, in the last
two decades of the nineteenth century, research focused on the discovery of another
support for emulsions. In these years, the progress of chemistry led to the discovery of
the supple celluloid support, which was manufactured in 1889. In the same year,
Thomas Alva Edison invented the 35-mm wide film, which would later become the
standard format both in film making and in photography.
The one who revolutionised the technique of photography, however, was
George Eastman, the founder of Kodak Company, who invented the flexible negative
(roll film) on paper and then on celluloid support (1888). The system he established for
shipping the device to the company for developing, reloading with film and sending it
back to the recipient, along with the developed photos, soon made photographs
accessible to all, given also the appearance of cheaper cameras, their easy use and
simplified procedures for developing and fixing images.
In Europe, photography achieved great public success in the inter-war period,
with the appearance of the Leica photo camera (1925), which used a 35 mm negative
film with a cliche of 24x36 mm. This format has, to this day, been the standard used in
photographic practice, both by amateurs and by professionals. The use of the negative-
positive process for reproducing photographed images has underlain classical
photography for over a century and a half, but is about to be completely replaced, given
the advent of today’s digital photography.
Photographic cameras
Any classical photo camera, from the simplest to the most sophisticated, was
basically a camera obscura equipped with a photosensitive medium (emulsion
photographic plates, sheet films, negative films, etc.), which was meant to produce a
latent image of the photographed object. An important element in the classification of
devices at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth was the
picture format. Thus, depending on the standard size of the negative used, cameras
could have a large, medium or small format.9 In general, studio cameras (Figure no. 1)
allowed, by their very design, the use of several photographic plate formats (6x9, 9x12,
12x15, 13x18, 18x24 cm), while medium or small portable devices used only one
standard negative type.
Light was guided onto the surface of the substrate with a lens (or group of
lenses) that formed the objective and the amount of light entering the device was
controlled by variations in the diameter of the hole (aperture) or the shutter mechanism,
which controlled the exposure time. In the first cameras, the shutter was simply a cap
covering the lens, and the photographer would take it out during shooting, while
empirically calculating the exposure time according to the aperture and the sensitivity of
the negative used.
9 ***, Dictionnaire mondial de laphotographie des origins ă nos jours, Paris, Larousee/VUEF, 2001, p. 35.
178
Ovidiu Muntean
The selection of the image to be captured was done through the viewfinder,
which could have its own lenses (indirect targeting) or could be optically adapted to the
objective (direct targeting). A special feature that was characteristic of period devices
with bellows10 was represented by the formation of the image on the frosted glass
behind it; the clarity of the image was regulated with the help of the rack or by moving
the objective lens. For greater ease in perfecting the image, the photographers of the
time would cover their heads with a dark cloth or pouch, which obstructed light and
allowed them to obtain a clear picture on the frosted glass, identical to that which was to
be recorded on the photographic plate.
While the technical evolution of photo cameras was primarily related to
improvements of the photosensitive support, it is no less true that the optical systems
designed to obtain photographic images also evolved over time, starting from the simple
biconvex lens. In the mid-eighteenth century, the English optician John Dollond created
the achromatic lens for the camera obscura, the first objective where spherical and
chromatic aberrations were corrected. In 1812, William Wollaston improved the lenses
used in the camera by resorting to a meniscus lens.
The great importance of the optical system in producing good pictures was
realised by the French optician Charles Chevalier, who considered that the objective was
the “soul of the device.” He collaborated both with Nicephore Niepce and with Daguerre,
producing the achromatic objective with two lenses for the latter. In 1840, Chevalier built
and marketed Le Photographe, a complete device consisting of both the camera obscura
and the necessary accessories for developing ten daguerreotypes prepared for exposure.
The entire system weighed 14 kg and was sold at a high price, being regarded as a type of
portable device at the time.11 In the same year, the first major achievement in the field of
optical systems with which camerae obscurae were equipped was the objective built by
the Hungarian optician Joseph Petzwal, later manufactured by the German Voightlander,
as the first well-calculated objective that was not built by empirical methods. Of a
hemispherical type, its objective was composed of four lenses and had a luminousness
that was twenty times higher than the previously used lenses, but was marred by
astigmatism aberration. Notwithstanding all this, brightness was a very important factor
because it greatly reduced the shooting time: for this reason, the Petzwal objective was,
for a long time, preferred for shooting portraits.
Just as frequently used at the time was the flat lens, also known as the rectilinear
lens, built by John Dallmeyer in 1866, after laborious mathematical calculations, based
on the theories of optical aberrations set forth by the German mathematician Philipp
Ludwig von Seidel.
10 The first camera that utilised bellows to facilitate the adjustment of images was used by Nicephore
Niepce between 1822 and 1825. See Larousse: Dicționar Inventatori și invenții, p. 415.
11 Georges Potonniee, op. cit., p. 223. Chevalier extensively popularised the new process, being among the
first to sell these camerae obscurae, which were highly appreciated at that time, in batches. In addition to
his devices, other camerae obscurae that appeared during this period were those produced by the Giroux
and Susse Freres companies and they sold very well, especially in France. Charles Chevalier, Nouvelles
instructions sur l’usage du daguerreoiype. Description d’un nouveau photographe et d’un appareil tres
simple destine ă la reproduction des epreuves au moyen de la galvanoplastie, Paris, Chez l’Auteur, 1841,
passim.
Photography and History
179
Otto Schott’s discovery of optical glass that possessed enhanced properties, such
as light flint or high-density crown glass (1886), opened the way for producing new
objectives, with which astigmatism aberration could be corrected; this is why they were
called anastigmatic lenses. Some of these objectives were symmetrical: the Protar lens,
calculated by Dr. Paul Rudolph and built by Carl Zeiss in 1890, then the Dagor lens (an
abbreviation for Doppel-Anstigmat GOeRz), calculated by Emil von Hoegh and built by
the Goerz Company in 1892 and the Planar lens, patented in 1896.
In parallel, asymmetrical anastigmatic objectives were developed. A remarkable
achievement in this regard was the Cooke triplet (1893), calculated by Dennis Taylor,
followed by the Heliar lenses (1900), calculated by Carl Harting for the German
company Voightlander, and, last but not least, the Tessar, calculated by Paul Rudolph
and patented by the Zeiss Company in 1902 - one of the most famous objectives that
have remained in use until today. Basically, most of the later objectives with normal
focal distances had their origin in the hemispherical planar (the most luminous) or in the
triplet. They were used to equip the dozens of small and medium size camera models
that appeared in the first decades of the twentieth century, of which we shall mention a
few: Kodak, H. Ernemann, Leica Series I-III, ICA, Canon, Agfa, Contax, Minox, Pentax,
Voightlander, Exakta, Gomz (Lomo), etc. In 1889, Thomas Alva Edison invented the 35
mm wide film with sprocket holes, which would later become the standard format
(24x36 mm) both in films and in photographs, especially after the appearance of the
famous Leica I camera, designed by Oskar Barnack and sold from 1925 on.
Across the ocean, an important milestone in the evolution of photo cameras was
the year 1888, when George Eastman launched the first Kodak Brownie camera. It used
a flexible negative, initially supplied in paper and then in celluloid reels, which allowed
the images to be stored in the device and to be subsequently developed by the same
company. Gradually, the cumbersome plate cameras began to be more and more
successfully replaced by new small and medium format models, which used roll film as
the photosensitive medium. These were primarily cheaper and easier to use - essential
qualities that greatly simplified photographic techniques, making photography
accessible to all.
Stereophotography
In the mid-nineteenth century, stereoscopy was discovered: it added the third dimension
to photography - depth. The prospect of simultaneously recording two adjoining images
with two camerae obscurae considerably enhanced interest in images in relief. The
possibility of seeing drawn objects in relief had been demonstrated by the physicist
Charles Weatstone in 1838, by creating a two-mirror stereoscope; two years later, the
device with two lenses appeared - a version that is still produced today.
In principle, in order to obtain a stereoscopic cliche it was necessary that the photo
camera should have two objectives. When the camera had only one lens, the photographer
used an optical device called a stereoscopic adapter with mirrors. This was mounted in
front of the unique objective of the camera and projected onto the cliche-verre two images
of the photographed subject situated at a distance of 6.5-7 cm. The distance between the
pairs of stereoscopic images corresponded to the pupil distance of the human eyes and the
180
Ovidiu Muntean
relief effect was achieved with the help of a stereoscope (the most popular being the one
built by Oliver Wendell Holmes in 1881), an instrument that enabled the left image to be
perceived by the left eye and the right image by the right eye.
In 1891, Louis Ducon du Hauron presented a new way of obtaining relief
images by using anaglyph images.12 In their case, the left and right images were
coloured, one in red and one in cyan blue, being then superimposed on the same
positive. To achieve the relief effect, they were looked at through a pair of special
glasses with a red filter (for the left eye), which obstructed the cyan coloured image,
and, respectively, with a cyan filter (for the right eye), which blocked the image
coloured in red.
The main steps towards obtaining a photograph in a photo studio one century ago
Assuming that the studio was equipped with a professional camera identical to that
found in the museum collection (Figure no. 1), obtaining a photo entailed going through
several main stages, as follows: the photographer decided, in advance, with the client,
the setting, type and format of the photo, then arranged the lights, the stereoscopic
adapter (in case the intention was to obtain a stereophotograph), opened the shutter and
set the image clarity with the help of the rack, which activated the bellows, or by
moving the objective lenses. After the so-called clarity plan was achieved, the inverted
image of the photographed subject was initially formed on the frosted glass at the back
of the device (Figure no. 2).
Next, the photographer closed the shutter and fixed at the back of the camera the
closed box containing the glass photographic negative (Figure no. 3), then lifted the
device that protected the photosensitive medium and opened the shutter, determining the
exposure time of the photographic plate. In that period, the exposure time could consist
of several seconds or even minutes in a weaker light, being determined by the shooting
conditions, the type and quality of the photosensitive material used, and last but not least
by the quality of the photo camera. During this interval, the customer had to stand still,
which is why the photo studio had suitable furniture that made this possible.
After the shooting proper, the photographer closed the negative box, which
contained a latent image of the subject now and prepared developing and retouching the
glass plate negative. These operations were done under special light conditions, in the
laboratory, where, after a series of chemical processes using special reagents, the negative
was developed and the result was the so-called glass cliche-verre (Figure no. 4).
In order to obtain a positive copy, the negative thus obtained was placed in
contact with the albumen-coated photosensitive paper in a special device of the copy
frame type (Figure no. 5). The frame was then exposed to light for a time that was
precisely determined after carrying out a few initial tests. The glass plate negative was
removed and the exposed photographic paper was further processed through a series of
developing, fixing, washing and drying operations,13 the end result being the actual
12 Larousse: Dicționar Inventatori și invenții, p. 415.
13 Valentin Țepordei, Laboratorul fotoamatorului. Materiale fotosensibile alb-negru și prelucrarea lor,
Bucharest, Ed. Tehnică, 1969, pp. 110-117.
Photography and History
181
picture, which had the same size as the glass plate negative used - in this case, two
6.5x9.5 cm images (Figure no. 6).
Next, the photo was pasted onto a cardboard support, on which the photo
studio’s address was printed, for advertising purposes, and was delivered to the
customer. In the case of stereoscopic images, the stereoscope was necessary for viewing
these (Figure no. 7). The pair of images was placed into its metal slot, sharpness was
adjusted by moving the wooden rod and the viewer would look simultaneously through
the two lenses in order for the relief effect to be achieved.
The museum’s collection of modern history has 1.538 glass cliche-verres of
various formats that were in use in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.
Using various types of photosensitive emulsions as a support, they were donated, at the
start of the twentieth century, by the photographer Ferenc Veress, a trail blazer in the
field of photography in Transylvania. More than a decade after the daguerreotype had
been patented in France, he had the merit of opening, in Cluj, the first photographic
cabinet in Transylvania (1852), afterwards remaining in touch with all the photographic
techniques that appeared in the second half of the nineteenth century.14
Focusing on subjects like the personalities of Cluj, but also on buildings,
structures or landscapes, the negatives of the Cluj-based photographer represent
exceptional period documents both from an artistic point of view and as inspiration
sources for historians, architects, engineers, landscape architects, etc. From among the
characters that remained still before the lenses of Veress’ device, we should mention
aristocrats from the noble Hungarian families (Banffy, Josika, Kemeny, Teleki,
Wesselenyi, etc.), but also teachers, doctors, lawyers and other notables of the city, or
sheer unknown characters, men, women or children.15
In time, the emulsion layer of these negatives has undergone various types of
degradation, and in order to save the images, most of them have been photographed and
processed, positive copies being then achieved with the help of digital technology.
Currently, some of the processed negatives and some cameras from the museum’s
collection can be seen at: http://www.mnit.ro/fotografii-de-epoca.
The images and technical specifications of the photographic cameras from the
end of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, which are
included in the museum’s collection, can be found below. Several photo accessories are
also presented, assisting us in better understanding the manner of obtaining photographs
more than one century ago.
14 On the techniques he was familiar with and applied in practice, see Melinda Mitu, “Fotoceramică în
colecțiile de artă decorativă ale Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei,” in Acta Musei Napocensis,
Historica, 45-46, 2008-2009, p. 210.
15 We have created a series of photographs on the subject of family and children after the cliche-verres
made by Veress and have included them in the catalogue Copiii și copilăria în fotografia secolului al XIX-
lea, Bucharest, Ed. Total Publishing, 2004, pp. 26-27.
182
Ovidiu Muntean
List of illustrations
Figure no. 1. Professional camera for a photographic studio
•	RA Goldmann brand - Vienna
•	photosensitive support - photographic plate, maximum format 30x30 cm
•	Hermagis Paris lens; Inv. No. C 831
•	dating - 1890
•	Inv. No. M 7643
Figure no. 2. The ground glass frame of the camera
•	it is here that, with the help of the lens, the upside down image of the
photographed subject is formed
Figure no. 3. Glass plate negative storage box
•	format: 9x12 cm
Figure no. 4. Cliche-verre - a mother and her daughter
•	glass plate negative - two images 6.5x9.5 cm
•	photosensitive support - silver bromide suspended in gelatin
•	dating - 1886
•	Inv. No. M 11110
Figure no. 5. Copy frame
•	format: 9x14 cm
Figure no. 6. Photographs after glass plate negative
•	in that period, the photographer obtained them by placing the cliche-verre in
contact with the albumen-coated photo paper (emulsion to emulsion), by exposure to
light, followed by developing, washing, fixing and drying procedures
•	the method we used was the digital processing of the cliche-verre from 1886
Figure no. 7. Stereoscope
•	Oliver Wendell Holmes model
•	dating - 1890
•	Inv. No. M 8805
Figure no. 8. Photographic camera with bellows
•	H. Ernemann brand - Dresden
•	Heag model with a telescopic tripod
•	Hugo Meyer-Goerlitz anastigmatic lens, f.135 mm
•	negative type - 9x12 cm photographic plate
•	dating - 1915
•	Inv. No. M 11986, a
Photography and History
183
Figure no. 9. Photographic camera with bellows
•	ICA brand
•	Ideal 325 model
•	Carl Zeiss Jena lens, Protarlinse VII, f.29 cm
•	Compur shutter
•	negative type: 10x15 cm photographic plate/filmpack
•	dating - 1925
•	Inv. No. M 12180, a
Figure no. 10. Photographic camera with bellows
•	GOMZ brand - Leningrad
•	Fotokor No. 1 model
•	Voomp, Anastigmat, Ortogoz lens, f.135 mm
•	Gomz shutter
•	negative type: 9x12 cm photographic plate
•	dating - 1934
•	Inv. No. C 10187
184
Ovidiu Muntean
Photography and History
185
Fig.3
186
Ovidiu Muntean
Fig.4
Photography and History
187
Fig.5
188
Ovidiu Muntean
Fig.6
Photography and History
189
190
Ovidiu Muntean
Photography and History
191
Fig.9
Fig.10
CRISTINA ADAM TOMA1
CHARACTERISTICS OF COLLECTIONISM IN WALLACHIA
Abstract: The paper presents the characteristics of private art collectionism in Wallachia during the
second half of the nineteenth century and the first quarter of the twentieth century. Most collectors were
intellectuals who came from wealthy families, being educated in Western European countries and
becoming accustomed, during their studies, to the custom of visiting museums, art galleries and attending
auctions, so much so that on their return home, they began to compile their own collections. They collected
mostly ancient and contemporary European art, as well as Romanian art, in the late nineteenth century. Art
collections coexisted with those of archaeological vestiges, numismatics, and decorative art, and the
reasons for their formation included the desire to educate the public (hence, the possibility of viewing the
works during the life of their owners), to support and protect modern Romanian art, and the desire to create
an environment similar to that in Western Europe.
Keywords: Collectionism, collectors, collections, paintings, Wallachia, the second half
of the nineteenth century - the first quarter of the twentieth century.
The second half of the nineteenth century brought about political, social and economic
changes throughout Europe. The desire for emancipation, the national idea and the
emphasis on national identity entailed geopolitical and mentality changes, which would
steer the evolution of historical events during this period. The new mentality, embraced
and brought over into the Romanian Principalities by the intellectuals who had studied
in Western Europe, was reflected in all the aspects of society, at the ideological,
economic, political, and social levels,2 as well as in culture: in the visual arts, the theatre,
music and even in the method of collecting artefacts.
This article aims to answer a series of questions regarding collectionism3 and
private art collections in Wallachia during the second half of the nineteenth century and
the first decades of the twentieth century: who collected art; how it was collected; what
kind of art was collected; why it was collected; these are questions to which we shall
find an answer in the lines below.
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Wallachia and Moldova became
increasingly open to Western Europe, especially to France, in terms of both political
orientation and ideological approach and lifestyle. The local rulers instituted here
attempted to translate the aspirations of the 1848 Revolution into practice, and these
were actually accomplished with Union of the Principalities in 1859 and Alexandru Ioan
1 Museum curator at the National Art Museum of Romania, Bucharest and PhD student at Babeș-Bolyai
University, Cluj-Napoca, email: cristinel.adam@gmail.com.
2 Lucian Nastasă, Itinerarii spre lumea savantă. Tineri din spațiul românesc la studii în străinătate 1864 -
1944, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Limes, 2006, p. 89.
3 A term understood in the manner of Krzysztof Pomian as a “set of natural or artificial objects, kept
temporarily or permanently out of the economic circuit, afforded special protection in enclosed places
adapted specifically for that purpose and put on display.” Krzysztof Pomian, Collezionisti, amatori e
curiosi (Parigi - Venezia XVI - XVIII secolo), Milano: Ed. Il Saggiatore, 2007, p. 18.
Characteristics of Collectionism in Wallachia
193
Cuza’s policy of reforms during the period 1859-1866. In this context, more and more
young Romanians studied at the major European universities and received scholarships
from the state.4 In parallel with their opening to modernity and their assimilation of
European ideologies, the young Romanians learning abroad took advantage of their stay
abroad to complete their general culture through visits to museums, art galleries, and
exhibitions.5 In addition to attending courses, students were interested in architecture,
museums, theatres, concert halls, art galleries, historical monuments, the attendance at
such institutions being a complementary manner of acceding to modernity and an
essential component of their training.6 Most often coming from wealthy families, they
had the financial ability and were interested in acquiring works of art; once they
returned home, or during their very stay abroad for studies, they began to group these art
works in collections.7 This explains why the majority of the collectors from Bucharest
during the period under discussion came from among intellectuals trained in the major
European universities. Most of the times, they were lawyers (Iancu Kalinderu, Anastase
Simu), physicians (Ion Cantacuzino, Nicolae Kalinderu), writers (Alexandru Vlahuță,
Cezar Bolliac, Al. Bogdan-Pitești) or diplomats (Eugeniu Carada, Constantin Esarcu,
Mihail Kogălniceanu).8 To a lesser extent, there were also merchants or traders and,
rarely, individuals without university studies. For example, Apostol Apostolide, a waiter
at the Continental restaurant, had neither the education, nor the financial means to
purchase valuable artefacts. However, coming into contact with well-known painters:
Theodor Pallady, Nicolae Tonitza, Alexandru Ciucurencu, etc., and collectors, he was
encouraged in his passion for art and music by them, so in time, he came to own an
audio collection and a contemporary Romanian art collection that earned the praised of
artists, collectors and the public at large, who could easily visit the collection displayed
in the owner’s house.9
Situated at the antipodes, Prince Carol I of Hohenzollern Sigmaringen, who
became King of Romania in 1881, held a valuable collection created in the second half
of the nineteenth century. Today his collection has become the nucleus of the European
Art Gallery housed by the National Art Museum of Romania (MNAR),10 being, in the
period in which it was created, a model especially for the politicians of the era, who
were driven by the ambition to have their own collections.
Having arrived in the country in 1866, Prince Carol I wanted to impose the
protocol etiquette of the royal houses in Europe, which required certain pomp in the
4 Lucian Nastasă, op. cit, p. 88.
5 Ibidem, p. 87.
6 Ibidem, p. 87
7 The descriptions of the personalities of various collectors who donated their collections to the state, today
exhibited in the Museum of Art Collections, Bucharest, often mention the purchases of paintings,
drawings, or archaeological vestiges from the scholarship money of the collectors, who were students at
the time. For more information, see The Museum of Art Collections. Collection Guide, the National Art
Museum of Romania, Bucharest, 2003.
8 Vasile Petrovici, Dicționarul colecționarilor de artă din România, Bucharest, Ed. Coresi, 2011, passim.
9 Petre Oprea, “Colecția ‘Apostol’,” in Revista Muzeelor, no. 6, 1971, p. 520.
10 Moreover, MNAR is today housed in the former Royal Palace in Bucharest, and even though very little
of the architectural structure from the reign of King Carol is preserved, the European art works are housed
in the old part of the Palace, the Kretzulescu wing, where the living space of the royal residence used to be.
194
Cristina Adam Toma
decorations of his residential premises. A member of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen
family - originating from the Black Forest Mountains - Carol endeavoured to render the
taste and the ambience in which he had grown up in his two residences from Bucharest
and Sinaia. Thus began the establishment of a collection of paintings through the
systematic acquisition of paintings, when the collection of Dr. Felix Bamberg, a well-
known German collector, was auctioned in the years 1879, 1886 and 1889. Although
primarily interested in architecture, two letters from the MNAR archive indicate the
king’s dedication in compiling his collection of paintings; the letters contain his own
opinions about certain paintings and his personal suggestions as to what works, by what
artists, should be purchased.11
After the death of King Carol I, the collection was left by testament to the
Romanian Crown and was largely kept in the patrimony of MNAR and at Peleș Castle
in Sinaia; it represents the most important collection of old European painting (the
fourteenth-eighteenth centuries) in Romania. Among the artists whose works were
included in the patrimony of this collection, there are some of the most outstanding
representatives of European painting and works of the highest quality, made by
Domenico Veneziano, Lucas Cranach the Elder, Bronzino, Tintoretto, El Greco, Jacopo
12
Bassano, etc.12
The mimetic ambition to be the owners of an art collection led some of the
politicians of the era to follow the model of King Carol I. They were mainly oriented
towards contemporary Romanian art, thus supporting the Romanian artists. For
example, since the painter most dear to collectors was Nicolae Grigorescu in the late
nineteenth century, the collector Eugeniu Carada (1836-1910) built his collection almost
exclusively with the paintings of this artist.13 The Governor of the National Bank of
Romania, and a great admirer of the painter, Carada was renowned for his passion for
this painter’s art, ever since the latter’s first exhibitions. He never missed the artist’s
vernissages, to which he came from the very beginning so as to have priority in
purchasing one or two works. Towards the end of his life he had more than 50 paintings
by Grigorescu, as well as works by young artists, who he had supported,14 such as Ioan
Andreescu, Alpar, Eugen Voinescu, Ștefan Popescu - or whom he valued - C. I.
Stăncescu, G. D. Mirea and others. Two years after the collector’s death, in November
1912, his collection was auctioned and the works landed in art museums around the
country: the Art Museums from Craiova and Cluj, and the collection of I. N. Dona.
Unfortunately, most of the works are impossible to locate today; as it often happened,
the Romanian state did not buy the collection, nor did it acquire the most important
works, so this unitary and representative collection of Grigorescu’s works was
dispersed, in only two days, to collectors that have, to this day, not been identified.15
11 For more information, see the article of Anatolie Teodosiu - “Cataloage, manuscrise, semnate de dr F.
Bamberg, descoperite în arhiva Galeriei universale a Muzeului de artă al R. S. România,” in Revista
muzeelor, 3/1971.
12 Leo Bachelin - Tableaux anciens de la Galerie Charles Ier Roi de Roumanie, Paris, 1898, passim.
13 Petre Oprea, op. cit., p. 36.
14 Idem, p. 37.
15 Ibidem, p. 38.
Characteristics of Collectionism in Wallachia
195
Another collector who had the ambition to create a large collection of art that
would be made available to the public16 was the politician Vasile G. Morțun. Passionate
about art ever since his studies in France and Belgium, he began to build a collection of
Romanian art in the late nineteenth century, the first news about it appearing in the press
in 1892, when he acquired a work by Ștefan Popescu. In time his collection was
enriched with valuable artists who created in a vast temporal and stylistic range: from G.
Rosenthal, Theodor Aman and Gheorghe Tattarescu to Nicolae Grigorescu, Ioan
Andreescu, Ștefan Luchian, Kimon Loghi, Cecilia Cușescu-Stork, etc. His desire,
similar to that of Anastase Simu’s, to build a house that would include a space for
exhibiting the collection made available to the public did not materialise; the works
were hastily sent to Russia, without a prior inventory, at the beginning of World War I,
together with the Romanian treasury, and remained there.
The most commonly encountered manner of composing a collection was that of
direct or indirect acquisition by the collector, at auctions or directly from the artist’s
studio, from antiques fairs, with the help of connoisseurs, or just taking into account
their own taste and passions. Less common was compiling a collection with the gifts
received from certain artists, a custom that was common, at the time, in the relationship
between artists and art critics.17 William Ritter, a Swiss journalist, met Nicolae
Grigorescu in 1887, when he was a teacher in the house of the politician Nicolae
Blaremberg. During the next period, the two became friends and, to facilitate his
documentation on his work, with a view to the publication of much-awaited articles
about his work in the foreign press, the artist gave the Swiss works from various stages
of his creation. In this way, Ritter became in time the owner of a significant collection of
paintings by the artist.18 Thus, this collection was built not as a result of the owner’s
passion and selection but thanks to the painter’s generosity. William Ritter eventually
came to own a total of thirteen paintings by Nicolae Grigorescu. In 1927 the collection
was sold to the National Bank of Romania, and in 1949 the works entered the MNAR
heritage. It is to this habit of Grigorescu’s that the existence of the writer Alexandru
Vlahuță’s collection is largely due, as the latter was bestowed with a series of valuable
paintings as “only Grigorescu knew how to make.”19 Unlike the previously described
collection, Vlahuță’s collection remained in the country and was accessible to the
public, as the collector always lent works for various exhibitions but also constantly
received visitors, known or unknown, in his home, where the works were exhibited.
Comprising almost exclusively works by Grigorescu, they were of very good quality
and had been offered to him by the painter on several occasions, as a sign of their close
friendship. In addition to the over 70 works by Nicolae Grigorescu, the collection also
included paintings by other Romanian artists like George Petrașcu, Ștefan Luchian,
Ștefan Popescu, Artur Verona, Jean Al. Steriadi, etc. Unfortunately, in 1912 the poet
decided to sell the collection, keeping only part of the paintings for himself, the ones
16 Ibidem, p. 35.
17 Oprea, op. cit., p.52
18 Idem.
19 Alexandru Vlahuță, Pictorul N.I. Grigorescu. Vieața și opera lui, Bucharest: Ed. Socec, 1910, p. 206.
196
Cristina Adam Toma
dearest to him; the fate of most of the other works is not known, only a small part being
found in the state’s patrimony.20
Another collection, contemporary with that of Vlahuță, yet distinct from the
point of view of the collection’s design, of the artefacts included in it and the general
interest in art was the collection of Alexandru Bogdan-Pitești (1870-1922), the
Maecenas collector, whose tumultuous life and extensive collection become ever more
famous in the late nineteenth century. The son of a landowner from Olt, he lingered,21 in
his youth, in the European capitals, became familiar with the literary and artistic circles
from Paris, and when he returned to Bucharest, he compiled one of the most
representative collections of Romanian and European, ancient and contemporary art in
Romania.
On his return from France, in 1894, the collector gathered, at first eclectically,
then with an ever more confident taste, the works of contemporary artists, purchasing
also some of the works of foreign artists (Andre Derain, Alphonse Mucha, Jules Pascin,
etc.) especially from among those who would later exhibit in Bucharest, in the 1898
exhibition of the Ileana Society. In 1910 his home opened its gates to writers and artists,
including novices, who were received in an interior space decorated with works of art,
rugs, folk art objects and libraries full of books.22 His collection included, in addition to
contemporary art, icons and old objects of worship, items of folk art (rugs, woven
fabrics, costumes, ceramics) chosen for their aesthetic value, contemporary Romanian
painting; his unwavering taste had discovered, ever since their debut, the best artists of
the period 1896-1920: Nicolae Tonitza, Ștefan Dimitrescu, Ștefan Luchian, Tudor
Arghezi, etc.23 Moreover, after 1908 his friend painters were invited to his mansion
from the Vlaici commune in the summer, where he established a veritable colony of
artists. The collector made available to them everything they needed to create and
eventually acquired most of the works accomplished here.24 Thus, Alexandru Bogdan-
Pitești came into the possession of valuable works made by Camil Ressu, Nicolae
Dărăscu or Max Hermann Maxy, etc. The same collector was interested in French
contemporary art and the folk art produced in the Romanian territory. The complexity of
this collection was unique, as Al. Bogdan-Pitești was among the few collectors here
with so large and varied a collection. Another feature of his collection was his penchant
for contemporary art in comparison with collectors like Anastase Simu or Iancu
Kalinderu, who collected and exhibited largely academic art on educational topics in the
museums that were opened while they were still alive.
20 Oprea, op. cit., p. 39.
21 Although he had gone abroad to study, he seems not to have graduated from any faculty, even though he
successively studied medicine, at the University of Montpellier, then law and philosophy in Paris: he did
not complete his studies in any of these areas. According to Theodor Enescu, who dedicated to him an
ample article in Scrieri despre artă, vol. 2, Bucharest: Meridiane, 2003, Alexandru Bogdan-Pitești had two
predominant passions: collecting art and partying.
22 Theodor Enescu, “Primul muzeu de artă românească modernă: colecția Alexandru Bogdan - Pitești,” in
Scrieri despre artă, vol 2, Bucharest: Meridiane, 2003, p. 56.
23 Ibidem, p. 57.
24 Ibidem, p. 60.
Characteristics of Collectionism in Wallachia
197
Unfortunately, after his death, the Ministry of Arts did not participate in the
auction of 1924, so the state owns none of these works, the artefacts entering the
possession of other collectors, such as K. A. Zambaccian, Iosif Dona, Lazăr Munteanu,
Grunberg-Ruleta, etc.
From the point of view of the art objects they collect, their owners may be
interested in a particular artist, a certain period/trend/technique, by as yet undiscovered
artists or representative works.25 Eugeniu Carada and Alexandru Vlahuță collected
almost exclusively works by Nicolae Grigorescu; Alexandru Bogdan-Pitești, as a patron
with an exquisite and expert taste, owned some of the most representative works by
Ștefan Luchian, an artist whom he supported throughout his career.
Foreign European art was the favourite of many collectors. It was symptomatic
of the collectors from this period to pay less interest to autochthonous art,26 even though
they did not say no to the purchase of quality works or, especially, of some copy after a
famous work, made by Romanian artists during their studies. This explains the
precarious situation of the Romanian artists from the second half of the nineteenth
century who, albeit admired and recognised for their talent, rarely had their works
purchased, except for some of the famous painters like Theodor Aman or Gheorghe
Tattarescu. This situation changed towards the end of the century and in the next,
through the organisation of the Official Salons, where the State was invited to purchase
as many works as possible.
One of the collections formed during this period is that of the politician Mihail
Kogălniceanu, who, especially after 1870, dedicated himself almost entirely to the
acquisition of artefacts, which led Carol I to write he “seemed to have thrown himself
entirely into the arms of the fine arts.”27 He was particularly interested in European
painting, but collected, with the same passion, sculpture and decorative art. For
purchases from abroad, he resorted either to intermediaries who had to buy works from
the official salons or he bought works directly from artists’ studios.
The Kogălniceanu collection, exhibited, during his life, in one of the wings of
his home on Kisseleff Ave., so as to be accessible to the public, was unfortunately sold
abroad by auction in 1887 and, after Kogălniceanu’s death, in 1896 and 1897. The sales
led to the dispersal of the entire collection, all the works entering private funds, while
the Romanian state did not purchase any of them, as it unfortunately happened too many
times.28 However, from the catalogue of the 1887 auction that took place in Cologne,
we may identify some of the artists present in the collection: Albrecht Altdorfer,
Giovanni Bellini, Lucas Cranach, Tiziano Vecellio, Jacopo Amigoni, Francois Boucher,
Frans Hals, Jacob Jordaens, Nicolas Poussin, Rembrandt, Pieter Paul Rubens and many
29
other illustrious names.
25 See http://alegearta.ro/bazele-unei-colecții, accessed 25.11.2013.
26 Petre Oprea, op.cit., p.13.
27 Apud Petre Oprea, op. cit., p. 16.
28 Although the Romanian state was invited to participate in the major auctions of the great art collections
and was even offered a preferential price sometimes, it rarely happened that the Ministry of Culture
answered these invitations without prevaricating or imposing conditions on these acquisitions. For this
reason, very many valuable collections landed either abroad or in private collections.
29 Ibidem, p. 16.
198
Cristina Adam Toma
While this collection and that of the royal family included old European art,
other collections comprised works by contemporary European artists. Living in Paris
since the age of10 with his uncle, the collector George Bellio, Alexandru Ștefan Bellu
(1850-1921) was surrounded by works of art ever since his childhood and acquired a
taste for beauty from his uncle. On his return to the country in 1880, after graduating, he
became a collector of antiques, coins and Tanagra statues; he was also interested in
contemporary painting, the pride collection being represented by a few paintings of the
French Impressionists Claude Monet and Camille Pissarro.30 Other examples were the
collections of Krikor Zambaccian and Iosif N. Dona, comprising works by foreign
artists: Auguste Renoir, Pablo Picasso, Paul Cezanne, etc. (the Zambaccian collection),
Camille Pissarro (the Dona collection).
Although this article refers to private art collections, we must make reference to
the existence of a considerable number of numismatic and antique collections, of old
maps and even some collections of copies. The aforementioned artefacts were often part
of collections that included art works, such as, for instance, the collections of coins
belonging to Alexandru Bellu and Mihail Kogălniceanu, as the collectors’ interest
covered several domains.
Also, we cannot ignore - for a better contextualisation - the museums that began
to appear in this period, even though art museums were not the first to be established. In
1834, at the initiative of Mihalache Ghica, the Interior Minister at the time, there was
created - within the St. Sava National School - the National Museum of Natural History
and Antiques. Initially composed of donations from collectors (the Nicolae Mavros
collection of antiques, the Carol Ferreati collection of ores, the Cezar Bolliac collection,
etc.),31 the museum had a mixed and eclectic character in terms of the exhibits and their
quality. It originally comprised collections of archaeology, minerals, zoology, and in
1850 a gallery of paintings by the young - at that time - artists Theodor Aman,
Gheorghe Tattarescu and Constantin Lecca was founded within it. This was the starting
point of the future Art Gallery, established in 1864, at the same time as the School of
Fine Arts.32 In time, to the Art Gallery was added the exhibition from the Romanian
Athenaeum, which presented the Esarcu collection (as of 1894), and private museums,
of which the most important ones have already been mentioned: the Anastase Simu
Museum in 1910, the Iancu Kalinderu Museum in 1914, and the Toma Stelian Museum
in 1925.
Last but not least, in terms of the objects collected, noteworthy were the
decorative art objects present in numerous collections, even though few consisted
exclusively of this kind of artefacts. The interest in the decorative art of Europe, the
Middle East and the Far East was captured in various newspapers of the time: “real
Chinese tables, not imitations” were on sale at the C. A. Rosetti bookstore in 1850, next
to English goods;33 at the exhibition organised by the Friends of the Fine Arts Society in
30 Ibidem, p. 83.
31 Ioana Cristache-Panait and Panait Ion Panait, “Începuturile muzeografiei la București,” in Revista
Muzeelor, 1/1966, p. 37.
32 Idem, p. 38.
33 Apud Petre Oprea, op. cit., p. 166.
Characteristics of Collectionism in Wallachia
199
1873, which was intended as a panorama of the country’s artistic wealth,34 there were
presented crockery and furniture from China and Japan, some belonging to the royal
collection of Carol I. Moreover, as George Stroe mentioned:
“(...) Later, our knowledge of Japan increased. At the summer festivals, we
began to see multicolour lanterns, made of foil, spreading light “a giorno,” while the
ladies of high society sold us fans and umbrellas, also multicolour and also made of foil,
from Japan. Here and there a collector, driven by taste, decorated his house with vases
of flowers and Japanese prints.. ,”35
The motivations underlying collectionism are as numerous as they are
fascinating. In general, objects are collected so as to remove them from life and time, to
defy thus the passage of time (which explains the desire of some artist collectors to
integrate their final resting place in their own museum, as was the case of the Italian
sculptor Antonio Canova36); people also collect out of the desire to revive the past by
collecting pieces thereof, reconstructing the puzzle of a past under study; each object is a
37
way to reminisce.
Bernard Aikema38 lists the following reasons: reputation, investment, religion,
pleasure and curiosity. They are considered universal characteristics by Aikema, but
Peter Burke believes that only the need to distinguish oneself is true reason conducive to
collectionism, the need for “self-fashioning,” for promoting oneself, a reason to which is
added the political dimension of collectionism: in the modern era, he says, collecting is a
political act for a prince.39 We should add to these motivations the one identified by
Kenneth Hudson in his study presented at the Council of Europe, the Session on School
and Extra-School Education, Strasbourg, 1992: Musees: tresors ou utiles?, according to
which collectors began to collect historical and archaeological material, works of art and
rare items for their own pleasure and information.40
Equally important is the educational purpose of some collections. In Wallachia,
as desired by the owner, Dr. Constantin Esarcu’s collection was on permanent display at
the Athenaeum to “contribute to the people’s aesthetic education.”41 An outstanding
personality of the political-cultural life in the nineteenth-century Bucharest, Dr. Esarcu
(1836-1898) was the founder of several influential cultural societies of the period,
including the Friends of the Fine Arts Society and the Romanian Athenaeum Society,
which targeted the “instruction and national education the people.”42 Coming from an
34 Idem, p. 166.
35 George Stroe, “Revanșa doamnei Butterfly,” in Revista Fundațiilor Regale, no. 4/1934, p. 213.
36 Cf. Alessandra Mottola Molfino, Il Libro dei Musei, Torino: Umberto Allemandi & co., 1992.
37 Krzysztof Pomian, Collezionisti, amatori e curiosi (Parigi - Venezia XVI - XVIII secolo), Milano: Il
Saggiatore, 2007, p. 18.
38 Bernard Aikema, “Collezionismi a Venezia e nel Veneto. Risultati e prospettivi di ricerca,” in Il
collezionismo a Venezia e nel Veneto ai tempi della Serenissima.
39 Peter Burke, “Qualche riflessione sull’antropologia storica del collezionismo,” in Il collezionismo a
Venezia e nel Veneto ai tempi della Serenissima.
40 lulia Mesea, “Premise ale dezvoltării vieții artistice la Sibiu în secolul al XlX-lea,” in Sub zodia
Vătășianu. Studii de Istoria Artei, Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Neremiae, 2002, p. 159.
41 Petre Oprea, “Constantin Esarcu colecționar,” in Revista Muzeelor, 3/1970, p. 213.
42 Petre Oprea, Colecționari de artă bucureșteni, Bucharest, 2007, p. 20.
200
Cristina Adam Toma
old boyar family, Esarcu inherited a small collection of foreign paintings that
continuously enriched with numerous artefacts, starting from the period of his medical
studies in Paris and, then, as a diplomat in Athens and Rome, acquiring both European
and foreign paintings and sculptures, as well as decorative art, ceramics, copies after
paintings and casts after famous sculptures.43 Thanks to this collection, a few
masterpieces of European art that entered the patrimony of the museum in 1948 can be
seen today at MNAR: Jacopo Tintoretto - The Annunciation, David Teniers the Younger
- Flemish Interior, Ludolf Backhuysen - Marine, etc.44
With a similar fate, the Anastase Simu collection was exhibited to the public in a
building/museum specifically created to accommodate it. Bestowed to the Romanian
nation in 1927, the collection is valuable because it has works of art that are
representative of European, especially French academic art, to which are added the most
important works of the Romanian fine arts.45 According to Petre Oprea, the collector’s
desire was “to shine on the firmament of the country, where cultural life was lagging,
propelling it through a Maecenas’ munificence”; after failing to get the attention of the
official circles and the scientists as the member of cultural and scientific societies (the
Romanian Numismatic Society, the Romanian Geographical Society, etc.), he decided to
found a museum on his own. The works included in the collection were acquired, in a
first phase, during his studies and leisure voyages, while after 1900, he began to
programmatically make massive acquisitions of paintings and sculptures, from the
official French Salons, from the studios of artists, art galleries or auctions: 24 in 1900,
13 in 1902, 10 in 1903 and so on; at the inauguration of the museum in 1910, the
collection comprised a patrimony of 624 works, sculpture being very well represented.
Among the names included in the collection, noteworthy are the Romanian artists Ioan
Andreescu, Nicolae Grigorescu, Ștefan Luchian, Dimitrie Paciurea and the foreign
artists A. L. Barye, C. M. Clodion, Pierre Gourdault, Laroche, Antoine Bourdelle,
Eugene Delacroix, Theodore Rousseau, Paul Signac, etc.
In fact, the collectors’ willingness to contribute to educating the public is
highlighted by the display of collections, during the life of the owners, in specially
designed buildings or even in their homes. We should mention here the Iancu Kalinderu
collection, the Kogălniceanu collection and even the Toma Stelian Museum.46 At the
same time, we consider it important to note that many private art collections have this
public nature, as they are created by private individuals for the benefit of the public.
43 During the period under discussion, the purchase of copies did not have the pejorative meaning that it
has today. Fashionable in the second half of the nineteenth century, copies were invested with artistic
qualities and were considered almost as important as the original. In addition, given their educational
purpose, they were often made by young artists by way of practice, while copies of classical sculptures
were also used as models for them. For more on this, see the article of Al. Gh. Sonoc, Dorina Țiplic,
Minodora Ban, “Unele observații cu privire la colecția de lucrări în ghips a Muzeului Național Brukenthal
din Sibiu,” in Brukenthal. Acta Musei, V.4/2010, p. 915.
44 Maria Matache, Maeștrii picturii europene, secolele XV - XVIII. Muzeul Național de Artă al României,
Milano: Electa, 1998, passim.
45 Petre Oprea, op. cit., p. 59.
46 The works for the construction of the Toma Stelian Museum building started while the politician was
alive but did not end by the time of his death in 1925.
Characteristics of Collectionism in Wallachia
201
George Oprescu said about Bucharest in the early twentieth century that “proportionally
with the number of inhabitants, I do not believe there is an important capital with a
higher of public art collections...”47 Although the collection of Baron Samuel von
Brukenthal was created at Sibiu in the late eighteenth century, we cannot overlook its
value as a model and its educational valences as an exhibition, especially as regards its
gallery of paintings. “Conceived so as to enter into the cultural-scientific circuit, the
collections of books, paintings, engravings, coins, ores and so on, have, from the outset,
a cultural-educational vocation.48 Since 1790, the press had publicised the opportunity
given to any interested person to visit the art gallery located on the second floor of the
Palace - the Baron’s residence in Sibiu; at the inauguration of the museum in 1817, after
the transformation of the Palace into a public institution by bequest, its visitation
“should represent a happy occasion for people of genuine moral and spiritual value to
”49
know and respect each other.
Another answer to the question “Why did people collect?” is that the intention
was to protect and support the Romanian artists. Again, the collection of Al. Bogdan-
Pitești is an example in this respect. I mentioned earlier that on his estate in the village
of Vlaici painters could find everything they needed to create and express themselves.
Moreover, in his house from Bucharest, young artists: writers, poets, musicians, painters,
sculptors, were always welcome and encouraged, if the collector believed that the young
men had talent. The most well-known example is that of the painter Ștefan Luchian, in
whose genius Bogdan-Pitești believed and whom he supported through the purchase of
works, in a period when the artist was quasi-unknown. Similarly, he encouraged the poet
Tudor Arghezi and the painters Nicolae Tonitza and Ștefan Dimitrescu, so much so that
his collection became a real museum of modern Romanian art,50 at a time when the
Anastase Simu Museum was erected in Bucharest - especially dedicated to academic art -
and the Art Gallery of the was poor and modest.51 The latter, despite his passion for
classicist art, advocated the cause of young artists before the officials on many occasions
and supported them by buying their works. For instance, he acquired the work At Maize
Share by Ștefan Luchian in 1906, when the officials refused to buy it and he also bought
Constantin Brâncuși’s Sleep, in a period in which the works of the sculptor were
criticised.52 Other collectors who programmatically protected young artists were E.
Carada, Ioan D. Nicolau - the main supporter of Ștefan Luchian - etc.
Another reason underlying the formation of an art collection was the need to
decorate one’s home in line with the European trends of the time. Although he was not
particularly fond of the fine arts, Prince Carol I, who had a military background, began
53
to form his own gallery of old art so as to decorate his palace in grandiose manner.53
The works of art were housed both in the Royal Palace in Bucharest and in Peleș Castle
47 George Oprescu, “Muzeul Toma Stelian,” in Boabe de grâu, 1931, p. 387.
48 Iulia Mesea, op. cit., p. 159.
49 Ibidem, p. 160.
50 Theodor Enescu, op. cit., p. 57.
51 Petre Oprea, op. cit, p. 58.
52 Ibidem, p. 61.
53 Ibidem, p. 10.
202
Cristina Adam Toma
from Sinaia, built by the royal family. Having an additional educational purpose, the
works displayed at Peleș could be viewed by art lovers and young artists, who could use
54
them in their studies.
Moreover, Nicolae Moret of Blaremberg, the nephew of Alexander Ghica, built
a house “exclusively for his pleasure and for satisfying his fantasy as an artist”; his
house was furnished with “art objects and paintings, almost all special orders for its
embellishment.”55 Also, Apostol Apostolide’s collection of paintings was originally
formed to create a pleasant atmosphere during the musical auditions.56 When speaking
about the reasons underlying the forming of a collection, we should not neglect the
collectors’ sheer pleasure of surrounding themselves with beautiful things. Dr. Nicolae
Kalinderu, the collector, for instance, acquired work for his own pleasure, enjoying his
purchases in secret; only rarely did his close friends have the opportunity to see some
57
canvases in his collection.
The phenomenon of collectionism is fascinating and was adhered to by many
Romanian intellectuals in the late nineteenth century. The characteristics of
collectionism, with its peculiarities - the inevitable passion for local contemporary art -
are consistent with those of European collectionism during that same period, as further
evidence of the assimilation of European cultural values.
54 Ibidem, p. 31.
55 Ibidem, p. 28.
56 Ibidem, p. 154.
57 Ibidem, p. 27.
AURA COMĂNESCU1
THE IMAGE OF THE JEWS FROM MARAMUREȘ DURING
THE INTERWAR PERIOD.
AN ORAL HISTORY STUDY
Abstract: The appearance of the Jews is a special characteristic that is most easily perceived, most obvious
and least difficult to describe. It marks the passageway into a world that has its own rules, with roots that
go back thousands of years and adaptations to the special conditions of the places and times in which the
Jews have lived. Described according to two main coordinates, namely their physical characteristics (the
colour of their eyes, hair and skin, or their build) and their costumes (their beard and hair styles, headdress,
and garments), the appearance of the Jewish men, women and children differed during the interwar period
from that of the Christian majority, including Romanians, Hungarians, Ukrainians, or Scepusian Saxons.
Based on the collective memory, the bibliography and the archives or electronic sources, we have outlined
this thin outer layer in the vast domain concerning the image of the Jews from Maramureș.
In this study we have attempted to shed light on a few quandaries and to render, as accurately as
possible, aspects of lived history, of a bygone world in which the Jews played a significant role and were
visible especially because their outstanding appearance.
Keywords: Jews, Maramureș, the interwar period, oral history, imagology.
This oral history research - which aimed to outline the image of the Jews from
Maramureș in the collective memory and was carried out between 2005 and 2012, when
it was completed as a PhD Thesis coordinated by Prof. Dr. Doru Radosav from the
Faculty of History and Philosophy, Babeș-Bolyai University - is based on the
testimonies of 71 people, both Jews and Christians (Romanians, Hungarians,
Ukrainians), who were born between 1919 and 1970. The reference space is the present-
day county of Maramureș, a territory that is much more familiar today both for the
witnesses and for the researcher, given that its administrative organisation underwent
two changes during the interwar years - in 1926 and 1938 - and several others during the
communist period - in 1950, 1952 and 1968; this led to the reconfiguration of the area
that geographically included the interwar Maramureș County and parts of Satu Mare,
Sălaj and Someș Counties.
The research also captured, among other important issues, the manner in which
the Jews who once lived in Maramureș were perceived in terms of their appearance and
the elements that distinguished them from the Christians, from the very first sight.
In this article we have tried to provide an overview of this subject, focusing only
on the interwar period as a temporal segment, because it is in stark contrast with the
appearance of today’s Jews from Maramureș, our contemporaries, who are hardly
distinguishable in their outward appearance from the Christian majority. Their clothing,
1 Aura Comănescu (married name - Pintea) holds a PhD in History from the Babeș-Bolyai University in
Cluj-Napoca (2013) and is an inspector with the Maramureș County Directorate for Culture,
saphire_ro@yahoo.com
204
Aura Comănescu
features, and their way of being are much like the Christians’. However, what has
remained imprinted in the collective memory is the appearance of the Jews from the
interwar period, with inherent variations due to the material situation, which implicitly
also entailed their social position, the urban or rural milieus in which they lived, the size
of the community from which they came and the degree of the group’s religiosity: ultra-
Orthodox, Neolog (sometimes different groups dwelt within one and the same
community, which were usually gathered together around a rabbi but among which
disputes could sometimes break out - the case of Sighet). The question is whether the
different appearance of the Jews was the result of genetically transmitted physical
characteristics or it was a matter of a particular outward aspect being shaped by
compliance with certain commandments, traditions, or religious customs. We have
therefore decided to analyse separately these two important components of the overall
appearance of the Jews in the interwar period, starting from the general - scientific
researches, stereotypes - to the particular - real examples of lived experiences.
1.	Physical features
By way of introduction to this subject, which appears to be uncomplicated and
accessible, we should mention that there is an entire history of research conducted on
the so-called “racial” characteristics of the Jews in Europe or the world. These features
were used by the anti-Semites to justify the Holocaust both before and after its
perpetration. However, Jewish researchers have also carried out studies attempting to
identify the common traits of the Jews in order to demonstrate “their racial purity.”
Thanks to a detailed review published in the journal Science2 in 1885, I became
aware of an article published in The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great
Britain in 1884, entitled “Racial Characteristics of Jews” and written by Joseph Jacobs,3
nearly 60 years before the Holocaust. (Through a technique that was famous at the time,
a well-known photographer made a composite portrait by overlaying several
photographs of Jewish teenagers, who were not related by kinship and came from
several different countries; the resulting portrait, Jacobs believes, is “the nearest
representation of the lad Samuel, or the youthful David. He also identifies the features of
the captive Jews of Lachish in the Assyrian bas relief (B. C. 701).”4 The observations
and measurements made on these teen students, from the middle social layers, reveals
that “they have fewer blue and grey-eyed individuals, and more brown and dark-eyed,
than their Teutonic neighbours. So also their hair and skin are darker. [_] The common
notion as to length of nose is supported by measurements, while that of the thickness of
5
the lips is not.”
2 Science, vol. 6, no. 140, (9 Oct. 1885), 322-324, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1760776, accessed 28
October 2012.
3 Joseph Jacobs 1854-1916, a Jewish historian, folklorist and literary critic, born in Australia, who in 1900
became editor of the Jewish Encyclopedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Jacobs, accessed October
2012).
4 Review, Racial Characteristics of Jews, in Science, vol. 6, no. 140, (9 Oct. 1885), 323,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1760776, accessed 28 October 2012.
5 Ibidem.
The Image of the Jews from Maramureș
205
Such studies undertaken by Jewish scholars in the late nineteenth century were
also mentioned by Daniel Vyleta, citing articles from the Zionist newspaper Die Welt (5,
12 and 19 July 1901) in which Jews were characterised as small in stature, with short
limbs and thick lips, with black hair and dark eyes, brachycephalous (bevelled) skulls,
excessive facial and body hair, broad foreheads, large noses and small chests. Jews were
described as a race of workers with a weak constitution, intelligent yet not creative.6
Studies of this kind also appeared in Romania, evincing the general tendency to
divide the world’s population from an anthropological point of view; a Jewish man, by
the name of Henric Sanielevici, wrote in 1920: “The typical Jew - just like the Armenian
- appears to be of stocky build, with broad shoulders, a short neck and a round head,
very carnivorous and very impulsive and precipitated in speech. The tenacity of the Jew,
which so much has been written about, derives also from the great development of the
will centres; for persecutions to bolster his tenacity, it was necessary for the Jew to have
the tenacity to withstand such persecutions in the first place.” 7
At the end of the twentieth century, Josy Eisenberg, a French rabbi, claimed that
these features were invented with the advent of anti-Semitism: “The Jews are no
different from their neighbours either by name or by specific physical features or
clothing. Obviously, ‘the Jewish type,’ with a hooked nose and a demoniacal gaze,
which has appeared in caricatures since the twelfth century, is a projection and does not
correspond to reality, as it was accurately rendered by the Christian artists of the early
Middle Ages.”8
What I have attempted to find out in this research is if the Jews of Maramureș
differed in any respect from the others, if an awareness of the differences between the
Jews and the Christians has remained imprinted in the collective memory and if these
aspects are related to the respondents’ personal experience, memories, or were
influenced by the knowledge they subsequently acquired.
Frequently, the responses contain descriptions of the Jews’ outward appearance
pertaining to religious characteristics, and only at the interviewers’ insistence are details
of physiognomy given: “Somethin’ like they was speckl’d, they ‘ad somethin’ on their
faces, some of ‘em was reddish, with elongated faces” (Timiș Ion, Rozavlea).
The stereotypes related to the image of the Jews are almost entirely ignored, as
the respondents focus on another “problem” that Romanian peasants related to the Jews:
the latter’s avoidance of work in the fields, which was reflected in their appearance.
“Jus’ ‘bout all ‘em Jews, ‘cause I was little back then, ‘em was all white ‘n’ red. ‘Cause
‘em woudn’t get out in the sun. Their ‘ole lives was spent in the shade” (Mârza Toader,
Rozavlea).
Danci Ion, 85, a former guard at the town hall in Săcel, recalls: “But there was
beautiful Jewish girls. My oh my!” AP: “But what did they look like? Blondes,
6 M. Kreuzer, ‘Uber anthropologische, physiologische und pathologische Eigenheiten der Juden’, apud
Daniel Vyleta, “Jewish Crimes and Misdemeanours: In Search of Jewish Criminality (Germany and
Austria, 1890-1914),” in European History Quarterly, no. 35/2, 2005, p. 304.
7 Henric Sanielevici, Probleme sociale și psihologice, Bucharest: Socec & Co, 1920, p. 116,
www.dacoromanica.com, accessed October 2012.
8 Josy Eisenberg, O istorie a evreilor, Bucharest: Ed. Humanitas, 2006, p. 186.
206
Aura Comănescu
redheads, brunettes?” DI: “All races, but most of ‘em were spongy. I don’t know how to
tell ya... with ‘em spots.” The language used makes us believe that this respondent used
no sources other than his own observation.
Jewish girls caught the eye because of their beautiful, curly hair or unexpected
associations thereof: “They were dark-haired and blue-eyed, very rich, curly [hair], very
beautiful. There were also redheads, but generally they were brunettes, the ones I met.”
(Dăncuș Mihai, Sighetu-Marmației)
The descriptions are appreciative and the references to these genetic traits have
no racist overtones: “The neighbour had extraordinarily luscious hair, a wonderful
auburn, but very curly, like black women’s hair. I had a classmate, also Jewish, Berta
Isacovits. They had very beautiful hair; I don’t not know what they did and what their
genetic baggage was, but they had extraordinarily beautiful hair” (Sarkady Elisabeta,
Sighetu Marmației).
The beauty of this hair during the teen years makes all the more significant the
Jewish women’s relinquishment of this special ornament after marriage.9
Some Jews who were redheads stood out: “‘Cause his pap’s call’d Iancu’s Red.
He was red. His hair, his beard, ‘twas red, all of ‘im” (Mârza Ioana, Rozavlea). The
natural conclusion is that like Christians, Jews looked like their parents and, because of
this, their features could be different: “Well now, every chip off its own old block. One
was like this, another one like that” (Mârza Ioana, Rozavlea); never did the respondents
make any remark concerning membership to a different race.
The Jews interviewed in this research often claimed that they could easily pass
for Romanians, both their appearance and their names contributing to their inclusion in
another group: “Apșan was a very Romanian name. I could speak Romanian very well
and they sometimes didn’t realise I wasn’t Romanian and I liked to take them in about
it” (Dora Apșan Sorell, Sighet).
Given the memory of racial purification that Hitler relied upon in initiating and
committing the Holocaust, physical descriptions sometimes emphatically refuted that
theory, outlining the irony of fate (given that many of the people described were killed
in extermination camps): “ My father was a handsome man, and my mother was
beautiful too, both looked like Arians, both had blue eyes. I had very beautiful parents”
(Margareta Mezei, Sighetu Marmației).
The testimonies collected do not confirm the existence of a stereotype
entrenched in the mentality of Christians today; this is attested by references to the huge
stature of the Jews. “That ol’ man, that Lazăr, was as big as a mountain. Well, it
depends, there wasn’t a rule. They could be smaller and thinner, or they could be
stouter. Especially those who were poor, who lived scantily, ‘cause they had many kids,
they couldn’t make ends meet to keep them up and were more wretched” (Tureanu Ion,
Copalnic Mănăștur). Mihai Dăncuș remembers the Jews: “They were very stout in terms
of anthropological structure. They looked great.” About his Jewish classmates, with
whom he squabbled during the breaks, Tureanu Cornel says: “Them was weak and
9 A topic more extensively approached in “Ipostaze ale femeii evreice în Maramureșul interbelic,” in
Anuarul de Istorie Orală, XIII/2013, forthcoming.
The Image of the Jews from Maramureș
207
feeble. Skinny, they were, like that, but we, on the other hand, were many and
mightier.”
While the people interviewed, both Jews and Christians, had a general attitude
that was quite restrained about highlighting the differences pertaining to the Jews’
physical traits, many more details were given about what really stood out in their
appearance, more precisely their clothing and headdress, the way they let their beard or
side-locks grow, al of these aspects being are described more fully below.
2.	Outward appearance
The typical appearance of a Jewish man during the interwar period was sober:
almost all his garment items were black or dark, including the trousers, the vest and/or
jacket, depending on the season, a long, light or warm overcoat, all black, the only spot
of colour being the white shirt. “Long black clothes. Their shoes could barely be seen on
‘count of the clothes they wore” (Tureanu Ion, Copalnic Mănăștur). Most of the times
they wore curly side-locks under a black hat, whose shape and the fabric it was made of
varied according to the individual’s social and religious status. Women and children
were dressed in city clothes, but in richer colours: “For the rest of the time, women wore
more colourful, polka dot dresses, but men wouldn’t wear colours. Men tended to go for
black and white and nothing else, they wore no colours” (Timiș Ioan, Rozavlea).
After the war, the economic plight of ordinary peasants throughout
Transylvania, but especially in Maramureș, an area that was almost isolated from the
rest of the country, determined them to focus on their household products, for both food
and clothing purposes. Hemp, wool and animal hides were used by the peasants to
manufacture all their everyday and holiday garments. The differences were much more
blatant in the rural areas, as the Jews preferred to buy their clothes or have them tailored
after the fashion and with the fabrics used in making clothes for the city dwellers. “The
peasants wore folk costumes specific to Maramureș, while the Jews had urban garments
but also characteristic outfits” (Dăncuș Mihai). The clothes worn by the Jews were
therefore called “gentlemanly,” “intellectual” and, by extension, also “Jewish”: “By
contrast, they ‘ad gentlemanly clothes, bu’ the peasants back then call’ed ‘em Jewish”
(Dunca Dumitru, Șieu). What is interesting is the chromatic difference between the
Romanians’ clothes, made of hemp and white and gray wool, and the Jews’ sober,
black, purchased clothes: “The Zhids wore trousers, a jacket, they had Jewish caps. Our
folk would wear only hand-woven clothing, slacks, trousers made of wool, all ashen.
The Zhids wore only black” (Mâț Măricuța, Moisei). The peasants claim that opanci, a
symbol of backwardness, were avoided and totally despised: “We, Romanians, all wore
opanci, but they, no matter how wretched they may have been, they’d rather walk
barefoot but not wear opanci... ‘Twas as if they were loathsome, ‘cause they’re call’d
‘boșcoroș’ in Hungarian, much like ‘optincosule’ (opanci wearer) in Romanian”
(Tureanu Cornel, Copalnic Mănăștur).
Some of the interviewees stated that city clothes, which were probably quite
expensive at the time, were dirty, unkempt: “Overall, during the Sabbath days, they
were cleaner, better dressed, but they didn’t pay much for clothing. You should know
they were dirty like that, usually” (Dunca Dumitru, Șieu).
208
Aura Comănescu
This tendency of the Jews not to attach great importance to their garments is also
underlined by Ioan J. Popescu: “Their consumption of everything is very low.
Throughout their entire lifetime, they had only one pair of trousers, so much so that one
could no longer tell what the trousers had been made of, since there were so many
patches.”
Wearing the kippah or a wig was a specific custom of all the Jews, but, as the
interviewees specified, in time these features remained the attribute of zealots, especially
in the urban settlements: “Every day they dressed like anyone else. But on Saturdays
they wore different attire. More beautiful, cleaner. But you could count on your fingers
how many had side-locks” (Anonymous).
Living in Sighet, “My father had a small beard, he never had paisli, at home he
always wore a shiny black kippah, while in the street he wore a hat” (Dora Apșan Sorell).
Apparently this kippah “was only instituted in Talmudic times (approximately
the second century CE). The first mention of it is in Tractate Shabbat, which discusses
respect and fear of God. [...] The head covering is also a sign of humility for men,
acknowledging what’s ‘above’ us.”10
In the villages, not only the rabbi or ultra-religious persons, but all the Jews
wore side-locks, as modernisation, emancipation made a late appearance: “How could I
not tell them apart in the street? They were Jews, had twisted side-locks and all that.
We, the peasants, said to them: ‘Listen here, you have side-locks like the Zhids!’ We
call ‘em chiți, others call ‘em side-locks” (Gonda Gheorghe from Săcel).
We have made a brief introduction to the symbolism of these characteristic
elements pertaining to the religious Jews, based on the literature and the information
available on the internet.
The names given to these strands of hair vary in the descriptions given by the
peasants from Maramureș (“paisli,” side-locks, “twisted side-locks,” “chiți”), which
coincide with those in the description of the ethnographer Dimitrie Dan, made in 1899,
quoted by A. Oișteanu: “The brown hair on the head is cropped short or even shaved
with the razor. Sometimes the hair has a fair coloration, or even a red one. Close to the
ears, the hair on the head is not cropped, but long plaits are allowed to grow, which are
always crimped and are called peoth, side or margin or ‘side-locks.’ These locks are of
the prescribed length when their ends can reach each other under the beard. The beard
and moustaches are never shaven nor cropped, but are worn in their natural length.”11
In the scientific literature, they can be found under the name “payis,” “payos” or
“pe’ot,” “side-locks” in English or “papillotte” in French.
In the Jewish Encyclopedia, their explanation is as follows: “PE’OT (plural of
‘pe’ah’ = ‘segment,’ ‘side,’ ‘border’): Side-locks worn by Jewish men, especially those
of Poland and Russia. Strictly conforming themselves to the Biblical precept in Lev. xix.
10 http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/Kippah.html,_accessed October 2012.
11 Dimitrie Dan, Evreii din Bucovina, Studiu istoric, cultural, etnografic și folcloric, Cernăuți: Ed.
Autorului, 1899, apud A. Oișteanu, Imaginea evreului evreului în cultura română, Bucharest: Ed.
Humanitas, 2001, p. 52. English translation in A. Oișteanu, Inventing the Jew. Antisemitic Stereotypes in
Romanian and Other Central-East European Cultures. Trans. Mirela Adascalitei. Lincoln, Neb.:
University of Nebraska Press, 2009, p. 46.
The Image of the Jews from Maramureș
209
27,	they allowed the hair to grow on both sides of the head and to hang down in curls or
ringlets. The cutting of the side-locks was considered a heathen custom; therefore this
law, as interpreted by some authorities, forbids the removal of the side-locks with a
razor or the clipping of them with scissors [...]. According to Maimonides, [...] one is
allowed to cut off hair of the side-locks with scissors. For many centuries most of the
Eastern European Jews observed this Biblical law; but in 1845 Czar Nicholas I of
Russia decreed that his Jewish subjects should no longer wear either the Polish-Jewish
costume or side-locks. Forcible means were used to enforce this ukase; nevertheless the
side-locks are still extensively worn by Jews of Eastern Europe, as also of the Orient.
Today some of the Hasidim also obey the Biblical law.”12 Aside from explanations
within the reach of all, there are also deeper meanings:
“Payot are considered to have mystical importance too, forming a symbolic
separation between the front part of the brain (which is said to govern abstract thought)
from the back part (which is said to govern and control the body). This is very much
part of the Jewish tradition of keeping separate the holy and everyday life.”13
The Jews of the city consider themselves, almost without exception, religious but
a little emancipated, which is apparently a general rule in the communities from the
Maramureș area. “They weren’t zealots, Dad wore a small beard, that’s all, I even have a
picture of my dad, what he looked like then” (Golda Solomon, Sighetu Marmației). “My
parents were Orthodox not Hasidic, that is they moderately complied fully with the
prescriptions of the Torah and all the Jewish laws” (Markovits Paul, Baia Mare).
However, emancipation was often due to advancement in social life and overcoming
anonymity. “You can’t say that a high-class doctor, a lawyer of great renown or an
engineer who is a factory manager could be ultra-religious” (Markovits Paul, Baia Mare).
Especially in the urban communities, alongside emancipation14 there was a
phenomenon of the loss of the numinous, which Jean Baechler defines as the
“movement whereby the sphere of the sacred is slowly eroded by that of the profane, to
the point that it vanishes almost completely.”15 Both the wearing of specific costumes
and other traditions are gradually ignored: “In Lăpuș only two Jewish families did not
keep a kosher household, two lawyers: Dr. Samo Biro and Dr. Harnic. They were not
religious at all, never went to the synagogue and did not eat kosher food” (Bernat
Sauber, Târgu Lăpuș).
This is the same concept that Max Weber called Entzauberung, “desacralisation
(disenchantment of the world).”16 This process of assimilation, which took place during
a period of tolerance, of normalcy as regards the minority policies, dissolved
differences:
12 http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/12014-pe-ot, accessed October 2012.
13 http://wiki.answers.com/Q/What_is_the_history_of_Jewish_payis, accessed October 2012.
14 A topic developed in Aura Comănescu (Pintea), “Between Tradition and Emancipation - Jewish
Communities in Marmureș during the Interwar Period” in Transylvanian Review, vol. XX, Supplement no.
2:2, 2011. Edited by Oana Mihaela Tămaș, Cluj-Napoca Ed. Romanian Academy, Center for Transylvanian
Studies.
15 Jean Baechler, the chapter entitled “Religia” in Raymond Boudon, Tratat de Sociologie, Bucharest: Ed.
Humanitas, p. 539.
16 Max Weber, Etica protestantă și spiritul capitalismului, Bucharest: Ed. Humanitas, 1993.
210
Aura Comănescu
“The very beneficence of the surrounding environment tends to diminish the
Jews’ attachment to specific Jewish practices, languages, traditions and values,
exception being made, sometimes, in the case of the latter, in the sense that values are
reinterpreted in such a manner that they are effaced, emptied of meaning, reduced to a
vague trace of Jewish specificity.”17
These factors increasingly led to the loss of the distinctive traditional features of
Jewish appearance, to the extent that these images from the past are beginning to fade in
the memory of the witnesses. Here is an interesting moment captured by the journalist
Ioan J. Popescu in Sighet in 2011, which would appear to illustrate the fact that the
subconscious of the Christians from this town, where the Jews used to represent the
majority, still harbours misunderstood memories, a residual memory that has led the
former to accept and not be at all surprised by the invasion of several hundred characters
coming, as it were, straight from the past:
“Last year in February there came 255 rabbis, including Chief Rabbi Ruv
Aaron Teitelbaum. What was interesting, and I myself watched this, as did my fellow
journalists, was how the population accepted this invasion, these rabbis who seemed to
have come out of the screen. The vast majority of the population had seen them only on
TV and in movies. They did not react. It was somewhat natural that the people of Sighet
should not have turned their heads. Here and there a kid would turn its head. And then,
when Aron Teitelbaum returned to the Community, he said that he had also been
surprised by this. He said it was the first time and it was the only area he had visited for
the relics where the population welcomed them back as if they had never left” (Ioan J.
Popescu, Sighetu Marmației).
Since it is in Sighet that there are plans to build, in the near future, the first
synagogue in Europe since the Holocaust, the presence of the religious Jews will soon
become not only a matter of habit, but also an opportunity for older people to remember
more easily sequences from the past concerning the appearance and the life of the Jews
in Maramureș.
This segment of the image of the Jews from Maramureș, the easiest to observe
and describe, represented - for many of those who lived in and witnesses the period
from the beginning of the previous century (when the Jewish population was significant
in the area) - both a source of curiosity and a situation of normalcy to be found in their
immediate vicinity. Although the most obvious visual impact was that made by
garments, the memories of the interviewees also preserve anatomical details (skin, eye,
hair colour), often accompanied by comments revealing surprise: “See, now that you’ve
asked me, I remember” (Mârza Ioana, Rozavlea). Even these details have underlayers of
meaning that complete the image of the Jews from a psychological and behavioural
perspective (a pale complexion is interpreted as the result of laziness.)
For today’s generation, the shreds of memory sometimes elicited by insistence
and using special techniques borrowed from sociology and psychology, from elderly
people with age-specific issues, are genuine documents that will be preserved in the
archives (both our personal archive and the archive of the Oral History Institute of Cluj-
17 Bernard Wasserstein, Dispariția disporei, Evreii din Europa începând cu 1945, Iași: Ed. Polirom, 2000,
p. 214.
The Image of the Jews from Maramureș
211
Napoca) and can be reused when needed. The interwar history of Maramureș would be
incomplete and false if the Jewish presence and activity in this area were not mentioned
and illustrated with lived stories; as long as their collection is still possible, it is both
necessary and desirable today, when dry historical data no longer attract young people
towards knowing their past.
CLAUDIU CĂLIN1
BISHOP DR. H. C. AUGUSTIN PACHA
AND THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC DIOCESE OF TIMIȘOARA (1923-1948)
(PART I)
Abstract: The theological seminary from the Diocese of Cenad made its presence felt starting from the
second half of the eighteenth century, after the liberation of the diocesan territory (the Banat and the Arad
area) from Ottoman occupation and the revitalisation of religious life amongst the Roman Catholics in this
corner of Europe. With the school administered by the Cathedral Chapter of Cenad as its precursor, the
modern Theological Seminary in Timișoara was opened, in 1806, after numerous efforts, by Bishop
Ladislaus Koszeghy. Originally housed in the former residence of the Jesuit monks, near St. George’s
Church, this academic institute was endowed with a modern edifice in the summer of 1914, benefiting
from increasingly competitive teachers and education methods.
Keywords: theological academy, seminary, diocese, Pacha, bishop
Introduction.2 The situation of the Theological Seminary3 in 1948
An institution with particular relevance in the life of a diocese, whether Roman Catholic
or of any other denomination, is the seminary or theological academy, an academic
institution whose primary purpose is to educate the local, indigenous clergy. The Roman
Catholic Diocese of Timișoara benefited from such an institution, at university level,
until the fateful year 1948. To illustrate its standing and situation in the aforementioned
year, we shall render here the data collected from the 1948 Diocesan Schematism,
which has, for a long time, been the last one edited in the Banatian diocese.
In 1948, the rector of the seminary was the Reverend Professor Dr. Adalbert
Boros,4 the holder of two doctorates obtained in Rome in the late 1930s; Professor
1 Archivist at the Diocesan Archives of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Timișoara, PhD student at the
“George Barițiu” History Institute, Cluj-Napoca. E-mail: duratti2002@yahoo.de.
2 This study is divided into two parts: an overview of the establishment and evolution of this theological
institute of university rank from the medieval period until the end of World War I (the material published
in the present issue of AMN), and an overview of the evolution of the Roman Catholic Theological
Academy from Timișoara, under the pastorate of Bishop Augustin Pacha, from 1923 until 1950, when the
seminary was effectively dismantled, having become clandestine in 1948 (a material to be published later).
3 The institute was currently titled, at that time, as: the “Roman Catholic Theological Academy.” The name
of seminary was used in parallel with that of academy.
4 Adalbert Boros (1908-2003). He was born on 20 September 1908, at Pădureni, Arad County (Chișineu
Criș today). He attended the Piarist High School in Timișoara, receiving the Baccalaureate diploma in
1926. He began the study of theology at the Theological Academy in Timișoara, from where he was sent to
Rome (1926-1934). Here he graduated in Philosophy and Theology from the Pontifical Gregorian
University, as an alumnus of the “Germanicum et Hungaricum de Urbe” College and was ordained as a
priest in the Eternal City on 30 October 1932. Here he obtained two doctorates, in Theology and
Philosophy. He later taught at the Roman Catholic Theological Academy in Timișoara, as Professor of
Philosophy and Dogmatics. Dr. Adalbert Boros was the last rector of the Roman Catholic Theological
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha
213
Boros was also a Professor of Theology, a member of the Diocesan Tribunal
(Consistory), a prosinodal examiner for the priests who had to take certain exams during
their first years in service, a member of the examination board for religion teachers and
a diocesan censor. Adalbert Boros was also the official spiritual (confessor) of the
seminary. The next position, that of the prefect of studies, was occupied by Rev. Dr.
Josef Schwarz,5 a Doctor of Theology, a professor, a member of the examination board
for religion teachers and a diocesan censor. The faculty and the distribution by study
Academy in Timișoara, having been appointed to this position in late 1947 by Bishop Dr. h. c. Augustin
Pacha, after the death of the late rector Dr. Josef Korner. On 14 January 1948, he received from Pope Pius
XII the title of papal chamberlain, and on 5 May 1949 he was appointed by the same Roman pontiff as
senior canon in the Cathedral Chapter of Timișoara. In November 1948 he was secretly appointed as titular
Bishop of Ressiana and auxiliary Bishop of Timișoara, being clandestinely consecrated on 12 December of
the same year in the chapel of the Apostolic Nunciature in Bucharest, by the regent of the Apostolic
Nunciature, Archbishop Gerald Patrick O’Hara. He kept the secret of his consecration, but having been
suspected by the communists that he had received this honour, he was arrested on 10 March 1951, and was
sentenced in the same show-trial with his diocesan Bishop Augustin Pacha. He received one of the harshest
sentences passed against the members of the “Pacha Lot”: “forced labour and civic demotion for life.” He
served his unjust sentence until 4 August 1964, when he was released following a pardon from the
Penitentiary in Gherla. After his release, the first path he embarked on took him directly from the prison
gate to the shrine from Maria Radna, as a sign of gratitude for the protection the Blessed Virgin had given
him during the years of detention. After being released from prison, he worked as a chaplain in Timișoara
III Parish - Elisabetin, never being officially accepted as a bishop by the Romanian state, even after 1989.
His Holiness Pope John Paul II appointed him titular Archbishop of Ressiana on 14 March 1990. Also
starting from 1990, Archbishop Boros became provost of the reactivated Cathedral Chapter, continuing his
activity, which he had also carried out during the woeful era of communism, as an official of the Diocesan
Tribunal. Although invited by the Holy See to take part in the works of the Second Vatican Council on 31
August 1965, the communist authorities did not allow him to go to Rome. During the years after 1989, he
strove to get a new appeal to the sentence pronounced in his trial of September 1951 and his rehabilitation,
being successful in both endeavours on 19 March 1997. He died on 6 June 2003, at the age of 95, after 70
years of priesthood, 55 years of episcopate and 13 years of archiepiscopate. See: Claudiu Călin, “Procesul
episcopului Augustin Pacha și al membrilor Aulei Episcopale Romano-Catolice de Timișoara - portrete și
destine din arhivele episcopiei timișorene,” in Cosmin Budeancă, Florentin Olteanu (eds.), Destine
Individuale și Colective în Comunism, Iași: Polirom, 2013, pp. 121-122.
5 Josef Schwarz (1915-1967). He was born at Șagul (Arad County). He attended the Banatia Roman
Catholic German High School in Timișoara, obtaining his Baccalaureate in 1934. He attended theological
studies in Innsbruck, Austria, in the Canisianum Jesuit College. He was ordained as a priest in Sion-Sitten,
Switzerland, on 9 June 1940, where he completed his academic training in 1941, when he obtained his
PhD in Theology. In 1942 he was appointed chaplain in Reșița, and from 31 October 1946 he worked as a
Professor and Prefect of Studies at the Theological Academy in Timișoara. In 1947 he was appointed
confessor of the Timișoara penitentiary. On 5 April 1951 he was appointed as notary of the Diocesan
Tribunal by Vicar General Josef Plesz (with the mention that the latter acted in the canonical situation of
sede impedita). He taught at the diocesan seminary in the years 1948-1950 too, being later appointed
chaplain in Timișoara III Elisabetin, Timișoara II Fabric, and Timișoara V Mehala. On 18 September
1954, Bishop Pacha, released from jail, officially appointed him notary of the Diocesan Tribunal, the
substitute ordinary Konrad Kernweisz appointing him in 1964 as honorary assessor of this diocesan body,
with the privilege of wearing the red belt. In 1962 he was appointed parish priest at Cărani (Timiș County),
where he died on 25 November 1967, at the age of 52. See: Schematismus Cleri Dioecesis Timișoaraensis
pro Anno Domini 1948, Timișoara, Typis Typographiae “Victoria”, 1948, p. 123; Archivum Dioecesanum
Timisoarense [ADT], Fond Personalia, Package “Sch 3”, Personalia “Josef Schwarz (1915-1967)”, a file
containing documents referring to the person of the priest Schwarz for the period 1934-1962, unnumbered.
214
Claudiu Călin
subjects was as follows: Rev. Dr. Ferdinand Cziza,6 who had been appointed as
Professor of Canon Law and Moral Theology, was a Doctor of Theology, prosinodal
examiner, a member of the examination board for religion teachers and a diocesan
censor. For teaching Bible Study, the tenured professor was the already mentioned Rev.
Dr. Josef Schwarz. Dogmatic Theology and Philosophy were the prevalent fields of
study and the subjects assigned to Rev. Dr. Adalbert Boros, the rector of the seminary.
Rev. Dr. Anton Schulter taught Church History and Pastoral Theology, and he was a
Doctor of Theology, a member of the Diocesan Tribunal, a prosinodal examiner, a
member of the examination board for religion teachers and a diocesan censor. Cantus
Liturgicus or Liturgical Chant was taught by Rev. Emeric Vormittag, the succentor of
the Cathedral Chapter and a chaplain in the Timișoara I Cetate parish.7
6 Ferdinand Cziza (1915-1993). He was born in Lendava (Hung. Alsolendva), today in Slovenia, but grew
up at Oravița (Caraș-Severin County). He attended the Banatia Roman Catholic German High School,
Timișoara, where he obtained his Baccalaureate in 1933. He began his theological studies at Innsbruck, in
the same year, at the Faculty of Theology of the university in this city. From 1936, he continued them in
Rome, at the Pontifical Gregorian University, as a student of the Germanicum-Hungaricum College. He
took a degree in Philosophy “cum laude” in the same year and one in Theology “magna cum laude” in
1940. It was also at the Gregoriana that he received his doctorate on 16 July 1941, with the theme “The
Eucharistic Worship in the Byzantine-Romanian Rite.” On 1 September 1941, he was appointed as a
chaplain in Timișoara II Fabric and on 1 September 1943 he was transferred to the Theological Academy
as confessor of the seminary and professor. In July 1944, he was confessor of the nuns from the Notre
Dame de Sion Congregation, who had been evacuated from Iași to Oravița because of the war. In 1946 he
became the manciple of the academy, advocatus pauperum at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal and diocesan
censor. In 1947 he received the appointment of prosinodal examiner and member of the examination board
for the teachers of religion. Between 1948 and 1950 he activated as a professor of the diocesan seminary,
and from 1951-1956 he was sent to Alba Iulia, as a professor at the theological seminary there. Already in
April 1951 he was appointed as promoter of justice and defender of the marriage bond (defensor vinculi) at
the Ecclesiastical Tribunal by the vicar general and the substitute ordinary Josef Plesz. Subsequently, also
in 1951, he was appointed provicar and vicar general by the substitute ordinary Ivan Frigyer (who
succeeded at the helm of the diocese after Josef Plesz was arrested). It was imperative that the vicar general
authority for Timișoara should be exercised in Alba Iulia because according to the communist legislation,
this diocese had to assume authority over the “former” Diocese of Timișoara, but also because Frigyer had
declared on 1 December 1951 that he intended to entrust Cziza with the office of ordinary, as he had
remained a parish priest in Timișoara VI Fratelia (even though Frigyer had continued to sign documents as
ordinarius substitutus). In this sense, the presence of Cziza in Alba Iulia ensured his contribution as a
professor at the seminary there, as well as the assistance he could provide to the holder of the jurisdiction
in Alba Iulia as a connoisseur of the realities in the Diocese of Timișoara. On 11 July 1954, he was
appointed vicar general by Bishop Augustin Pacha, who had recently been released from prison. This
appointment was clearly made out of the bishop desire and for practical reasons, as Cziza had long been
recognised by the state as the “archpriest-secretary.” He remained a vicar general during the period of the
ordinaries Konrad Kernweisz (1954-1981), Ferdinand Hauptmann (1981-1983) and Sebastian Krauter
(1983-1990), who were recognised as “archpriests.” In 1963, he was awarded the “Star of the Romanian
People’s Republic.” On 14 November 1972, he was appointed domestic prelate of the Holy Father, the
Pope. In August 1990, he submitted his resignation and requested retirement and excardination from the
Diocese of Timișoara, emigrating to Germany. Here he served as a retired priest at Auchsesheim between
1991 and 1993. He died on 6 June 1993 in Augsburg and was buried in Auchsesheim. See: Schematismus
1948, p. 105; Anton Peter Petri, Biographisches Lexikon des Banater Deutschtums, Th. Breit
Druck+Verlag GmbH, Marquartstein, 1992, column 286; ADT, Fond Personalia Vicarii Generales, Dosar
Personalia “Ferdinand Tivadar Cziza (1915-1993)”, a file comprising documents regarding the person of
Vicar Cziza for the period 1930-1993, unnumbered.
7 Schematismus 1948, pp. 15, 18-19.
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha
215
In 1948, the relatively young Professor Ferdinand Cziza was the manciple of the
Theological Academy, in the sense that he was responsible for the administrative
aspects of the edifice, for ensuring the conditions of accommodation, food and study.
The “deputies” for discipline the seminary were the canons Josef Waltner and Josef
Nischbach, while for the administrative part, in connection with the manciple, were the
parish priests Geza Carol Rech, from the parish Timișoara II Fabric, and Georg Wetzl,
from the parish Timișoara IV Iosefin.8 This organization scheme of the Theological
Academy was the last before the abusive dismantlement of this institution of
denominational education at university level. The details and the steps taken by the
communist authorities for closing down the institute and confiscating the entire edifice
belonging to the academy will be described in the present study. First, however, is
certainly imperative that we should take a look into the over two-century long past of
the Theological Academy in Timișoara, with particular emphasis on its operation during
the pastorate of Bishop Dr. h. c. Augustin Pacha.
Precursors of the Theological Academy in Timișoara. Between the school of the
Cathedral Chapter of Cenad, founded by sf. Gerhard of Sagredo in 1030, and the
nineteenth-century Theological Seminary
With the establishment of the old Diocese of Cenad in 1030 by the Holy King St.
Stephen of Hungary and the Holy Gerhard of Sagredo, the first Bishop of Urbs
Morisena, the Cathedral Chapter of St. George was also founded. The ones who were
appointed to the dignity of canons, members of the chapter, were none other than the
Benedictine monks, who had arrived along with Bishop Gerhard in his new episcopal
city. They were: Stephanus, Anselmus, Conradus, Albertus, Ulricus, Walterus, Crato,
Tazlo, Philippus, Henricus, Leonardus and Concius.9 They came from the Benedictine
monasteries of Pecs, Zalavâr, Bakonybel and Pannonhalma. These canons, with a
background of erudite Benedictine monks, formed the first teaching staff of the capitular
school, the precursor of the modern theological seminary, founded by Saint Gerhard
besides his cathedral and his chapter. From one of the versions of the Great Legend
(Legends Major) of St. Gerard, we learn about the foundation of this medieval school,
which initially had only one professor (magister) and later two. Mentioned as having
filled this position are the canons Walterus and Henricus,10 who taught subjects like
reading, writing (the Latin language), and music or chanting, the school playing a
prominent role in the formation of the diocesan clergy. Even the titles of the canons
rendered their role within the chapter and the capitular school: the canon-reader
(sometimes called canonicus scholasticus) was, after the head of the chapter, that is the
8 Ibidem, pp. 19, 24-25
9 Schematismus Cleri Dioecesis Csanădiensis pro Anno Jubilări MDCCCC, Typis Typographiae
Dioecesis Csanâdiensis, Temesvârini, 1900, p. 65; Martin Roos, Erbe und Auftrag, Die alte Diozese
Csanăd. Zwischen Grundlegung und Aufteilung 1030 bis 1923, vol. I, part 1: Von den Atfăngen bis zum
Ende der Turkenzeit 1030-1718, edited by the successor dioceses: Szeged-Csanâd, Zrenjanin and
Timișoara, 2009, pp. 32-33.
10 Kovâts Sândor, A csanădi papnevelde tortenete. A mai papnevelde megnyităsănak elso centenăriuma
alkalmăbol 1806-1906, Csanâdegyhâzmegyei konyvnyomda, Temesvâr, 1908, pp. 1-4.
216
Claudiu Călin
provost, the next in importance, with the clearly defined role of leading the capitular
school. He was to supervise the proper learning of reading and writing, as well as of
reading and, respectively, chanting the sacred texts in the cathedral. He could have a
subaltern, called the subreader. The next canon both as regards his title in the chapter
and his role within the capitular school was the canon-cantor. As the name suggests, he
taught sacred chant and music, being at the same time responsible for the good order of
the liturgical ritual in the cathedral. Judging by the features of his work, he can be said
to have been a precursor of the Professor of Liturgical Studies and Sacred Music from
the modern seminaries. If necessary, a subaltern could be appointed for the canon-
cantor, called a succentor. The first class of this school, as the sources of the time attest,
had no less than 30 students.11 It is certain that this first documentarily attested school of
the territory of present-day Romania operated until around the time when Cenad and
implicitly the Banat were occupied by Ottoman armies in 1552. After this year, the
religious life of the Roman Catholics recorded an almost complete disaster on the
canonical territory of the Diocese of Cenad. Only in 1716, when the Banat and
Timișoara were liberated from Ottoman occupation, could one speak of a gradual and, at
first, relatively slow recovery of the Catholic ecclesiastical structures in this
geographical area. A theological seminary was reopened only after almost nine decades
12
since the expulsion of the Ottomans, on 17 November 1806.12
After 1716, during the first years after the Diocese of Cenad was reactivated, the
education of the future priests was ensured in the theological seminaries from Trnava
(Germ. Tyrnau), Vienna, Nitra (Germ. Neutra), Buda (Germ. Ofen), Zagreb (Germ.
Agram) and Bratislava (Germ. PreBburg). There were, indeed, more or less realistic and
well-articulated plans for the establishment of a modern theological seminary in
Timișoara, but they could be translated into reality only by Bishop Ladislaus Koszeghy
of Remete13 in 1806. To financially support the education of students in the afore-
11 Farago Jănos, A csanădi kisebb papnevelde tortenete. Szent Gellerttol napjainkig (1030-1925),
Tipografia “Der Landbote”, Timișoara (Temesvăr), 1925, pp. 17-18.
12 Schematismus 1900, p. 279.
13 Ladislaus Koszeghy of Remete (1745-1828), Bishop of Cenad residing in Timișoara between 1800 and
1828. A Jesuit from 1765, originating from Szeged, he studied at Buda and taught in many of the order’s
schools in Hungary. Consecrated as a priest in Graz in 1776, he studied before ordination in this city,
obtaining the title of Doctor of Theology. From 1776, he belonged, as a diocesan priest, to the Diocese of
Pecs, where he taught, also from 1776, at the gymnasium here. When Emericus Christovich was appointed
as Bishop of Cenad in 1777, he took Koszeghy with him to Timișoara, as secretary, and the latter climbed
up the hierarchy, becoming vicar general and provost of the Chapter. In 1798, because of Bishop
Christovich’s old age and poor health, Koszeghy was appointed auxiliary Bishop of Cenad and after
Christovich’s death, he was elected vicar capitular by the chapter. For reasons that remain unknown today,
he was appointed auxiliary Bishop of Oradea in 1799, but episcopal consecration did not take place. He did
not leave Timișoara, being appointed as Bishop of Cenad on 15 August 1800, after having ensured the
leadership of the diocese during the sedis vacantia, for two years. He was one of the most active bishops of
the nineteenth century in the Diocese of Banat. He founded the theological seminary, consecrated the
cathedral, visited the parishes, founded new parishes, established a fund for elderly and sick priests, edited,
with the approval of the Holy See, a diocesan calendar and convened a Diocesan Synod in 1821. He died
on 4 January 1828 and was buried in the crypt of the Dome (the Roman Catholic Cathedral) in Timișoara.
See: Schematismus 1900, pp. 50-51, Martin Roos, Erbe und Auftrag, Die alte Diozese Csanăd. Zwischen
Grundlegung und Aufteilung 1030 bis 1923, vol. I., part 2b: Vom Barock bis zur Revolution 1718-1850, the
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha
217
mentioned theological seminaries throughout the Austrian Empire, there were
foundations like that of the Bishop of Cenad, Stephanus Dolny (1699-1707), amounting
to 3,800 florins, for financing the studies of a seminarian in the St. Stephen seminary
from Trnovo, and that of Laurentius Marczibănyi and his wife, Judith, born
Kvassovsky,14 founded on 1 October 1766, amounting to 2,528 florins and 30 Kreuzers,
for funding the studies of a student in the seminary from Nitra. The studies of another
five seminarians could be supported in the archiepiscopal seminary from Vienna
through the subsidies paid by the District of Timișoara, within the Chamber
Administration of the Banat of Temeswar (two seminarians with a stipend of 400 florins
a year, starting from 23 July 1759) and the Montanist Administration, from the so-called
fundatione montanistica (three seminarians, starting from 13 June 1760, from a capital
of 16,837 florins and 24 Kreuzers). In the Josephine period, from 1780 on, the Banatian
theology students were gathered in the Central Seminary from Buda, while afterwards,
from 1784 on, they were redistributed in the seminaries from Zagreb, Pest, Bratislava
and Trnovo.15
It was, however, the crucial merit of Ladislaus Koszeghy, an erudite priest of the
then already suppressed order of the Jesuits, to have already submitted to the
Locumtenential Council, on 1 May 1799, in the period when he was only vicar capitular
of the vacant see of Cenad, a request for increasing the number of potential student
places assigned to the Banatian Diocese from 12 to 24, especially since it included no
less 200 parishes that year. In this sense, of increasing the number of student places,
what was requested as an optimal and necessary solution was the establishment of a
diocesan seminary in Timișoara. The royal answer arrived only after two years later, on
27 May 1801. It stipulated that the sum of 800 florins from the taxes levied in the town
of Szeged should be assigned to the Fund of the Seminary from the Diocese of Cenad,
which implicitly raised the number of financially supported students to 16. The
aforementioned answer stated that the amount needed to gather 8 more students, whose
funding had been requested by the bishop, should be gathered from various other funds,
eventually becoming possible to school 24 seminarians. Under these circumstances, the
bishop had only to seek the premises of a theological institute, which he would adapt to
its new purpose and found the institute. For this, Koszeghy chose the old residence of
the suppressed Jesuits16 from Timișoara and their church, located across the street from
his episcopal palace. Due to the dissolution of the Society of Jesus (the Jesuit Order) in
1773, the building had become the property of the City Hall of Timișoara, while the
Jesuit church, dedicated to St. George, had remained the parish church of the parish in
the central, urban district, Cetate. However, the City Hall had accepted the presence of
part for the period 1800-1850, edited by the three successor dioceses: Szeged-Csanăd, Zrenjanin and
Timișoara, 2012 pp. 11-53.
14 A noble family of Hungarian origin, owners of the estates from Turnu (Arad County) and Coka (Hung.
Csoka, today in Serbia, the Serbian Banat), who exercised their right of patronage over these two parishes
at the end of the eighteenth century. See: Martin Roos, Erbe und Auftrag, I, 2b, pp. 17, 618.
15 Schematismus 1900, pp. 277-278.
16 Martin Roos, Erbe und Aufrag, Die alte Diozese Csanăd. Zwischen Grundlegung und Aufteilung 1030
bis 1923, vol. I., part 2a: Vom Barock bis zur Revolution 1718-1850, the part for the period 1718-1800,
edited by the three successor dioceses: Szeged-Csanăd, Zrenjanin and Timișoara, 2010 pp. 282-283.
218
Claudiu Călin
the parish priest, along with that of the normal Catholic school in this house.17 The Free
Royal City of Timișoara had only a short time at its disposal to accept the proposal made
by Bishop Koszeghy: the Cetate (central) parish was to move into the former church and
monastery of the Franciscans observant of the Sanctissimi Salvatoris, St. Catherine, while
the normal Catholic school from the same Cetate neighbourhood was to relocated into the
former edifice monastery belonging to the Bosnian observant Franciscans (where, in fact,
ever since 1788, the Piarist monks with their school had been transferred from Sântana18).
However, under a decision of the Royal Locumtenential Council, favourable to the
bishop’s plan, the city administration was forced to start official talks with the diocesan
authorities. These were launched on 26 March 1806 and were marked by challenges,
disputes, which were often public, conducted in the open. Under its decision of 30
September 1806, the Royal Locumtenential Council allocated from the fund of the
dismantled Jesuit Order, the sum of 40,000 florins for renovating and adapting the former
residence of the Jesuits, settling the situation thus. In the same year, on 17 November,
Bishop Koszeghy took over the building in the context of a solemn celebration. His
speech, written in Latin for that occasion, was printed and distributed in the city.
The first rector of the seminary was the very brother of the bishop, the senior
canon Josef Koszeghy, and the canon custodian Andreas Radvânyi was appointed as the
prodirector responsible for theological training. The bishop himself functioned as the
director. The seminary initially included 44 places, and their number was later raised to
48.19 In the first academic year 1806/1807, 31 students learned here, two other
remaining to study in Pest, at the Central Seminary. The statutes of the seminary, which
was placed under the protection of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin
Mary, had been drawn up and approved by 21 August 1805, the curriculum being based
on the Ratio Educationis, in force at that time, in the version of 2 August 1803.
Emphasis in terms of priestly formation was placed on an intense spiritual life, on
spiritual exercises and retreats, on spiritual readings and on daily participation in the
Holy Eucharist. In summer the day started at 4:30, but in winter at 5:00 in the morning,
ending at 9:00 p.m. Study, classes, prayer and recreation were relatively evenly
proportioned. The language of instruction was Latin. The study period was four years,
being divided into two courses, for each of which two professors were responsible. The
seminarians wore a dark blue cassock with a white, simple, tall collar, this colour being
specific to the theological students from the Banat for a long time. The entire program
was permeated by a strong Ignatian spirit, a clear influence of the former Jesuit
Koszeghy, which, in the early years of the post-Josephine period, was not self-
understood. The most important decision-making factor in the seminary was the rector,
followed by the prodirector. Both were appointed from among the clergy, more
precisely from among the members of the cathedral chapter, as they were originally
cathedral canons.20
17 Martin Roos, Erbe und Auftrag, I, 2b, p. 47.
18 Schematismus 1900, p. 108.
19 Koloman Juhâsz, Adam Schicht, Das Bistum Timișoara-Temesvar. Vergangenheit und Gegenwart,
Tipografia “Sonntagsblatt”, Timișoara, 1934, p. 107.
20 Martin Roos, Erbe und Auftrag, I, 2b, pp. 47, 50-51.
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha
219
The old building in which the seminary was opened had thus served as the
residence of the Jesuits. It was built between 1730 and 1733, and consisted of a ground
floor and a first floor. The fașade of the church was rebuilt, respectively Baroquised
between 1754 and 1769 (1771), from the time of the Jesuits, that is, by the master
mason Franz Anton Platel.21 In 1806, with a view to opening the seminary, Bishop
Koszeghy renovated a building with a ground floor and a first floor, adding another
wing to it. Later, in 1841, with the foundation, by Bishop Josef Lonovics of Krivina,22
of the first institution of higher education, with lay students, Lyceum Temesvariense,
consisting of the sections of Philosophy (established in 1841/1842) and Law
(established in 1845/1846), the building underwent renovations and modifications, made
under the direction of the Timișoara-based architect Anton Schmidt (1786-1863)23 In
this era another floor was added, the ground floor being rented to shops, the rent being
used to maintain the building, the first floor being destined for the theological seminary,
and the second floor to the high school in Timișoara. It should be mentioned that
because of its proximity to the Transylvanian Garrison, the old building of the seminary
was severely damaged during the fights against the revolutionaries. What is more
critical is that after the defeat of the 1848 revolution, the Lycaeum did not resume its
activity, its premises being occupied, to the dismay of the seminary management, by a
secondary school with three grades. This situation was settled only in 1908, at the
completion of the new school complex of the Piarist monks of Timișoara.24 In the
21 Ibidem, I, 2a, pp. 84-85.
22 Josef Lonovics of Krivina (1793-1867) was born in Miskolc and studied Philosophy and Theology at
Eger and Pest. In 1817 he was ordained at Eger and in the same year he became a Doctor of Theology. A
secretary and an episcopal notary between 1817 and 1825, a parish priest between 1825 and 1829, he
became a canon of the Cathedral Chapter of Eger from 1829 to 1834. He was a correspondent member and
later Director of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences; in 1830 he taught Moral Theology and Pastoral
Theology at Eger. Between 1834 and 1848, he occupied the episcopal see of Cenad. A member of the
Royal Academy of Oradea, he founded Lyceum Temesvariense, at Timișoara, with the sections of
Philosophy (1841) and Law (1846), which were conceived, together with the already existing Theological
Academy, as the nucleus of a first university. In 1843 he was ennobled, receiving the title of Krivina, after
the Banatian locality of Crivina. In 1845 he received the Cross of the Order of St. Stephen and the great
cross of the Order of St. Leopold. He became an intimate imperial advisor, also in 1845, when he was
made an honorary citizen of Timișoara. In 1841 he was commissioned by the Catholic bishops of Hungary
to go to Rome and negotiate the regulation of mixed marriages with the Roman Pontiff. At his request, the
lists of the papal tithes collected in the Banat in the years 1333-1334 were copied in Rome at that time. He
was directly and decisively involved in establishing the First House of Savings in Timișoara, and he also
restored the Retired Priests’ Fund. He visited the entire diocese (1835-1838) and wrote detailed reports of
his visits and the state of facts in each parish. He was Assessor of the Tabula Septemviralis. In April 1848,
he was appointed by Emperor Ferdinand V as Archbishop of Eger. Lonovics adopted, however, a pro-
revolutionary attitude, which incurred his banishment, first in Bratislava, then in Buda, and then in the
Benedictine abbey from Melk, Austria, where he remained until 1854. He is the author of Archaeologia
Ecclesiae Catholicae, Vienna, 1857. He lived for a while at Vienna, within the Nunciature. In 1859 he was
appointed as Archbishop of Kalocsa, but only effectively received this office in 1866. He could not fill the
archiepiscopal see because of his ill health. He died in Pest on 13 March 1867, being buried at Kalocsa, in
the crypt of the cathedral there. See: Schematismus 1900, pp. 51-52; Anton Peter Petri, Lexikon, columns
1158-1159; Martin Roos, Erbe und Auftrag, I, 2b, pp. 122-137.
23 Anton Peter Petri, Lexikon, column 1709.
24 Stevan Bugarski, Lyceum Temesvariense, Timișoara: Tipografia Tempus, 2008, pp. 53-57.
220
Claudiu Călin
school year 1874/1875, in the close vicinity of the seminary, but linked to it by its
mission, there was opened the St. Emeric Small Seminary (Emericanum), organised as
an episcopal boarding school for the gymnasial education of the youth. The opening was
made in memory of the visit Emperor Franz Josef I had made in Timișoara, on 6 May
1872, the boarding school being opened25 with the help of Bishop Alexander Bonnaz.26
The building was located behind the church of the seminary and in its proximity, across
the street from the Transylvanian Garrison. The alumni of the boarding school included
a series of outstanding student theologians and future priests of the diocese.
The Theological Academy in the twentieth century. Bishop Iulius Glattfelder of
Mor and the new edifice of the diocesan seminary
The deplorable condition, the dampness and, therefore, the lack of hygiene in the old
building of the Seminary, as well as the town planning made by the urbanists of
Timișoara in the early twentieth century, created the premises for erecting a new
building for this old educational institution. In this regard, Bishop Iulius Glattfelder of
Mor27 began negotiations, on behalf of his diocese, with the administration of the city of
25 Schematismus 1900, pp. 281-282.
26 Alexander Bonnaz (1812-1889), born at Challex, France, remained fatherless at a very early age. His
mother came to the Banat, with her baby, to her paternal uncle, Anton Bonnaz, a parish priest in Tomnatec.
Alexander Bonnaz spent his childhood at Tomnatec and attended secondary school in Arad, Timișoara and
Szeged, in 1831. He graduated from philosophical studies at Szeged, and Theology in Vienna, being
ordained as a priest in 1837. He served as a chaplain at Caransebeș and in 1839/1840 he took over the post
of Professor of Moral Theology and Pastoral Theology at the Theological Academy in Timișoara. In 1838
he also entered the central diocesan administration. Between 1840 and 1853, he became a parish priest at
Tomnatec. In 1851 he was appointed as a member of the Episcopal Consistory and in 1853 he became a
canon of the Cathedral Chapter. He held the position of school inspector for Serbian Vojvodina and the
Banat of Temeswar; between 1855 and 1860, he served as a custodian for the research and maintenance of
the architectural monuments in this province. In 1860 he was appointed Bishop of Cenad, and as such he
took part in the proceedings of the First Vatican Council (the 1869/70 stage). Here he got seriously ill, and
never recovered. He decisively supported Catholic education, the development of the School Sisters of
Notre Dame, education for the deaf and dumb, and did a lot of charity acts for orphanages and schools.
During his pastorate, there were erected churches in the most remote communities, often with his direct
financial support or that of the diocese, as well as monumental buildings such as the churches in Vârșeț,
Cenad, Timișoara-Cetate, Sântana or Becicherecul Mare. He died in Timișoara on 9 August 1889, being
buried in the crypt of the Dome. See: Schematismus 1900, p. 53; Anton Peter Petri, Lexikon, columns 183-
185; Stevan Bugarski, op.cit., p. 538.
27 Glattfelder Mor Julius (1874-1943) was born in Budapest, where he attended secondary school and
graduated with a Baccalaureate in 1892. Between 1892 and 1895, he studied Theology, in Budapest, and was
ordained as a priest on 15 October 1896. In 1896-1899, he taught at the Real School in district VI and the
“Elisabetha” School for Girls in the Hungarian capital. In 1897 he obtained his PhD in Theology. In 1899 he
became prefect of studies and Director of the Central Seminary in Budapest, where he taught as professor
extraordinary. He was editor of the publication Orokimadăs. In 1902 he organised and became the first
Director of the “St. Emeric” College in the same city, Budapest. 1904 brought his appointment as papal
chaplain; Glattfelder distinguished himself through editing publications on Catholic higher education in the
capital and in the country. In 1909-1911 he taught Rhetoric and Homiletics at the Faculty of Theology from
the University of Budapest. On 8 March 1911, he became Bishop of Cenad, being enthroned in office at the
Dome from Timișoara on 28 May 1911. He built the new seminary; on 15 August 1920, he decided the
establishment of a Preparandia [pedagogical institute] for Catholic German teachers in Timișoara. He
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha
221
Timișoara. The conclusions were: the old building of the seminary and the church
would be demolished, and a three-storey building would be erected on this site, which
would supplement, from the revenue it would bring, the financial amounts necessary for
the maintenance of the student theologians. This building was to be constructed on both
sides of Josef Lonovics (today Augustin Pacha) Street, leaving room for a church to
replace the old one, demolished. The estimated costs of double building, for rent,
together with the church on Lonovics Street, were to rise to the amount of one million
crowns, while those for building the new seminary were to reach the amount of five
hundred thousand crowns. The land for the erection of the new seminary building,
measuring 1,900 cadastral yokes, was to be allotted with two other land plots (all three
arranged roughly in the shape of the letter “T,” with a total area of 2,196 cadastral
yokes), in the area obtained by demolishing the Vauban-type fortifications in Timișoara
only a few years before. These new locations were situated on the right side of the road
linking the Cetate district to Fabric, where the new ring of the city centre was to be
formed.28 The intentions were to erect a new seminary, a new episcopal palace and a
building for the Catholic associations across the diocese.
With the approval of the Chapter Cathedral from 11 June 1913 and the loans
from the Foundational Treasury of the Diocese and the Religionary Fund, Bishop
Glattfelder started construction works for the building on Lonovics Street, destined for
renting purposes. Unfortunately, it was only half built, the other projected half (the plans
of which were made by Ernst Fork and Gyula Petrovâcz) and the church remaining on
paper, due to the outbreak of World War I.29
For building the new premises of the Theological Seminary, a Construction
Commission was founded, which included: Bishop Dr. Iulius Glattfelder, Canon
Augustin Pacha, Prefect Dr. Martin Aurel, a specialist in sacred art, Heinrich Fieber,
Mayor of Timișoara, Dr. Karol Telbisz and Emil Szilârd, the civil engineer of the city.
The building plans were made by Professor Ernst Fork, an architect from Budapest, the
choice being made by the above-mentioned Construction Commission, on 25
September 1913. Subsequently, the architect Fork, together with Gyula Petrovâcz, a
professor at the Higher School of Civil Engineering in Budapest, led work on the new
building; the contractor was Leopold Loffler, from Timișoara.
criticised the government on the issue of the Land Reform, which brought him and the diocese major
disservice. He retreated to Szeged in March 1923, leaving Augustin Pacha as Apostolic Administrator in
Timișoara. He served here for two decades, building a new cathedral, an episcopal palace, a new theological
seminary and a preparandia for teachers. Since 1927, he was a member of the Higher Chamber of
Parliament, an honorary member of the Society of St. Stephen and President of the Society of Fine Arts. He
was appointed Archbishop of Kalocsa in 1943, but due to his health condition, he could not take office. He
died on 30 August 1943 and was buried in the crypt of the cathedral in Szeged that he had erected. See: Anton
Peter Petri, Lexikon, columns 553-554; Franz Krauter, Erimerungen an Bischof Pacha. Ein Stuck Banater
Heimatgeschichte, ADZ Verlag, Bukarest, 1995, pp. 50-73.
28 ADT, Fond Priesterseminar, Package: “Varia Erga Constructiones Seminarii novi (1913-1915)”, the
unsigned article “Ein gutes Geschaft - ein schlechtes Geschaft,” excerpt from Temesvărer Volksblatt, Year
XII, No. 148, Timișoara, Monday 30 June 1913, p. 1.
29 ADT, Fond Imobilienverwaltung, the Collection of Documents relating to the house on 2 Augustin
Pacha St., the ground plans of the building dated 8 July 1914, signed by the architects, the contractor and
the construction committee members, unnumbered.
222
Claudiu Călin
The cornerstone was laid on 5 November 1913 (the actual works began,
however, on Wednesday, 8 October 1913, with 12 masons, who began to lay the
foundation walls30), in a solemn ceremony, in the presence of Bishop Iulius Glattfelder,
the auxiliary Bishop Jozsef Nemeth, the Cathedral Chapter, the professors of theology,
the members of the Piarist Order, all the seminarians, the local officials and a large
audience. Bishop Glattfelder’s speech on this occasion was inspiring, as he made
reference to St. Gerhard’s spirit as an educator and missionary, the one who founded the
first school for the training of the clergy in the old Diocese of Cenad. On this occasion, a
document was embedded in the cornerstone, which bore the signature of all the
prominent participants in the ceremony and the builders, the deed containing the list of
student theologians of the diocese at that time.31
In June 1914, the Theological Academy bid farewell to its old building. On 11
June, the rector, Dr. Johannes Kramp, celebrated a Requiem for the souls of the departed
founders, benefactors, professors and students, and the next day a Te Deum was
celebrated, as thanksgiving for all the benefactions that had been brought throughout the
existence and service of this building. On the date of 13, on the feast of the Body of
Christ (Corpus Domini), the bishop celebrated Holy Mass for the last time in the old St.
George’s Church of the seminary, moving the Holy Sacrament of the Eucharist from the
church into the inner chapel of the seminary. On 21 June, with the end of the school
year, there was a formal closure ceremony, all the graduates of the seminary being
commemorated on this occasion. In the evening, the church bells rang for the last time,
and the next day began the demolition of the church and the building began.32
Although under threat from the world war, which began on 26 July, work on the
new building managed to be completed, and the edifice was handed over to the
beneficiary on 8 September 1914.33 On 4 October, the students of the Emericanum and,
on 7 October, the student theologians moved into the seminary. The sanctification of the
seminary, which remained, like the previous one, under the protection of the
Immaculate Conception, took place on 5 October 1914, on the day of St. Emeric. The
building, a remarkable achievement for Timișoara’s architecture at that time, was one of
the most modern and best equipped theological institutions in the Austro-Hungarian
Empire. It included a basement, a ground floor, two storeys and an attic. The
frontispiece featured the motto: “Pro Aris et Litteris” (In the service of the altars and of
science). The building offered bright and spacious rooms, ranging from the stairway hall
to the offices, housing for teachers, boarding, study rooms, chapels, the festive hall, the
library, the infirmary, the kitchen, the pantry, the dining room, recreation rooms and
housing for the staff. The most interesting and beautiful spaces were big chapel of the
seminary and the festive hall. They were decorated with stained glass, paintings and
furniture fashioned after the Viennese and Budapestan Jugendstil. The chapel was
30 ADT, Fond: Priesterseminar, Package: “Varia Erga Constructiones Seminarii novi (1913-1915)”, The
Construction Log of Engineer Gyula Petrovăcz, p. 4.
31 Farago Jânos, op. cit., pp. 159-165.
32 Koloman Juhâsz, Adam Schicht, op. cit., pp. 125-127.
33 Schematismus Cleri Dioecesis Csanădiensis pro Anno Domini MCMXVI, Temesvârini: Typis
Typographiae Dioecesis Csanâdiensis, 1916, p. 124.
Bishop dr. H. C. Augustin Pacha
223
decorated with special paintings, holding, among other things, eight stained-glass
windows made in Budapest by the Roth Workshops and an organ built in the workshops
of the Wegenstein family at Timișoara.34
One of the last steps Glattfelder took, related to the activity of the Theological
Seminary, was that of switching from Latin as the language of instruction to Hungarian.
The History of the Church and Sociology were thus taught in this language, the
remaining disciplines being learned in Latin. The situation was largely due to the
increasing number of seminarians whose mother tongue was German, in parallel with a
35
decrease in the number of the Hungarian students.35
With the withdrawal of Bishop Glattfelder to Szeged in March 1923, the fate of
the old Diocese of Cenad was sealed. The bishop remained with a stunted authority,
limited to the part of the historical Banat and the old diocese that had remained in
Hungary. In fact, in Timișoara the Apostolic Administration of Timișoara was founded,
while in Zrenjanin, in the part of the Banat which had been attributed to the Kingdom of
the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes, the Apostolic Administration of the Banat was
established. The Theological Academy remained in Timișoara, and in 1930 Iulius
Glattfelder founded a new seminary at Szeged. All this while, the seminarians from the
territory administered by Glattfelder since March 1923 had studied in Budapest,
Esztergom, and Vienna or in other seminaries. Interesting examples in this regard were
seminarians like Kapossy Gyula (b. Kiskunfelegyhăza) or Marycz Săndor (b. Mako),
who in 1920, after having studied abroad, requested their enrolment in the Hungarian
part of the Diocese of Cenad, their documents passing through Timișoara in the first
phase nonetheless.36 The new institute in Szeged could boast a new building and
37
professors, most of them Jesuits, as well as 33 students from the very first year.37
In Zrenjanin, however, the circumstances prevented the opening of a theological
institute, and the apostolic administrator loannes Raphael Rodie, Archbishop of
Belgrade-Smederevo, sent the candidates to the priestly vocation especially to the
seminary from the Diocese of Djakovo,38 also in Yugoslavia, but also in foreign
seminaries, from cities such as: Rome, Strasbourg, Bamberg, Frankfurt/Main, Passau,
Vienna, Fulda, Zagreb, Mainz and Freiburg. Two boarding schools for the candidates to
the gymnasium, or the so-called little seminary (Seminarium Minus), operated at
Becicherecul Mare - an Archiepiscopal Boarding School - and Vârșeț - the Boarding
School of St. Alois Gonzaga.
34 Koloman Juhăsz, Adam Schicht, op. cit., pp. 128-131.
35 Franz Krauter, op. cit., p. 80.
36 ADT, Fond: Priesterseminar, Package: Acta Varia: 1917-1950, File: Repatriations 1918-1922,
unnumbered.
37 Viktor Zsodi, “A szegedi egyhăzmegyekozi papnevelo intezet tortenete 1930-1955 kozott” in Magyar
Egyhăztorteneti văzlătok (Essays in Church History in Hungary), No. 3-4/ 2007, pp. 71-73.
38 Schematismus Cleri Administraturae Apostolicae Banatus in Jugoslavia, Anno Domini 1935,
Petrovgrad: Typis Typographiae Schneller et Fratrum Goschl, pp. 5, 34.
LUCIAN IENĂȘESCU1
THE RURAL LIBRARIES FROM ARAD DURING
THE INTERWAR PERIOD
Abstract: One of the most dynamic fields in the process of spreading literacy in the rural world during the
interwar period was the establishment of libraries. Primarily, they were meant to help individuals stay in
touch with the practice of reading after graduating from elementary schools or classes for adults. The
setting up of new libraries and the enrichment of the existing ones was a dynamic phenomenon in the
villages from Arad County. There was indeed a tradition of reading societies here, some operating with the
choirs, and there were also popular casinas (cultural and political societies) with preoccupations in the
field; however, the books were few, and they were unattractive for the members of the rural communities;
this led to libraries becoming part of a cultural reconstruction plan which yielded genuine results. In 1933,
there functioned 52 popular libraries and 245 school libraries, with a book fund of 80,000 volumes. There
were also established libraries pertaining to the parishes and the parish offices, the works included there
addressing pastoral and catechetical matters and providing arguments in support of the Orthodox faith. The
establishment of libraries, which evinced a special attention granted to technical organisation and to
adapting the content to the audience’s expectations, was continued by the Romanian Cultural Foundation
“Concordia.” In 1938, the 15 libraries founded in villages throughout the county housed 5,455 books, a
large part thereof having been donated to the Astra circles. The cultural activity that developed around
them included conferences and public lectures, literary soirees, and farmers’ schools. On the whole,
beyond all difficulties, the establishment and development of rural libraries meant capturing the fluctuating
interest of the public, a significant contribution to the spreading of literacy, as well as a way of raising the
standard of living in the rural communities.
Keywords: interwar, rural, libraries, book, Arad.
The interwar years were coeval with consistent concerns for the enlightenment of the
rural population, which represented the majority in terms of its share in the overall
population and faced numerous problems. The actions undertaken towards the
dissemination of culture were supported by cultural societies and associations, popular
universities, libraries, farmers’ schools, teachers’ cultural circles, conferences, reading
societies and choirs, with the involvement of the school and the church. The state
encouraged such actions as the main stakes were helping elementary school graduates
stay in touch with the practice of reading, as well as accomplishing the civic education
of those who had become voters and landowners as a result of various reforms.
Amid the concerns for the dissemination of culture in the villages from Arad, the
need to set up libraries that would give access to the widest categories of readers and to
develop the existing libraries occupied an important place.
In several localities, there prevailed the tradition of the reading societies; during
the years of the struggle for national rights and the preservation of cultural identity,
these societies carried out their activity beside choirs, some of them organising libraries.
In turn, the popular casinas, established after World War I, addressed the issue of the
1 lvienasescu@yahoo.com
The Rural Libraries from Arad during the Interwar Period
225
creation of libraries, an intention that materialised partly. Thus, for instance, the Casina
of Ineu had set out its goal of “making political newspapers and literary and scientific
journals available.”2 The Associations of the Romanian Women from Gurahonț and
Radna, the Social Circle in Șiria, the Romanian Youth Society of Nădlac and the Casina
and the Reading House of Șiclău set up libraries.3 The Casina of the Intellectuals from
Hălmagiu also owned a library.4 In 1923, The Romanian Circle of Ineu founded a
library which had 472 volumes, while the Craftsmen’s Club in the same locality had 210
books.5 Libraries owned by mayors’ offices also existed at Berechiu, Gurba, and
Chereluș6
However, during the early years of the interwar period, the conditions of the rural
libraries in Arad were precarious, both in terms of their endowment and their functional
capacity. On his visit to several villages, Prefect Ion Georgescu encountered a difficult
situation, which was marred by the realities of the past: poorly endowed, disorganised
libraries, with obsolete collections comprising, for the most part, books in Hungarian.
These findings led him to initiate steps for the establishment of rural libraries with books
in Romanian. As part of this effort, he strove to obtain several thousand volumes, with the
support of publishers in Bucharest: these were “instructive and literary books,” acquired
with a view to setting up, initially, twenty libraries. At the same time, the sum of 100,000
lei was allocated for the purchase of books, the selection of the volumes being entrusted to
a committee that included writers, journalists, and teachers.7
These concerns were integrated into a larger plan for cultural reconstruction that
started to take effect: by the end of 1924, the foundations of 45 communal libraries had
been laid down.8 Popular libraries were established in the localities Curtici, Chișineu-
Criș, Sfânta Ana, Otlaca, Păuliș, Radna, Sebiș, Gurahonț, Șiria, Spineni, Nădlac,
Semlac, Șeitin, Socodor, Șiclău, Nădab, Comlăuș, Ineu, and Pecica.9 A popular library
began to operate in Radna in 1930.10
A remarkable development was registered by school libraries, whose number
reached 245 in 1933.11 In the first phase, the process was conducted in parallel with the
construction of schools, which meant that by the end of 1925, 22 library rooms had been
furnished.12 In 1928, libraries were set up in the schools from Mocioni, Moroda, Seleuș,
Covăsânț, Șilindia, Șofronea, Bonțești, Măgulicea, Vârfurile, while 225 copies were sent
2 The National Archives of Romania. Arad County Branch (hereinafter A.N.R.S.J.A). Fond Tribunalul
Arad, file 44/1919-1935, f. 71.
3 Ibidem, f. 114, 187, 107, 71.
4 Dan Demșea (ed.), Momente din istoria lecturii publice în municipiul și județul Arad, Arad: Editura
Nigredo, 2006, p. 60.
5 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond Prefectura Județului Arad (hereinafter P.J.A.), file 276/1938, f. 46.
6 Ibidem.
7 “Opera de progres în județul Arad,” in Tribuna nouă (Arad), I, no. 2 din 2 January 1924, p. 3.
8 “Începutul unei nouă opere culturale în cuprinsul județului,” in Tribuna nouă, I, no. 141 of 10 December
1924, p. 2.
9 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., file 276/1938, f. 214.
10 Ibidem, f. 25.
11 Ibidem, Fond P.J.A., acte administrative, file 259/1933, f. 127.
12 “Dl. ministru Angelescu vizitează școlile din județ,” in Tribuna nouă, II, no. 227 of 20 October 1925, p. 2.
226
Leonard lenășescu
to Ignești.13 Their establishment, which meant the fulfilment of older desiderata, brought
real support to the educational process, its beneficiaries being both elementary school
students and those who attended classes for adults. Their functioning was beset with great
difficulties, and interest in them was minor. Thus, by the year 1938, the school library in
Mocioni, equipped with 418 volumes, had been frequented by only 10 readers.14
The development of this important component of the enculturation process was
also a matter of concern for policy makers at the highest level. In April 1932, the Law
for the Organisation of Communal Libraries and Museums was passed; it stipulated that
the municipalities and urban communes should establish a central library, while the
urban communes that were not county seats and the rural communes were required to
set up libraries in the community cultural centres.15 Subsequently, since this provision
was not enforced, Minister Constantin Angelescu demanded that the Ministry of Interior
should approve the allotment of budgets to the communes on condition that the latter
allocated the necessary sums for the acquisition of books for these libraries.16
The legislative framework did not prove to be very helpful; however, local
actions continued their course, so that by 1933, 52 popular libraries and 245 school
libraries operated in the county, their collections amounting to 80,000 books.17 Having a
diverse content, they largely fulfilled their purpose. As Octavian Lupaș - one of the most
important cultural promoters in Arad - contended, there existed libraries (in some cases,
still at an incipient stage) in almost every village, but the reading offer often barely
corresponded to the expectations and level of understanding of the rural residents.18 In
addition, there were settlements in the county that did not have a library, as was the case
of half of the communes included in the Ineu plasa (administrative unit).19
Libraries were organised in some of the cultural centres Curtici (359 volumes),
Sânnicolau Mic (160), Șofronea (500), Vărădia (400), Lupești (730) Buteni (183), Sebiș
(200), Șiria (437)20
Concerns for the endowment of libraries were consistently expressed by the
Arad Branch of the Astra Society. Especially the collection entitled Biblioteca poporală
(The People’s Library), whose booklets included poems, folk narratives, practical
advice, topics of history, religion and medicine, enjoyed widespread distribution in the
Astra branch libraries, as did Calendarul Astra (The Astra Almanac). Thus, the Ineu
Branch distributed 10 series of Biblioteca poporală to the communes Apateu, Bocsig,
Cermei, Seleuș and Ineu. The library of the “Sava Brancovici” Gymnasium in Ineu was
endowed, and books were given as prizes to secondary and elementary school students,
13 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., acte administrative, file 259/1933, f. 217.
14 Ibidem, Fond P.J.A., file 276/1938, f. 26.
15 “Legea pentru organizarea bibliotecilor și muzeelor comunale,” in Monitorul Oficial, no. 90 of 14 April 1932.
16 Octavian Lupaș, Bibliotecile populare “Concordia” din județul Arad, Arad, “Concordia”, Institut de
Arte Grafice și Editură S.A, 1938, p. 7.
17 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., acte administrative, file 259/1933, f. 127.
18 Octavian Lupaș, op. cit., p. 9.
19 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., file 276/1938, f. 46.
20 Ioan Nichin, Monografia administrativă a județului Arad. Realizările administrației românești dela
Unire până în anul 1938, Arad, 1939, p. 317.
The Rural Libraries from Arad during the Interwar Period
227
as well as to apprentices21 In the Șiria Branch, the organisation of conferences went
hand in hand with the establishment of popular libraries. This happened at Galșa (the
library, established in 1933, comprised 111 volumes), Seleuș (December 1934, 81
volumes), Măderat (51 volumes), Agriș and Pâncota. At the same time, the aforementioned
branch contributed to the endowment of the libraries firom. the Covăsânț Cultural Centre
22
(with 85 volumes) and the Elementary School from Șiria (with 18 volumes).22
A unique situation in the rural world of Arad County was that of the library from
Covăsânț, regarded as the main component of the “Podgoria” Cultural Centre. It was
organised into three sections: intellectual, popular and educational, their administration
being entrusted to an intellectual, a peasant and, respectively, a student. The library
inventory was considerable: 880 volumes, to which were added subscriptions to eight
magazines and newspapers. Over 50 members of the centre had subscriptions to the
review Albina. The library was a living cultural entity, with over 160 annual readers,
making its presence felt in the community. It organised Book Day, offering prizes in
books. Through the efforts and initiative of the teacher Dumitru Dijmărescu, the director
of the centre, in addition to library, a book store and a book binding service also began
23
to function.
In turn, the library from Șeitin, founded by the Orthodox church choir in 1906,
had 308 volumes in 1918. It was to become richer during the interwar years;
remarkable, in this sense, was the donation that was made by the poet Constantin
Argintaru, the director of the review Hyperion in Cluj, consisting of books and a two-
year subscription to the review Viața Românească24
Mention should also be made of other situations in which rural libraries received
book donations. The “Crișana” National Cultural Society from Cluj donated 154
volumes from “the literature of the Romanian people” to the people’s library in
Vărădia.25 The parish and the school libraries in Baia, with 320 and, respectively, 171
volumes, came into being on account of the donation made, in 1924, by the county
prefect, Ion Georgescu.26 Fr. loan Tomuția and Achim Lupuțiu, the cashier of
“Victoria” Bank, donated their own libraries to the church and school from Lupești,
which amounted to 235 volumes, while the number of readers was a mere 68.27 Book
donations were also made by cultural societies or individuals to several school libraries.
It was the case of the school library from Hălmagiu, which was supported by “The
Future” Society for Assistance and Culture in the village,28 from Șepreuș, which was set
21 “Raportul general prezentat de comitetul central al ‘Asociației pentru literatura română și cultura
poporului român,’ ‘Astra’ asupra lucrărilor sale și a situației acestei instituții în anul de gestiune 1924-25,”
in Transilvania (Sibiu), 56, no. 9-10, September-October 1925, p. 386.
22 “Activitatea despărțămintelor,” in Transilvania, 67, no. 4, July-August 1936, p. 381.
23 “Căminele Culturale și rolul învățătorilor în culturalizarea satelor. Bilanțul unui Cămin Cultural în
Podgoria Aradului, pe anul 1935,” in Știrea (Arad), VI, no. 55 of 26 February 1936, p. 2.
24 Ștefan Costea, Dumitru D. Costea, Șeitin. O așezare românească milenară de pe Mureșul Inferior,
Arad: Editura Mirador, 1998, p. 192.
25 “Corespondențe din județ. Vărădia,” in Tribuna nouă, II, no. 99 of 23 April 1925, p. 3.
26 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., file 276/1938, f. 27.
27 Ibidem.
28 htp://www.darnick.com/halmagiu/societate.html.
228
Leonard lenășescu
up thanks to a donation of 500 crowns made by the officer Nicolae Soare from Tîrgu-Jiu
in 191929 and from Apateu (which received hundreds of books from collections,
donations and money gathered at school celebrations).30 In its turn, the school library
from Radna benefited from an amount of 7,731 lei, which represented the proceeds
from a concert held by the Orthodox church choir in the village and the appointment of
a teacher.31
The minority population in the county also organised libraries, particularly
through the efforts of cultural and confessional associations. Their stated goal was to
“broaden the general knowledge through subscriptions to newspapers,” as well as
through the creation and enrichment of libraries. This was the aim of the Slovak
Communal Association in Nădlac, which operated between 1921 and 1950, and the
32
Slovak Cultural Society in Nădlac, which was founded in 1924.32
The German community in Arad was active in this respect. Thus, in Aradul
Nou, there were libraries managed by the Roman Catholic Youth Association and the
cultural association created by the Roman Catholic priest Johann Baptist Mayer.
Founding another cultural society, Fr. Mayer donated his library of 6,000 volumes to it.
The Cultural Society in Engelsbrun (Fântânele), which was active from 1925 to 1950,
had a hired librarian, in the person of Iosif Burger. Towards the end of the first interwar
decade, the library of the German Roman Catholic Youth Association in Șagul began its
activity, as did those of the German-Swabian Cultural Union in Șiria and, respectively,
33
of the Roman Catholic Youth’s Union in Zădârlac, all of which had hired librarians.33
An important role in the context of the overall efforts made for spreading
literacy and strengthening the faith was that played by the establishment of new parish
libraries and the endowment of the existing ones in every ecclesial commune. This was
necessary with a view to “spreading the divine word ever more intensely in our Church”
and supporting the priests in countering the action of sectarian propaganda.34 The state
of these libraries was modest, so much so that, almost a decade after the Union, one
could notice their small number and meagre content: synodal and congress proceedings,
official regulations, books devoid of theological value.35 Religious literature was poorly
represented in the few existing libraries, the highest percentage being that of national
history books, which could be explained considering that in the period up to 1
December 1918, the church had been engaged in the struggle for defending the national
consciousness.
As such, given the new conditions, consistent efforts were made to develop the
parish libraries. Each parish office manager was required to provide an amount for book
purchases in the annual budget. For better orientation in the acquisition of important
works that were suitable for the endowment of parish libraries, the bibliophile priests
29 “Pentru copiii lipsiți din Șepreuș. Darul unui căpitan român,” in Românul (Arad), VIII, no. 176 of 7
December 1919, p. 2.
30 “Cerc învățătoresc. Biblioteca școlară,” in Tribuna nouă, II, no. 275 of 18 December 1925, p. 2.
31 “Corespondențe din județ,” in Tribuna nouă, II, no. 27 of 7 February 1925, p. 2.
32 Dan Demșea (coord.), op. cit., p.61.
33 Ibidem.
34 “Cărți primejdioase,” in Biserica și școala (Arad), LI, no. 25 of 19 June 1927, p. 2.
35 “Biblioteci parohiale,” in Biserica și școala, L, no. 10 of 7 March 1926, p. 3.
The Rural Libraries from Arad during the Interwar Period
229
were urged to write reviews for the latest publications and send them to the episcopal
see.36
Following these concerns, there functioned libraries of the parish offices and of
the parishes, the latter being open to the faithful. As proof of the interest in this domain,
the libraries of the parish offices had 2,436 volumes, while no less than 4,272 volumes
were available to the faithful in the parishes.37 For example, in Cladova there were a
library of the Orthodox Parish, featuring 143 books, and a school library with 97
volumes.38 At the same time, the parish library in Nădab had 150 volumes.39 During the
first interwar decade, the situation of the libraries belonging to the parish offices and,
respectively, to the parishes in the deanery from Chișineu-Criș was the following:
Vărșand (65 volumes), Șimand (50), Pilu (30), Mișca (130), Chișineu-Criș (125), Sintea
Mare (25), while at Grăniceri there was no library.40 Attendance was generally modest,
as these libraries remained insufficiently endowed with literature for children and the
youth.41 What also contributed to this was the fact that these libraries did not have a
special place where they could facilitate access to the public, but were arranged in the
rectory, sometimes under makeshift circumstances.
In 1931, the Eparchial Council approved a regulation governing the activity of
archpresbyterial and parish libraries, containing, among others, a model for compiling
the inventory of the library and the alphabetical index. According to the resolution of the
Eparchial Council, parish libraries had to focus mainly on religious books, with a
pronounced Orthodox character. It was recommended that books of general culture,
however close to the Orthodox religious themes, could only come second in terms of the
acquisitions made for these libraries. At the same time, as far as possible, the books had
to be adapted to the age and level of understanding of the public, starting from the
imperative that they should have an instructive, cautionary content and that they should
develop the public taste for reading and for the beautiful. Given their importance and the
preference expressed by the readers, these libraries had to include titles like Lives of the
42
Saints, the Akathist, the Psalter, the Horologion, Homilies, and the Small Octoechos.42
In an attempt to provide a solid support to religious-moral propaganda, to
stimulate access to books and to popularise the teachings of the Gospel, Bishop Grigorie
Comșa established the collection entitled Biblioteca preotului ortodox (The Orthodox
Priests’ Library) and he also developed the series Biblioteca creștinului ortodox (The
Orthodox Christians’ Library). In addition to addressing pastoral and catechetical
problems, the aforementioned collections offered arguments in support of defending the
36 “Instrucțiuni pentru punerea în aplicare a Regulamentului bibliotecilor protopopești și parohiale din
Eparhia Aradului,” in Biserica și școala, LIV, no. 4 of 26 January 1930, p. 9.
37 Episcopia Aradului în vremuri de răscruce istorică 1918-1948. Colecție de documente. Introductory
studies by Vasile Popeangă, Vasile Pop, Arad: Editura Episcopiei Ortodoxe Române Arad, 2006, p. 412.
38 A.N.R.S.J.A., Fond Fundația Culturală Regală “Principele Carol” (hereinafter F.C.R.P.C.), file
1/1938-1939, f.41.
39 Ibidem, Fond P.J.A., file 237 /1933, f. 65.
40 Ibidem, Fond Protopopiatul Ortodox-Român Chișineu-Criș, file 31/1930, f. 116, 117, 119, 120, 122,
123, 125.
41 Episcopia Aradului în vremuri de răscruce istorică 1918-1948..., p. 412.
42 “Instrucțiuni pentru punerea în aplicare a Regulamentului bibliotecilor...”
230
Leonard lenășescu
Orthodox faith. The first collection was launched in 1929, aiming to assist in the training
and activity of the priests. By 1935, six items had appeared, signed by Grigorie Comșa,
Policarp Morușca and Orest Tarangul.43 Aiming to approach topical problems
pertaining to religious life, catechisation and missionarism, Biblioteca preotului ortodox
occasioned the appearance of works such as Pastorația individuală și colectivă
(Individual and Collective Pastoral Care), Misiunile religioase pentru popor (Religious
Missions for the People), Manual de catehizație (Catechisation Manual) and others.44
Supported from the “Bishop Grigore” Religious Propaganda Fund, the
collection Biblioteca creștinului ortodox addressed a diverse range of topics (dogmatic,
liturgical or issues of concern for the society of the time, such as cohabitation, divorce,
alcoholism), and enjoyed the contribution of great personalities such as: Gala Galaction,
Gheorghe Ciuhandu, Nicolae Popovici, Iustin Suciu, Policarp Morușca, Ilarion Felea. It
was distributed free of charge to the parishes. By 1935, this collection had seen the
publication of 123 issues, 52 of which had been written by Bishop Grigorie Comșa.45
From among the pamphlets that were addressed to the clergy and the faithful alike,
covering, in an accessible manner, both religious themes and propaganda for moral
living, we shall mention the following: Credința și botezul (Faith and Baptism), Pruncii
trebuiesc botezați, dar numai odată (Infants Must Be Baptised, albeit Only Once) by
Grigorie Gh. Comșa, Un neam și un suflet (One Nation and One Soul), Calea vieții și
calea morții (The Path of Life and the Path of Death) by Gheorghe Ciuhandu, Despre
păcatul beției (On the Sin of Drunkenness) by N. Iorgovan, Despre căsătorie (On
Marriage) by F. Codreanu, Cinstiți, ascultați și iubiți biserica noastră strămoșească
(Honour, Obey and Love Our Ancestral Church) by Ștefan Cioroianu, Legea ortodoxă
în trecutul nostru (The Orthodox Law in Our History) by Nicolae Popovici and others.46
Some of these works were read by the priests in church, for example, Concubinajul,
divorțurile și scăderea populației (Cohabitation, Divorce and Population Decline),
drawing the readers’ attention to what, at the time, were considered to be threats against
the family as the cornerstone of Christian life. In turn, the collection Biblioteca preotului
ortodox ensured the publication, by 1931, of 92 issues, with a circulation of almost one
47
million copies (20,000 copies being published that very year).47
The Greek-Catholic believers were also committed to the establishment of
libraries. The Library of St. Mary’s Association had 208 volumes, read by about 100
people annually.48 There were also libraries of the Greek-Catholic parishes and of
AGRU at Bocsig, Șimand and Sintea Mare.
Smaller scale undertakings, remaining generally at an early stage in the
organisation of libraries, were made by the “Prince Carol” Royal Cultural Foundation.
Concerns of this kind were sporadic and modest at the cultural centres from Tisa and
43 Fr. Dr. Pavel Vesa, Episcopii Aradului 1706-2006, Arad: Editura Gutenberg Univers, 2007, p. 281.
44 “Biblioteca Preotului Ortodox,” in Biserica și școala, LIV, no. 4 of 26 January 1930, p. 9.
45 Fr. Dr. Pavel Vesa, op. cit., p. 282.
46 “Biblioteca creștinului ortodox,” in Biserica și școala, L, no. 30 of 25 July 1926, p. 7.
47 “Viața spirituală pe granița de Vest. De vorbă cu P.S.S Episcopul Grigorie al Aradului despre activitatea
din 1931 a eparhiei,” in Biserica și școala, year LV, no. 5 of 31 January 1931, p. 1.
48 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., file 237 /1933, f. 96.
The Rural Libraries from Arad during the Interwar Period
231
Gura Văii. The library from the “Gheorghe Lazăr” Cultural Centre in Cladova was
disorganised, almost non-functional, having only seven books and a few magazines.49 In
1938, the foundation offered a library to the Cultural Centre of Petriș, its value
amounting to 45,000 lei.50
The action of setting up libraries in the rural environment was to register,
starting in 1932, systematic and consistent efforts, given the establishment of the
“Concordia” Romanian Cultural Foundation, following the takeover of the assets and
liabilities of the old printing institute of the same name. The purpose of the foundation
was to promote culture among the “masses of people” in Arad through the
establishment of libraries throughout the county, beginning in the most remote
localities.51 The new libraries were designed to contribute to “the cultural elevation of
the Romanian population in Arad County, through the dissemination of educational
knowledge, in the national and Christian spirit.”52 Thus, an older ideal expressed by
Vasile Goldiș could be implemented, in line with his notion that a library could be really
useful only when “before all else, it contains books that are appropriate to the level of
culture and the standard of living of those for which it is intended...”53
Concerned to provide the urban dwellers with the opportunity to read “good and
useful books,” the “Concordia” Society set up 15 popular libraries up until 1938, with a
total of 5,455 books, in places like: Hălmagiu, Gurahonț, Săvârșin, Șofronea, Petriș,
Tisa, Aradul Nou, Pleșcuța, Zimbru, Miniș, Gura Văii, Bonțești, Târnova, Vărădia de
Mureș and Arad-Grădiște.54 Of these libraries, which were equipped with the necessary
furniture, enabling a rigorous management of the books, 10 were transferred to the Astra
circles in those localities, 2 were entrusted to the cultural centres of the “Prince Carol”
Foundation, and 3 were made available to other cultural societies.55
Whether they were housed by school clubs, community centres and houses or
the headquarters of certain societies, libraries benefited from the readers’ interest, as
shown by the figures representing the volumes borrowed within a period of about one
year and a half: 1,129 volumes (Hălmagiu), 952 (Săvârșin), 822 (Gurahonț), 536
(Tisa).56 At the same time, the library from Vărădia de Mureș, hosted by the cultural
centre, had 400 volumes and registered 200 readers within one year.57 In terms of
content, religious books had a share of 25%, agricultural topics accounted for 12%,
literature - 33%, and works that provided useful knowledge - 30%. The preferences
expressed by the readers - amongst whom the highest percentages were those of the
peasants and the students - were oriented mainly to works of literature and to works
providing useful knowledge.
49 Ibidem, Fond F.C.R.P.C., file 1/1938-1939, f. 40.
50 Ibidem, Fond P.J.A., file 276/1938, f. 27.
51 Ibidem, Fond personal Ioan Suciu, file 2/1907, f. 137.
52 Octavian Lupaș, op. cit., p. 71.
53 Apud Dan Demșa (coord.), op. cit., p. 27.
54 Octavian Lupaș, op. cit., p. 20.
55 Ibidem, p. 30.
56 Ibidem, pp. 32-36.
57 A.N.R.S.J.A, Fond P.J.A., file 276/1938, f. 27.
232
Leonard lenășescu
Besides their actual purpose, the “Concordia” libraries had to develop cultural
activity nuclei, offering various means to attract the public to reading books and seeking
to convey more encompassing effects on the education thereof. The objectives that were
set at the beginning of the action and were carried out accordingly included the
organisation of cultural soirees, with readings from the library books, listening to the
radio, the setting up of farmers’ schools, or the creation of a “book-selling office” next
to the library, which allowed the readers to purchase books and newspapers. Of the 15
libraries, 9 were offered to the Astra circles on their very establishment, just like the
libraries from Gurahonț and Săvârșin were founded simultaneously with the launching
of the local farmers’ schools. 58 Also, thanks to collaboration with Astra and, often, with
the Normal School in Arad, the inauguration of the “Concordia” libraries was made, in
most cases, as part of cultural programs that rallied the participation of almost the entire
village. One such moment (a cultural soiree, a cultural program of the Normal School
students, with the participation of well-known personalities such as Caius Lepa, Ion
Lipovan, Traian Mager) was held at Brusturi on 26 June 1938. On this occasion, a
popular library was donated to the local Astra circle, established at that time. On the
same day and under similar circumstances, popular libraries were inaugurated at
Măgulicea and Aciuva. 59
The total cost of book acquisitions was 95,106 lei. To the funds provided by the
society were added financial contributions from the National Bank of Romania (20,000
lei) and from the Arad Branch of Banca Ardeleană (2000 lei). Moreover, Astra donated
287 volumes, while the National Bank of Romania and the Ministry of Agriculture and
Domains offered 242 and, respectively, 11 volumes.60
Despite the difficulties encountered and the shortcomings pertaining to the
organisation of the rural libraries in Arad, they and especially the libraries of
“Concordia” Society represented one of the fundamental factors of enculturation. Along
with schools, the church, cultural houses and centres, the women’s associations and
other cultural societies, libraries exerted beneficial effects for the education of the
individual and for the progress of society.
58 Octavian Lupaș, op. cit., pp. 35-36.
59 “Note,” in Înnoirea (Arad), I, no. 20 of 1 July 1938, p. 8.
60 Octavian Lupaș, op. cit., pp. 21-22.
IULIA-DORINA STANCIU1
BETWEEN LIVED HISTORY AND NARRATED HISTORY:
REPRESENTATIONS OF SPACE, SOCIAL RELATIONS AND
MANIFESTATIONS OF LOVE IN TIMES OF WAR
Abstract: This article valorises testimonies about World War II, focusing on identifying the outlooks of
two distinct types of informants: married vs. unmarried soldiers. Resorting to mirror or individual
testimonies, depending on the subject under consideration, this study approaches: the soldiers’ relation to
their area of origin during the war, the evolution of inter-human and love relationships in the context of
war, and the marital choices that are available to unmarried soldiers after their return from the front. The
preference for oral history sources and the interdisciplinary perspective from which the researcher’s
analysis is conducted represent the specific coordinates of this study, which is projected at the interface
between lived history and narrated history.
Keywords: World War II, at-homeness, battlefront, God, marriage.
Directions of research, conceptual benchmarks
This study joins previous attempts to render the experience of war, emphasising aspects
pertaining to World War II and valorising the testimonies of two informants, G.N. and
G.I., coming from two villages located in the commune of Șinca-Veche from Brașov
County: Perșani and, respectively, Șercăița. At the time of his departure to war, the
informant G.N. was unmarried and left his widowed mother and his one year and a half
younger sister at home, while G.I., who was already married, went to war leaving his
wife and new-born daughter at home. The study aims to highlight the particular manner
in which the unmarried and, respectively, the married soldier approached war. These
mirror testimonies retrieve details concerning the manner in which the two types of
soldiers related affectively and effectively to the world back home - their vision of their
space of origin - and the manner in which human and family relationships were
maintained during wartime. In addition to these, love in time of war - from the point of
view of the unmarried soldier - and the consequences of war on the young man’s marital
options represent perspectives rendering the way in which the war reconfigures social
space and human relations.
*
History, as an official or pragmatic entity, is joined by oral history, which makes
use of the possibilities of memory and testimony. Oral history pays attention to “the
individual historical experience caused by History with a capital H,”2 valorising lived
history and shared (narrated) history. Lived history is the actual experience of an
1 Second-year MA student, Faculty of History and Philosophy, “Babeș-Bolyai” University, specialisation:
The History and Socio-anthropology of the Modern Period, stanciu_iulia_dorina@yahoo.com.
2 Doru Radosav, “Editorial,” in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie Orală, Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Presa Universitară
Clujeană, vol. 5, no. 1, 2004, p. 5.
234
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
individual, an existential path superimposed upon history, a voyage through history that
may be accompanied or not by an actual awareness of its great founding events.
Narrated history is the discourse an individual adopts towards certain historical events,
relying, in its construction, on the resources of lived history, which are regarded as
discursive points of reference.
If memory is a process that involves imprinting, maintaining and refreshing
information, then the role it plays is both that of a storage space and of a channel that
mediates the exchange between lived history and the concrete practice of testimony.
Testimony, in turn, may influence memory, for repeatedly talking about a lived
experience can reinforce certain manifestations of memory and obliterate others.
Oral sources represent, however, “a subjective production of documents
(through interviews, provoked dialogue, questionnaires, etc.),” serving not only as a
pretext for a series of interpretations that the interviewed subject engages in, but also
“underlying the discursive innovation that the historian sets forth in deconstructing by-
gone reality.”3 It should be noted that individuals who are placed in a position where
they recount their own past tend to produce a self-discourse that tallies with their current
role in the community and is in line with their present-day values and interests.
Participants in World War II take on, above all, the position of grandparents and great-
grandparents and their entire discourse undergoes considerable mutations for the sake of
preserving a self-image that may be set as an example for the younger generations. As
Smaranda Vultur also contends, “we are dealing here with more general mechanisms of
memory, which is always selective and undergoes reconstruction based on the ‘social
frameworks’ of the present.”4 Oral history, however, does not belong only to the
interviewee, but also to the interviewer - the oral historian who observes, throughout the
interview, adopting the position of an anthropologist5 and enhancing each testimony
with his own interpretation.
It is this subjectivity of the sources that is specific to oral history, which stands
apart in that it is concerned less with the event itself than with the meaning or the sense
of that event6 - the echo it leaves among those who experienced it.
*
Those left at home: the perspective upon the space of origin
If a battlefront also lends itself to metaphorical meanings, as a metaphor-concept
that encompasses both its own significance of a “territory on which military action is
waged in time of war”7 and the figurative sense of a context that determines and
3 Idem, “Istoria orală și etnotextul: afinități subiective,” in Anuarul de Istorie Orală, Cluj-Napoca: Ed.
Presa Universitară Clujeană, XII, 2010, pp. 5- 6.
4 Smaranda Vultur (coord.), “Postfață. Memorie și identitate,” in op. cit., p. 334 apud Maurice Halbwachs,
Les cadres sociaux de la memoire, Paris: PUF, 1950.
5 Luisa Passerini (a cura di), Storia orale: vita quotidiana e cultura materiale delle classi subalterne,
Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier, 1978, p. XVII.
6 Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories. Form and Meaning in Oral History,
Albany State University of New York Press, 1991, p. 50.
7 Academia Română, Institutul de Lingvistică „Iorgu Iordan”, Dicționarul Explicativ al Limbii Române,
secondedition, Bucharest: Ed. Univers Enciclopedic, 1998, p. 400.
Between Lived History and Narrated History
235
augments the soldiers’ life struggles and inner conflicts, then we can similarly build the
semantic sphere of the word “at-homeness.” To a soldier’s mind, at-homeness becomes
an idealised space, constructed in antithesis with the concrete space of the battlefront, a
place that is almost immaterial, transferred onto the mental level, a product of the soldiers’
memories and aspirations of returning to the familial space. At-homeness acts as a
motivator when it overlaps with those left back home - the family - those in relation to
whom the struggle for survival acquires meaning. As Caracostea intimates regarding the
soldiers’ determination during the Battle of Mărășești, in World War I, “the spiritual
grounds of resistance and offence” rest on “the feelings of ownership and family as the
prime support”8 - in other words, feelings derived from the soldiers’ representation of the
space back home. While the battlefront dehumanises, home is the space in which
humanity made sense. In relation to home, man is crowned with a story, with a past, the
individual acquires a shape and a personality - that is, an individuality;9 by contrast, the
war intensifies the “collective spirit,” the uniform representing “an important means not
only of recognition, but also of internal standardisation”10 - an attempt to create a common
mentality around the battlefront. On the frontline, a soldier’s status is assigned from a
numerical perspective, as he is part of a military unit’s total manpower, or from a technical
standpoint, it is a space where his strength and ability to execute tasks are valorised; at
home, however, he is valued for his human side and the role he plays in the family.
Another nuance that is necessary at this stage of the analysis is that, as viewed
by a war participant, the World is divided into two main zones: the area of the
battlefront and that of the outside world. There is, however, another, primordial
distinction with which traditional man operates: that between the world of the living and
the world of the dead, a classifying tendency that is particularly noticeable on the front,
where one is “subject to death at any moment.”11 This need to divide the realities with
which humans operate is specific to traditional cultures, in which man is less attached to
the idea of homogeneity, as for him “the primary representation of reality requires an
awareness that there exist an inside and an outside, the latter both opposing and
representing an extension of the former.”12
Ernest Bernea proposes the following representation of space: space seen as a
place (the concrete, surrounding space) and space regarded as a horizon (an expression
that can have both a geographical and a symbolical meaning) or as the world (the space
8 Dumitru Caracostea, Aspectul psihologic al rasboiului, Bucharest: Ed. Cartea Românească, 1922, p. 110.
9 See Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția, Gospodăria în credințele și riturile magice ale femeilor din Drăguș
(Făgăraș), third edition, Bucharest: Ed. Paideia, 2002, pp. 44-45: “we consider that an analysis of the
structure of the family group as an expression of the spiritual function (component) of the household
cannot be devoid of interest. In this group of restricted social life, each member has not only his or her own
ancient work purpose, but also his or her own deep and, perhaps, just as ancient spiritual life purpose.”
10 Dumitru Caracostea, op. cit., pp. 226-227.
11 Informant: G.N., Perșani village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County. See Iulia Stanciu, “Al
Doilea Război Mondial - între memoria afectivă și cercetarea etnologică,” in Alina Branda, Ion Cuceu,
Cosmina Timoce (ed.), Teme actuale în cercetarea etnologică și antropologică, Cluj-Napoca: Ed.
Fundației pentru Studii Europene, 2011, p. 81.
12 Adrian Crupa, Identitate și alteritate în cultura tradițională. Realitatea tradițională, Iași: Ed.
Tehnopress, 2011, p. 185.
236
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
in its largest acceptance).13 Based on this interpretation, we may infer that going to war
is likely to overturn a soldier’s horizon; moreover, the battlefront becomes the concrete
space of reference, the place, while what used to be the place takes on the shape of the
world.
At the same time, a soldier tends to correlate spatial reality with an inner reality,
which he experiences within himself. Thus, while the battlefront is a determined (by
conflict), artificially created, forcibly constructed reality, the world outside the front is
personal reality in a state of stagnation, a reality he abandoned when he departed from
the village and subsequently transferred into his mind. For every soldier, the outer
reality of the front is different, it is constructed differently. It starts from the exact layout
of the house (household) from the space of origin, but is built under the aegis of the
imagination, as long as the soldier, who is now away, no longer has concrete references
about the situation back home. It is essential to understand the unbreakable bond that the
soldier maintains with the space of origin, which is equally a representation of the image
that the individual has created about himself. Beyond the material coordinates of the
household, it also retains “a clearly spiritual aspect, whose support is the family group as
an expression of human life and spiritual activity.”14 The emotional connection with the
home space is very strong for a soldier who goes to war, especially since the distance
leads him to retrieve only the positive valences of the place of origin, rendering it as a
compensatory space in relation to the brutalising space of the battlefront. However,
there are also moments where the two levels intersect, and the real poses a threat to what
the imaginary might wish to preserve unaltered:
“We were in Hungary and, at night, these guys ripp’d off the Hungarian women,
‘cause they were asleep, poor, wretched things, and one of ’em notic’d the bacon and
nabb’d the bacon. Now, what was the deal? Who was in this? The group commander and
two, three others, if ya know what I mean? For, to tell ya the truth, I wouldn’t have done
this for what’s in the world, ya know? And they grabb’d the bacon from a Hungarian
house, ya know, we used to make bacon like they made it, ‘cause if we were ahead of the
Wallachians and the Oltenians, ‘twas because of the Hungarians or the Austro-
Hungarians, ‘cause they were more advanc’d than we were. And as I came out from a
narrow alley, that was in Hungary, I ran across one of us, a Romanian, and he says: “Jes’,
run G., ‘cause they’re catchin’ up with you!” There were two women, ‘twas, for example,
either a daughter- and a mother-in-law, or a daughter and her mother, or... well, ya could
see there was a gap of one generation, ya know? And I felt so bad ‘bout it that... Why?
Why will you point a gun to a woman who’s never seen a weapon before?! And I say to
him: ‘Listen, here, if this girl was ya sister and this woman was ya mother, what would ya
do? Seein’ someone goin’ after them with a rifle, would ya stomach that, huh? Well,
aren’t ya asham’d of ya’self? They may have no bite left for tomorrow! And where could
they find grub to give ya some too! Ya, for better or worse, have three meals a day!,’
‘cause ya should know that we had good food. He lower’d his eyes and left.”15
13 Ernest Bernea, Spațiu, timp și cauzalitate la poporul român, second revised edition, Bucharest: Ed.
Humanitas, 2005, pp. 101-103.
14 Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția, op. cit., p. 43.
15 Informant: G.N., Perșani village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County.
Between Lived History and Narrated History
237
The image of women against whom acts of violence are perpetrated is revealing
for our informant, forcing him to acknowledge the vulnerability of the women in his
family, who were left home alone. The unmarried soldier’s imaginary tends to
recuperate the stances of his mother and sister, while the married informant tends to be
sensitised by the presence of young children:
“We us’d to barge into houses to see if we could find somethin’, we would go
into houses like this... And where we could see women with children, we would ask for
food. Those who had gave us some, those who didn’t, wouldn’t... If the wench had
nothin’ and started to cry, sayin’ ‘I got nothin’’ and ‘kids’ in Russian, we would leave
and let her be... I really didn’t fancy just takin’ stuff, ya know! If she gave me some, I
took it, said thanks, but wouldn’t grab it by force, no sirree...”16
These possible representations of women in wartime lead the soldiers to become
aware of the social threats endangering the women they left home alone. It’s a game of
imaginary substitution, which increases their sensitiveness, but we are also dealing with
certain norms, expressions of popular wisdom, which are deeply entrenched in our
traditional collective mentality. Expressions like “one good turn deserves another,” “no
good deed goes unpunished” or “he who steals will get his deserts” are products of folk
wisdom, which has an important role in regulating behaviour. These moral norms may
have influenced the behaviour of the interviewed soldiers.
Based on a religious perspective, the traditional vocabulary also retains proverbs
such as “God cometh with leaden feet, but striketh with iron hands,”17 “Whom God will
destroy, He first makes mad,”18 “God stays long, but strikes at last,”19 “God’s mill
grinds slow but sure,”20 all of these being complementary to the idea that everyone will
get what they deserve. These latter expressions may be seen as vulgarised interpretations
of rudimentary religious knowledge and reinforce the assumption that the Christian
undertones of Romanian traditional culture are derived from dogmatic Christianity, in
the sense of following the spirit rather than the letter of the Law.21 The reinterpretation
of the Christian teaching, with the aim of developing rules that may also function as
social, secular guidelines and regulate the conduct of traditional man can go sometimes
so far as to overthrow religious paradigms, leading to even more explicit expressions
than the above, such as: “If you do wrong, be afraid of God”22 or “God’s debt remains
outstanding to no one.”23 This image of a punishing God is a misrepresentation of the
Christian teaching, set amid the tendencies of the peasants’ mentality to change, refine
or distort traditional religious motifs according to the laws of collective psychology,
16 Informant: G.I., Șercăița village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County.
17 I.A. Candrea, Dicționar de proverbe și zicători, second edition, Târgoviște: Ed. Bibliotheca, 2002, p. 72,
item 1182.
18 Ibidem, p. 25, item 1002.
19 Ibidem, p. 24, item 989.
20 Ibidem, p. 52, item 2578.
21 Adrian Crupa, op. cit., p. 34.
22 I.A. Candrea, op. cit., p. 71, item 3686.
23 I.A. Candrea, op. cit., p. 72, item 3704.
238
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
integrating these data within their mental horizon and quotidian life,24 according to their
possibilities of comprehension.
From the perspective of the situations described above by the two informants,
we incline to believe that the emotional impact produced by correlating the images of
the foreign women with those of their own mothers, wives or daughters left back home
has sensitised the actants, causing their self-censorship. What is created thus is, in
Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția’s terms, “adherence to superstition”25: in an attempt to
avoid a similar fate befalling the women back home, the soldiers repress their own
impulses. This is verified by the fact that even the proverbs that seem to be tributary to a
religious sentiment (“If you do wrong, be afraid of God” or “God’s debt remains
outstanding to no one”) are essentially forecasts concerning a potential fatality, which
demands that individuals should remain compliant with this entire system of
superstitious beliefs.
An easily foreseeable dilemma crops up here: could attachment to a divine force
and the regulation of behaviour in keeping with the norms of religious morality also be
meanings that are subsequently added to certain actions? In the act of evoking, the
informant re-lives his own self from the perspective of the man he is at present and of
his current outlook on life, and it is not always the case that his perspective from the past
was sifted through a religious conscience.26 Still, there are many authors who have
deemed that man has a privileged relationship with God in time of war. For instance, as
regards the psychological aspects entailed by World War I, Dumitru Caracostea showed
that the disquietude of one who was in the immediate proximity of death would
instinctively lead the one who was overwhelmed with fear toward God.27 Caracostea
nuanced his interpretation, launching the idea that the war and its convulsions actualised
certain spiritual needs that could emerge as critical determinants of the religious
28
experience.
Ernest Bernea also proposed the following grid for understanding popular
religiosity: since religion had a dominant function in the life of Romanian villages, it
had the role of organising village life, social unity and, above all, spiritual order, in all its
forms and meanings.29 According to the Romanian peasants, the portrait of God was
structured around the idea that “God is always the meaning of that which is
24 Toader Nicoară, “Repere ale unei istorii a sentimentului religios, ” in Sorin Mitu, Florin Gogâltan, Viață
privată, mentalități colective și imaginar social în Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Presa Universitară
Clujeană, 1996, p. 171.
25 Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția, op. cit., p. 60.
26 See Florentina Scârneci, Ștefan Ungureanu, op. cit., p. 24: “Different from exterior, conventional,
uniform and static time, our interviewees have their own time, an inner, subjective time, measurable in
emotions, experiences, without a concrete duration. (...). Memory plays a leading role in determining this
time. It is a psychological, qualitative, colourful time, placed under the sign of a human consciousness,
which can really be stopped with the power of the mind. Time appears thus as a result of the interviewees’
spiritual development. It is also a circular time, in which all things have their own time (even if the subjects
state this a posteriori, as a possible justification for the manner in which the events occurred), thus giving
time a regulatory sense too.”
27 Dumitru Caracostea, op. cit., p. 243.
28 Ibidem, p. 244.
29 Ernest Bernea, Civilizația română sătească, Bucharest: Ed. Vremea, 2006, p. 65.
Between Lived History and Narrated History
239
unchangeable and that which is changeable, it is the cause of all things.”30 We may
assume that the Romanian soldiers who went to war were likely to take with them this
manner of relating to God from their place of origin, and that during wartime this
outlook could be intensified, magnified or enhanced.
This is the opinion upheld by the historian Doru Radosav, in his book entitled
Sentimentul religios la români [Religious Sentiment among the Romanians], according
to whom: “the death event causes a ‘deeply religious reflex,’ which ultimately fuels
Christian sensibility”31.
Whereas the soldiers mentally reconstruct the outside world based on their
memories and amid confrontations with situations of the type described above, those left
back home are considerably deprived of imagination sources, the limited possibilities of
maintaining a correspondence with their sons or husbands who left for war thwarting
almost any attempt to get in touch with their world:
“We were conscripted on 1 March, they took us to Făgăraș, but we only stayed
there a month, after that they shipp’d us to the Mountain Huntsmen and took us there, in
Moldova, between Suceava and Rădăuți. I was with a guy from ‘round here, P. T. I.,
that one, he died, he was two years older than me, yes, he was very scrawny and they’d
only just then conscripted him... ‘cause I was at, I was with the antitank guns and he
was on the same cannon as I was, and the platoon commander remov’d him from
position ‘cause he had an appendectomy and then he came back to the country and I was
left alone. He died here, at Hoghiz. They knew nothin’ ‘bout me, if I was still alive, for
three years or so. I wrote a letter from captivity, I wrote two, but I know one got home.
A letter could take 5-6 months to get there. ‘Cause I wrote a letter just before we were
set free from the camp, there, with. not a month before, and I sent it and then I came
home in the fall and the letter came, it came only in the spring. But I’d been at home
since the fall.”32
This perspective upon the symbolic space of at-homeness, which becomes, once
again, a concrete space, and upon this letter that traverses, somewhat anachronistically,
reality sheds light upon the manner in which the war marks, even retroactively, the
families of those who left for the front.
Even military cadences or jody calls, products of the village world, attest to the
meagre knowledge that those who are left back home have about the situation on the
front. In the descriptions embedded in these songs, the focus tends to be on the space of
origin, in a time of war; references to war highlight the impact this has on village life, in
general, and on the young people who were forced to leave, in particular. These songs
express pain and allude to the death of those who departed, being accompanied to the
“station, a place that had become synonymous with the point of crossing over to the
30 Ernest Bernea, Timpul la țăranul român: contribuție la problemele timpului în religie și magie,
Bucharest: Ed. “Bucovina” I.E. Torouțiu, 1940, p. 23.
31 Doru Radosav, Sentimentul religios la români. O perspectivă istorică (sec. XVII-XX), Cluj-Napoca: Ed.
Dacia, 1997, p. 155 apud J. Toussaert, Le sentiment religieux en Flandre ă la Fin du Moyen Âge, Paris,
1963, p. 205.
32 Informant: G.I., Șercăița village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County.
240
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
other world.”33 But these songs accompany, to an equal extent, the women’s rite of
passage into the other world, into the other social space that is recreated immediately
after the men leave for war. On the other hand, there is a question of a transfer of the
men from one world into another, from the world of the living into the world of possible
dead, confirmed by the traditional sensitivity through the performance of these military
chants, grafted upon the scheme of funeral laments: “And I have today, and I have
tomorrow, / And I’ll leave you, village, no matter the sorrow. / And the enemies rejoice
will, thorough / and the enemies rejoice will, thorough. / Only I will grieve the
knowledge / That I have to leave my village. / Come, my lassie, to the station / See the
train take us in some direction. / Carry us from station to station, / Away from our
country, into action. / Wail for me, mother, with longing / For I’ve been your worthy
offspring. / And took the bull by the horn / and ploughed all your field with corn. / And
when all the field I’d ploughed, / The Germans took me anyhow. / And do turn, lassie,
into clouds of stars / Above my barracks, seen from quite afar / And do talk to the
colonel / Lest he should beat the boy infernal. / Lest he should put the boy on guard, /
For he’s so youngish and sleeps quite hard.”34
In funeral rituals, dirges are a form of communication between the living and the
dead, just like jody calls are a form of communication between those who stay at home
and those who go to war - an expression of pain. It is interesting that through the theme
they propose, these ritual markings work simultaneously as disjunctive and conjunctive
elements, emphasising, on the one hand, the rift that emerges between the two worlds,
but creating, on the other hand, a link between them.
Ultimately, like funeral dirges, jody calls represent a ritualistic obligation, as
Gail Kligman contends, communication between the living and the dead becoming
possible through these “mediated forms,” which include wailing, almsgiving, dreaming.
These interactions mark the hierarchical relations between the living and the dead, in
which the former have to fulfil certain obligations towards the departed.35 In the
traditional space, as Gail Kligman has shown, it is deemed that “not mourning the dead
is a sin,” every person buried without being mourned amounting to a gesture of “a
defiance towards God.”36
Another similarity with the wailing of funeral rituals may be detected at the level
of the thematic elements: the mother’s weeping or wailing (“Wail for me, mother, with
33 Eugenia Bârlea, Perspectiva lumii rurale asupra primului război mondial, Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Argonaut,
Cluj-Napoca, 2004, p. 173.
34 Informant: T.I., Șinca-Nouă village, the commune of Șinca-Nouă, Brașov County. We may find
different versions of this soldiers’ chant in the collection coordinated by the Directorate for Social Services
and Military Traditions, the Folklore Archive Institute of the Romanian Academy, the Department of
Military History and the Military Circle of Cluj-Napoca, Cântecul de cătănie. Repertoriu și marginalii la
primele două ediții ale Festivalului Național al Cântecului Popular de Cătănie (1994-1995), Cluj-Napoca:
Ed. Dacia, 1997, p. 49; See, for instance: “Wail for me, mother, with longing / For I have been your
worthy offspring / Handsome, mother, you did make me / But no avail would come or glee / Though you
were fond, mother, of me / For I was sworn to fight under the Germans, see” (Băița, Bihor).
35 Gail Kligman, Nunta mortului. Ritual, poetică și cultură populară în Transilvania, second edition, Iași:
Ed. Polirom, 2005, p. 110.
36 Ibidem, p. 110. See Teodor T. Burada, Datinile poporului român la înmormântări, Bucharest: Ed.
Saeculum I.O., 2006, p. 131.
Between Lived History and Narrated History
241
longing”), accompanying the dead on the last road (“Come, my lassie, to the station /
See the train take us in some direction”), cosmic space - as the space of connection, both
between the living and the dead, and between those situated at great distances from one
another but united by the celestial horizon - (“And do turn, lassie, into clouds of stars /
Above my barracks, seen from quite afar”), the meditation on life, articulated by the
virtue of worthiness (“For I’ve been your worthy offspring”), etc.
If we related to the scheme proposed by Philippe Aries, we might say that the
traditional society feels the need to tame wild - brutalising, fearful, unjust - death, which
it correlates with the concept of war and which men are faced with from the moment
they leave the village, composing, therefore, jody chants as a sort of funeral dirge avant
la lettre, designed to appease both the suffering of those left behind and the fears of
those who go away. A jody chant is, thus, a text with a twofold referentiality, which
involves a traditional solemnity, specific to the peasantry who take care to mark every
great passage, every voyage to another space through such a versified talisman (this is
also the case of wedding chants or funeral lyrics).
If, typically, the “terror of death is overcome by the ensemble of gestures and
beliefs focusing on the eternity of the soul and the afterlife, which is reiterated by the
priest and the wailers on the occasion of every death,”37 a possible death on the front,
away from the possibilities of those left back home to intervene, can only be tamed in
advance, making use of the imaginative resources of the space of origin, the sole space
that the people back home can master and represent to themselves. What should also not
be overlooked is the fact that for the one who has left for war, the possibility of
performing a jody chant - with specific reference to the place of origin - is an extremely
beneficent gesture of release and liberation. Jody chants are thus reinforced and
replenished every time they are performed by soldiers going to war, which keeps them
connected to the world of home and strengthens their imaginative resources.
In contrast to the moment of departure to war, the episode of returning from the
front, seen as a route at the end of which the symbolic space re-acquires concrete
meaning, is an episode dedicated entirely to those left behind. The soldier dedicates
himself to concrete reality again, an effort that involves an exercise of social, family
reintegration, of psychological and emotional recovery. The return back home
comprises at least four distinct phases: the triggering element - news of the end of the
war, the return journey to the homeland (the place of origin), re-entry into the
community of origin (the reception that the returning soldier gets from the villagers,
whom he encounters on the village border - reconfirmation received from the
community) and family reintegration (most of the time, this coincides with an emotional
moment, like getting reunited with a loved one). In the narrative of the next informant,
all four stages are identifiable:38
1)	“He came, t’was in the evenin’, the camp commander, who was Romanian,
was a very smart man....And he’d chat with us in the evenin’, like this: ‘Listen, he says,
I’d tell you something, but I’m not going to, ‘cause you won’t keep ya mouths shut!’.
37 Bârlea, Eugenia, op. cit., p. 158.
38 We have chosen to present this testimony excerpt by excerpt in order to highlight more clearly the four
specified stages.
242
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
‘Sir, we... do tell, for we won’t let anyone know!’ He says: “Ya oughtta know that we’ll
soon be going home!’ We were dumbfounded... And so it happened that in the morning
the order came: Everyone in the shower, we took a shower, they chang’d all our gear
and the other mornin’ they took us out and the Russians came with the table and roll-
called us: such-and-such, gave us a certificate... And there was 2,000 of us, took a while
until they call’d all our names, linin’ us there, givin’ us food for a day and some money
too, some money... And then they made us walk in a line and took us to the train station,
took us to the train station...”
2)	“And there also came [people] from Sevastopole and they brought us into the
country, down to Focșani. It was a large camp and that’s where they took us. They kept
us there overnight, ‘cause they said they’d keep us in quarantine, but they didn’t. In the
mornin’ the Romanian officers came and took us out into the yard and to the station and
from there everyone made a run for wherever. I came to Ploiești and from Ploiești here,
towards Brașov, just that I was on my own, there was no other from around here. And
there was 2,000 of us who came and I was the only one. I arrived in Brașov at dusk and
spent the night there ‘cause my train was only leavin’ in the mornin’. In Brașov I went
to the cafeteria there, to that cook, I asked for a portion of food ‘cause I had the money, I
gave it to her... And she saw me dress’d like that, I was wearin’ a German overcoat,
with like clothes. ‘Where ya comin’ from?’ I say ‘See, I was a prisoner in Russia.’ Then
she let me have another servin’ of food.”
3)	“And then in the mornin’ I took the train, came up to Pierșani, when I got off
at Pierșani, there were about five men who’d come from Bucharest. I then I came to
Șinca - at Șinca, there, at the end of Șinca, there was a tavern, and there was one who
was my neighbour here! ‘Com’ on,’ he says, ‘let’s have a brandy!’ So, I went with him,
if he took me! There were another four of ‘em, but they wouldn’t stay. I stayed there
with that guy, had a brandy and then headed home. I know that here, at the village end,
it was autumn time, 23 November, there were several people with cattle over there and
we chatted for a while.”
4)	“I came home, in the village, and when I got home, my wife was comin’ from
the valley. She’d been at my mom’s, doing the laundry. And when she saw me, there
was S., my daughter, and M., I’s girl, they were friends. I went there, talk’d to them:
‘Which one is she?’ I couldn’t tell which one it was, ‘cause when I left she was little...
‘This is she!’ In the end, I recognis’d her! I stay’d there a bit and I came home. She was
seven... I was 26 then, I’d got married when I was 19...”
While the married soldier may experience this reunion at a very deep emotional
level, for the unmarried soldier, returning home is not necessarily laden with so much
significance:
“Yea, well, she wasn’t expectin’ me. But there was great joy. Ya can imagine
compared to the poor ones who’d died. Death was around the corner at all times.”39
While the previous informant described his return to the village from an intrinsic
perspective, presenting the sensations of one who had to rediscover, step by step, the
world of home, this latter informant describes, in particular, the others’ reactions to his
39 Informant: G.N., Perșani village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County. See Iulia Stanciu, op.
cit., p. 81.
Between Lived History and Narrated History
243
return - the world of home rediscovers him, but here the changes imposed by the war
have become the norm, and it is a world that is in equal measure sceptical and dismayed.
The two elements neutralise each other: “she wasn’t expectin’ me,” but “there was great
joy,” describing the precarious spiritual condition and the low enthusiasm of the mother
and the sister he’d left back home: they prefer somehow no longer to fuel their
expectations about G.’s return and consider his absence as a natural given. Still, on the
other hand, we indirectly understand that the difficulty of keeping the household, the
daily concerns and the many roles assumed, including that of the dead husband and of
the son who went to war, do not allow G.’s mother to express her suffering
destructively, but lead her to channel it into work:
“Well, now, we had plenty of work back home. Poor mother, God forgive her,
what a good mother I had! I mean, good... others might have said she was bad! Do you
get it? But she was a hard-workin’ woman, worthy, worthy...”
From the same cycle of the others’ reactions to a soldier’s return home, we
understand that interacting with the people in the village is somewhat conditioned by the
relationships that existed before his leaving for war. After coming back home, the same
attitudes tend to be resumed, for his departure may not be sufficient reason for
cancelling out certain differences:
“These are things that, that some look happy to see ya, and there are others who
are sorry to see you. And they say ‘why didn’t he stay there, damn him?!’ Yea, really.
Such is the world. Such is the world.”
We noticed above that although the concrete manifestations at the level of the
battlefront appeared hard to be grasped by those at home, the war - as a general context -
is perceptible. War produces radical changes in the existence of the families of those
departed, in terms of their roles and the pace of their work:40 women assume many of
the household duties normally reserved to men, as well as their social responsibilities.
War dismantles a given reality and reorganises the social space, and women, who are
traditionally projected as symbols of the interior and internalised space of the house,
have to go out into the exterior space, that of the farm stead or the field - which,
traditionally, belong to men.41 At the same time, war determines them to reconsider their
relationship with those who are away, their longing and suffering being replaced by an
40 Eugenia Bîrlea, op. cit., p. 126.
41 See Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția, op. cit., p. 45: “In today’s social life of a village-based family group
there is a certain division of labour which should be regarded, perhaps more so than anything else, as the
true foundation underlying this division of spiritual purposes. In the economic life of the household, it is
the woman who has the most difficult role, of course. Although she works in the field next to and almost
equally hard as the man, her work does not end here. It is primarily she who has to do the other labour,
inside the house: preparing the food, washing, sewing, weaving, tending to the poultry and the animals in
the yard, etc. Almost the entire household is in her hands. The work that is indeed specific to a woman is
that inside the household, that which is called domestic activity. This makes the woman more closely
related to the whole household, as an organic unity, and to its central hub, the home, than the man, whose
key concern is for the field, a reality that is somewhat exterior to the home, even though it is an essential
element for the material life unit of the household. This particular way of differently centring life, with the
man more likely to stay in the field - hence, outside - and the woman more likely to remain at home -
hence, inside - as the result of an elementary division of labour, has also directed their spiritual life in
distinct manner.”
244
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
almost ostentatiously displayed immunity, as a response to the need of these women,
who were left alone, to support themselves.
Social relationships - love affairs: before and after the war
Immediately after returning home, the young men are usually faced with the problem of
resuming their social roles. It is natural that the priority of the unmarried soldier should
be re-assuming the role of an eligible young man. Closely related to the issue of
marriage is the problem of the group of friends with whom he identifies on account of
their similar expectations. The unmarried soldier’s circle of friends undergoes changes
during the war, and on his return, he is forced to rethink his social strategies. He may be
confronted with the changes that the world back home has suffered (the disappearance
of the former bonds of friendship and, sometimes, of former marital options) and have
difficulty reintegrating himself in the specific traditional world, where solutions to
problems may also be sought in the sphere of magic - unlike on the front, where such
solutions were always practical, concrete. Thus, a soldier returning to the village may
adopt an objective perspective upon things and become a keen observer of village life:
“I had two friends in the village. One was two years older than me and the other
one year my senior. I was the youngest of them. I was also of a shorter build than ‘em,
yea, shorter and... And now, one of ‘em, poor guy, died on the front... And... one of ‘em
stayed here, got married, he was married. And now, well, I would go out on the street in
the village at dusk and I was all alone, I had no one and I made friends with that S. He’s
three years younger than me and I made friends with him. He was ‘bout to go in the
army and he would by all means get married and have his wife stay at home with his
parents till he serv’d in the army. The parents wouldn’t agree. They weren’t against his
marryin’ A., but they were against it ‘cause they knew they wouldn’t be able to live with
her until he came back. Well, there was a fair in Șercaia, it was in the autumn, like now,
‘cause it’s just two weeks since the Șercaia fair. There was a fair in Șercaia and his
father went with some oxen, or I don’t know what, he went to the fair and the mother
went too. So, he and I, we got into a car and drove there. His mother and father went on
foot, with the cattle. And he says to me: ‘Hey, let’s go see the Saxon woman! Let’s go
see the Saxon woman... let’s see what the Saxon woman has to say!’ Okay, we’re goin’
to the Saxon woman! No, when his turn came... “My boy, go and do your military
service! And forget about getting’ married! For look, you may get married now, and
when you come from the army, you’ll have to divorce her, take another one, and have
kids with her! With the second one.’ I asked the questions that had to be asked, he was
not able to... he was shatter’d! I asked her that... if she would stay..., I mean if he didn’t
marry her now and married her after comin’ back from the army, what did she think
about it. That ‘This is it!,’ she says, ‘They can live together! But he shouldn’t marry her
before the army.’ Now, do ya get it? And we went to the fair with his mother and father.
He said so to me, he says, ‘G., ya mustn’t tell anyone anythin’, but I’m gonna marry her
even if I were to spend only two weeks with her.’ ‘Gee, why should I say anythin’?
What’s in it for me if I tell about this stuff?’ Well... ‘Ya shouldn’t have to worry about
me... ‘cause I won’t, I’m not doin’ anythin’ silly like that.’ That’s what I’ve always been
in my life, I didn’t like it, I didn’t like foul things: lyin’, stealin’... not those! I lov’d
Between Lived History and Narrated History
245
bein’ a fair man! And God has help’d me in this! No, what the Saxon woman said, that
came true! Oh, he serv’d in the military and when he came back... can’t help it, ya
know, some people are wicked, ya see? There was one who, well, he put on airs that his
father own’d a pub and what not, and he put on airs and boasted, well, in the village, he
talk’d to the people in the village, ya know, sayin’ that he did this, he did that, he...”42.
An objective, impartial observer of village life (“Gee, why should I say
anythin’? What’s in it for me if I tell about this stuff?”, “Ya shouldn’t have to worry
about me... ‘cause I won’t, I’m not doin’ anythin’ silly like that,” “can’t help it, ya
know, some people are wicked, ya see?”), the soldier adopts a behaviour that is based on
the same principles he referred to when he evoked his situation during the war: “That’s
what I’ve always been in my life, I didn’t like it, I didn’t like foul things: lyin’, stealin’...
not those! I lov’d bein’ a fair man! And God has help’d me in this!” This self-
characterisation resumes leit-motifs used in describing his status on the battlefront:
“In war it’s exactly like durin’ conscription. So if you’re zappy, you’re doin’
honourably; I told the sub-lieutenant I’d done the job and he said, ‘Well done, Nicălău!
Good for you!’; Lord, thank you, Lord, thank you, ‘cause God helped me, yes, but I also
did my best to do well. I did my very best... from all points of view.”43
The testimony preceding the last is enlightening for the manner in which
traditional society functioned, allowing magical rites and religious beliefs to coexist in a
close, complementary relationship. Hence, the assumption of a double role, which our
informant is aware of: on the one hand, he is the agent of superstitious practices and
stays attune to ominous signs and, on the other, he is a man who seeks and appreciates
God’s help in his life.
Noting the religious manifestations of the villagers from Drăguș, Ștefania
Cristescu-Golopenția points out the same tendency of people to merge the religious and
the magical and emphasises that they experience religion “as a custom and not as a rigid
and abstract dogma.”44
Ernest Bernea also provides references to the mysticality that is inherent in the
Romanian peasants’ general mentality, which he describes as “cohesive and organic”
but defined by its “mystical character,” since, indeed, the magical and religious activity
“reigns supreme in the innermost recesses of the Romanian peasant’s soul, colouring,
therefore, all his other activities.”45 Bernea also contends that “religion and magic
appear and function together in the village life because they have the same nature: a
46
mystical nature.”
“That’s what I’ve always been in my life, I didn’t like it, I didn’t like foul things:
lyin’, stealin’... not those! I lov’d bein’ a fair man! And God has help’d me in this!” -
this is a reiterative statement of a personal moral, as long as this informant, as we shall
see, negotiates even the choice of his wife in the same terms, emphasising the
42 Informant: G.N., Perșani village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County.
43 Informant: G.N., Perșani village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County. See Iulia Stanciu,
op.cit, pp. 70-71.
44 Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția, op. cit., p. 52.
45 Ernest Bernea, Timpul..., p. 13.
46 Ernest Bernea, Civilizația..., p. 66.
246
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
importance of humaneness, determination and character - a set of positive qualities. At
the same time, reiterating these values at various stages of the interview can function as
a summary statement of the informant’s existential journey. There is this typical recipe,
of a man who is attached to the traditional environment, structured on a series of
desirable qualities, as Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția also notices in her study dedicated
to the villagers from Drăguș; according to this recipe, “diligence, skill and knowledge
are required for success in life,” these aspects being derived from traditional moral or
wisdom. On the other hand, traditional wisdom retains the sense that “man does not
depend solely on himself, but on the unseen forces of nature, which must be won in his
favour through the very ancient customs the ancestors also complied with”; these
invisible powers add an “extra quality to diligence, skill and human knowledge”47 - an
aspect that highlights traditional man’s propensity towards the magical universe. Yet
there is a perpetual syncretism between the magical and the religious elements, a
syncretism created by the peasant himself and leading him towards “adherence to
superstition,”48 as we have previously shown.
The episode in which the two young eligible men go to the Saxon woman - who
could cast lots with beans - in order to receive confirmation or refutation of the marital
directions they wanted to embark on is also part of an attempt to “adhere to
superstition.” The two prove to trust the Saxon woman’s possibilities of foretelling the
future, but their subsequent behaviour differs. While S. rebels against fate, disobeying
his parents and disregarding the augury received from the fortune-teller, our informant
corroborates the information received from the Saxon woman and his mother’s opinion,
passing them through the filter of his own conscience, which renders his personal moral,
derived from folk wisdom and personal experience, as the ultimate and most important
decision factor:
“I was talkin’ to M., the wife, and there was also a wife who’d been married and
liv’d with her husband for only three months. But the people didn’t blame her for this.
They blam’d him. And she comes to me, and says: ‘Look, it shows up here, here’s a girl
and a wife!’ Listen to that, and a wife! How could she have known T. of I.? But I say to
her: ‘But as it’s shown there, with whom could set up better house? The girl or the wife?
Ya see? I say to her. And she says: ‘With either, ‘cause they both look like decent girls.’
Now, let me tell you honestly that my mother insisted much on... That T. of I. had a lot
of land... She had a whole lot of land and well, she tended, tended to more wealth, ya
know? I, well, she told me that and I told my mother, ya know: ‘Mom, here’s the deal:
as long as I am alive, I can make a fortune, but a fortune can’t make a man!’ If I want
to... and eventually, I did!”
It is actually possible that the experience of war outlined, in the mind of the
soldier, this deep understanding of his mission in the world, of his existential purpose.
We may detect, thus, a reorganisation of the value system of the young man, freshly
returned from the front, and, even more, the development of a much stronger sense of
self: he knows now not just his aspirations but also his limits (“I can make a fortune”).
47 Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția, op. cit., p. 56.
48 Ibidem, p. 60.
Between Lived History and Narrated History
247
Equally interesting is the perspective that this informant provides as regards the
circumstantial possibilities of the unmarried soldier to indulge in certain love affairs
during wartime. From his point of view, love during war is, rather, an exercise in
repression, as the young men demonstrate a programmatic rejection of stories they
cannot ensure continuity:
“When I got out of the army in Budapest, we got off for I don’t know how long
and I found her... I don’t know if she was Hungarian, but she spoke perfect Romanian.
She kept insistin’ that I go with her. (...) And well, I didn’t want to go. I kept thinkin’
about it, it was like a comfort to me: “Ya know, I walk’d among bullets and cartridges
for two years and God gave me health, there’s no point in getting involv’d with anyone,
‘cause I don’t know who she is.’ I thank’d her and said I didn’t have time, ‘cause the
train was about to leave. And I turn’d her down.”49
The same informant remembers another date, another possible love story, cut
short by the same principles:
“I was on the front line and what did we do? The five of us set off with some
cans, some rectangular pots, and we went to get some milk. Of course, we tried to do
this about the unit, lest we should do something stupid. And there was a girl with some
sheep, so beautiful, God bless her. She came with us and these guys went: ‘Hey, this one
will stick to ya, ya’ll have to take her to Romania!’ (...) We talk’d by signs mostly. And
like I said before, I never thought about things like that, gettin’ involved with anyone.”
These testimonies illustrate the difficulties inherent in the amorous choices these
young men had to make and the dysfunctionality war had brought about in the sphere of
their matrimonial options. Besides the examples presented above, indebted to morality,
there will have been many other, clearly immoral situations. However, our attention
should be focused on the elements that, even in such cases, determined self-control and
self-censorship. God, one’s mother and sister remain the three primordial
representations the soldier’s consciousness clings to, but there are also cultural or
linguistic barriers that crop up in the context of love and/or marital options, which, at
that time, were insuperable. On the other hand, these relations arising during times of
war, in spaces that are foreign to the soldiers, are impossible to be continued on the level
of reality, as long as the soldiers’ state of mind is extremely vulnerable and their
psychological well-being is profoundly affected. Preferring to return home to the
detriment of romance is, ultimately, the sign of maturing and developing a sense of
responsibility to the world back home.
Conclusions
Our undertaking was intended as an exercise of bringing together several testimonials
that would function as a bridge between the past and the present, in order to observe and
valorise both the manner in which the traditional mind-set worked in the context of
World War II and the perspective from which people describe and perceive themselves
at present, as a result of the experiences that have defined them.
49 Informant: G.N., Perșani village, the commune of Șinca-Veche, Brașov County. See lulia Stanciu, op.
cit., p. 78.
248
Iulia-Dorina Stanciu
Those presented above reveal a propensity towards making use of the vast
possibilities of oral history in shaping a concurrently historical, cultural and identitarian
discourse.
This study, which privileges oral sources, with interpretations veering towards
the field of anthropology, proposes, therefore, an interdisciplinary perspective on a
reality that straddles the boundary between pragmatic history and lived histories.
Starting from the considerations of Luisa Passerini, according to whom oral history has
the merit of confirming that there is no historical production outside the action of
concrete individuals,50 the present study outlines a framework for the manifestation of
personal, internalised perspectives, which, at the same time, create history.
50 Luisa Passerini, Storia e soggettivită: le fonti orali, la memoria, Firenze, La Nuova Italia, 1988, p. 58.
MARIUS OANȚĂ1
THE SITUATION OF THE CATHOLIC DENOMINATION
IN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC ARCHDIOCESE OF BUCHAREST
(1948-1964)
Abstract: This study describes the situation of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest between 1948
and 1964. During this period, which can be described as one of extreme persecution for the Catholic Church
in Romania, the Catholic clergy had to suffer as a result of their disobedience to the communist regime.
Throughout this while, the members of this clerical elite were convicted and sentenced to many years in
prison, after the state authorities rejected the Draft Statute for the Latin Rite the Catholic Church and
suspended Bishop Alexandru Theodor Cisar. To compensate for the shortcomings of such an approach, the
Communist government attempted to overlay an institution with an ephemeral vocation on the institutions of
the Church. The “Catholic Action Committee” failed dismally and the “democratic priests” who attempted to
create this parallel church were excommunicated. In this climate, the Holy See appointed and consecrated
bishops without the recognition of the Romanian state, and continued to exist even after some of its
institutions were suppressed. All these issues will be examined in the present study in detail, and the
conditions under which the Church of Rome stayed in existence will be explained accordingly.
Keywords: Archdiocese, Archbishop, Cisar, Canon, jurisdiction
This study describes the situation of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest
between 1948 and 1964. During this period, which can be described as one of extreme
persecution for the Catholic Church in Romania, the Catholic clergy had to suffer as a
result of their disobedience to the communist regime. Throughout this while, the
members of this clerical elite were convicted and sentenced to many years in prison,
after the state authorities rejected the Draft Statute for the Latin Rite the Catholic
Church and suspended Bishop Alexandru Theodor Cisar. To compensate for the
shortcomings of such an approach, the Communist government attempted to overlay an
institution with an ephemeral vocation on the institutions of the Church. The “Catholic
Action Committee” failed dismally and the “democratic priests” who attempted to
create this parallel church were excommunicated. In this climate, the Holy See
appointed and consecrated bishops without the recognition of the Romanian state, and
continued to exist even after some of its institutions were suppressed. All these issues
will be examined in the present study in detail, and the conditions under which the
Church of Rome stayed in existence will be explained accordingly.
General historical background
Contemporary researchers have written about the Roman Catholic denomination during
the “Iron Curtain” period using empirical methods and without being familiar with the
1 The Ministry of Economy, the Directorate for SME Project Implementation, e-mail:
mariusu1981@yahoo.com.
250
Marius Oanță
ecclesiastical language. In general, the situation is significantly different from that
presented by secular historians, who do not present the historical context and who do not
highlight the temporary nature of the appointments of the Roman Catholic clergy, an
option dictated by the impulse of force. These confusions, especially those of a
canonical nature, have led to an unwarrantable interpretation of the documents
underlying the writing of ecclesiastical history, with reference to the Church of Rome.
By taking into consideration only the documents issued by the totalitarian Communist
state and ignoring the acts enacted by the Holy See, ecclesiastical history is obscured by
the opinions of characters that belonged to the regime, with a questionable education,
who describe the Catholic Church in surreal terms. In mentioning the communist era,
the “Final Report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist
Dictatorship in Romania,” submitted in 2006, devotes only one page to the Roman
Catholic Church in Romania, and only a few lines to the situation of the Catholic
Church in the Old Kingdom, attesting to the “collaborationist” character of the two
clerics, Stanislau Traian Jovanelli2 and Francisc Augustin,3 who did not even have
canonical jurisdiction for the Archdiocese of Bucharest.4 Moreover, these two Catholic
priests, who occupied a peripheral position in the Catholic hierarchy, were constantly
invited to collaborate with the Communist regime and were imprisoned for various
reasons. The former, on charges that he had allegedly mismanaged the vineyards from
Topoloveni, belonging to the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest, “and that he
has behaved like a true bourgeois exploiter,”5 in April, and the latter, on the grounds that
he had supported a, “imperialist power,” the Vatican, carrying out an activity of
“espionage” in favour thereof, in opposition with the interests of the “popular
democratic” state. At the time when the two were arrested, on the territory of the Roman
Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest there was a strong opposition manifested by the
Roman Catholic priests. The many attempts to intimidate the latter were doomed to
failure. In an attempt to assess the situation of the Catholic denomination, a top secret
document of the Central Committee of P.M.R., dated 7 April 1949, stated the following:
“Unlike the Orthodox denomination, where bishoprics are rather administrative
institutions, Catholic dioceses are true centres of spiritual resistance, especially given the
large number of canons, honorary deans and Monsignors revolving around them. And
2 Dănuț Doboș, “Din istoria Arhidiecezei Romano-Catolice București,” in Pro Memoria, no. 10-11/2011-
2012, p. 290. Citing documents from the archives of the archdiocese, the researcher Dănuț Doboș mentions
the following: “On 21 December 1949, can. Stanislav Traian Jovanelli was arrested by the Communist
authorities and remanded to the Court of Muscel County, which, on 9 January 1950, sentenced him to one
year and two months in prison, for violating Articles 3 and 6 of the Decision of the Ministry of Agriculture
no. 547/1949 and of Ordinance no. 90/1949 issued by the Muscel County Committee, in conjunction with
Article 2, letter a) of Decree no. 183/1949.”
3 As regards Francisc Augustin, he had a conviction in File No. 4563/953 - 4632/53 issued by the
Bucharest Military Tribunal for “complicity in the crime of high treason p.p. under 191, comb. with Art.
190 C.P., comb. with Art. 6 of Decree 199 in that he facilitated at the same time the espionage activity of
the above through their activity.”
4 ***Raportul Final al Comisiei Prezidențiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din România [Final
Report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania],
Bucharest, 2006, p. 465.
5 Dănuț Doboș, op. cit., p. 290.
The Situation of the Catholic Denomination
251
the believers are involved in a series of religious associations, called congregations, such
as the “Third Franciscan Order,” the “Congregation of Mary,” the “Altar,” the “Rosary”
and so on; through these, they are instilled with religious fanaticism and are imposed the
anti-democratic line of this church.”6
Alongside these descriptions, deliberate exaggerations were also used in order to
distort the image of the Catholic Church in the Old Kingdom. For instance, the same
aforecited document mentioned the following: “the tactical line adopted by the
Catholics in R.P.R. is that of apparent obedience in public,” but manifesting “a fierce
resistance against the authorities’ actions, of challenges with a view to a new war (...)
thus, Archbishop Alexandru Cisar receives his visitors with two fingers raised, meaning
‘another 2 months until the use of the atomic bomb’.”7 Throughout this while, “in
Wallachia, emphasis is laid on the Bulgarians from Popești-Leordeni and Cioplea, as
evidence that this belief is spreading among the Slavs too.”8 These were actually two
communities of Catholic Pavlikeni Bulgarians, converted over 500 years before, in the
surroundings of Nicopolis and moved from Bulgaria into the Romanian Countries, at
around the time of the Russo-Turkish War (1806-1812), by the Italian Catholic
missionaries, who had canonically administered the area north of the Danube too.9
Several levels can be distinguished in the analysis of the age under study, the
first of which is represented by the concerns of the policy makers in Bucharest as
regards the Catholic Church, while the second targets the opposition of the church,
which wanted the Code of Canon Law enacted in 1917 to be respected, as the only legal
instrument in force, at that time, aside from the Concordat, which regulated both the
juridical relations within the Roman Catholic Church and its organisation. On 19 July
1948, without taking into account its rigors, the state unilaterally denounced the
Concordat of 1929, between the Romanian state and the Church of Rome.10 On 3
October 1948, the Department of Religious Affairs demanded the senior Catholic
hierarchy in Romania to submit a draft statute of organisation and operation “placed in
accordance with the laws of the country.”11 The only residential Catholic bishops who
were still in office at that time, Mârton Âron and Anton Durcovici, submitted a draft
statute on 3 November 1948, which was rejected by the representatives of the
Department of Religious Affairs on the grounds that it “does not respect the laws of the
country or the principles of the popular Constitution.”12
We must emphasise that, at that time, Mârton Âron and Anton Durcovici were
the only titular bishops Latin bishops who held a position in the Catholic hierarchy at
6 The National Archives of Romania, the Central Historical Archives Service [hereinafter, ANRSANIC]
fund: CC of PCR, the Administrative-Political Department, file 33/1949, f. 3-4.
7 Ibidem, f. 6.
8 Idem.
9 For an overview of the Pavlikeni population in Bulgaria and Wallachia, see, for example: Eusebius
Fermendziu, Acta Bulgariae Ecclesiastica ab anno 1565 usque ad. a. 1799, Academia Scientiarum ed
Artium Slavorum Meridionalium, Zagrabie, 1887, Volumen Decimus Octavum, III.
10 Cornel Damian, “Concordatul între Sfântul Scaun și România. Aspecte istorico-juridice,” in Pro
Memoria, no. 1/2002, p. 89.
11 ANRSAIC, fund: Ministry of Religious Affairs. Studies Department, file 31/1956, f. 91.
12 Idem.
252
Marius Oanță
the time, after the forced retirement of Augustin Pacha13 and the withdrawal of Alex.
Th. Cisar,14 both measures being dictated by the Great National Assembly. The attitude
of the Catholic episcopate, which did not accept allegiance to the regime, was natural,
given that the Communist authorities had unilaterally denounced the Concordat with the
Holy See, had dismantled the denominational schools and the religious orders, had
expelled the diplomatic corps members of the Nunciature in Bucharest and had reduced
to two the number of Catholic dioceses in Romania.15 After the arrest of Bishops
Marton Âron and Anton Durcovici, their vicars general submitted a new draft statute on
6 September 1949, which did not differ from that drawn up by the Latin Rite Catholic
bishops.16 Meanwhile, a part of the priests had been forced to join the “Catholic Action
Committee” and the “democratic priests” had organised the conferences from. Tg. Mureș
(27 April 1950), Bucharest (24 May 1950) and Gheorghieni-Ciuc (5 September 1950),
with the avowed aim of taking a stand against the senior Catholic hierarchy that had
“disregarded the will of the clergy and the faithful.”17 On this occasion, they recorded a
dismal failure, as these meetings did not reach the purpose for which they had been
intended. To compensate for the shortcomings of these actions, the so-called “Calls to
Peace” were launched, in order to eschew the Catholic priests unaffiliated to the
“Catholic Action Committee.”
Thus, many priests were forced to sign these peace calls. Masking this initiative,
what was attempted through the government representatives in the territory was the
juxtaposition of an institution with an ephemeral vocation to a manifestation of faith,
already present in the collective memory of the priests who had been through the two
world wars.18 These manifestations did not bring anything new in the ecclesiastical
landscape. The same clerical institution had consistently expressed its concern about the
existence of armed conflicts, during the two world wars, and invited the priests and the
laity to self-introspection. The papal encyclicals on this issue are suggestive; issued
throughout the interwar period, they were replete with statements and calls about and for
peace. Like the “Catholic Action Committee,” chaired by priests who had been
excommunicated by the Holy See, the peace meetings found an echo only briefly
13 Claudiu Călin, “Dr. H.C. Augustin Pacha (1870-1954). Succint excurs biografic al primului episcop de
Timișoara,” in Banatica, no. 19 (2009), Reșița, p. 252.
14 Dănuț Doboș, “Preoți catolici în captivitatea comunistă. Arhiepiscopul Alexandru Theodor Cisar,” in
Pro Memoria, no. 8/2009, p. 173.
15 Decree no. 177/1948 for the general regime of religious denominations (published in the Official
Gazette no. 204 of 3 September 1948), mentioned the following provisions in Art. 22: “The religious
denominations with diocesan organisations can have a number of dioceses proportional with the total
number of believers. For the establishment and operation of eparchies (dioceses, superintendents), 750,000
faithful will be counted on average in every eparchy. The delineation of the eparchies and the distribution
of believers into eparchies will be made by the statutory bodies of the respective denomination and will be
confirmed by a decree of the Presidium of the Great National Assembly at the proposal of the Minister of
Religious Affairs.”
16 ANRSAIC, fund: Ministry of Religious Affairs. Studies Department, file 31/1956, f. 91.
17 Idem.
18 See, for instance, the Encyclicals of Pope Pius XI: “Acerba Animi” (1932), “Ad Salutem Humani”
(1930), “Caritate Christi Compulsi” (1932), “Dilectissima Nobis” (1933) etc. Through these encyclicals,
the Sovereign Pontiff expressed his concern about the situation in the aftermath of the war, calling the
Catholic priests and the believers of various denominations to self-communion for peace.
The Situation of the Catholic Denomination
253
among the Catholic clergy. As Ovidiu Bozgan was to write, “Catholicism was one of
the most formidable opponents of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and,
logically, it was the victim of relentless repressive policies.”19
The particular situation of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest (19 July
1948-7 January)
The anti-Catholic policy began, as mentioned above, on 19 July 1948, through the
unilateral cancellation of the Concordat between the Holy See and Romania (1929) by
the Petru Groza Government. Immediately after the termination of the concordat
convention with the Vatican, the subservient press triggered a furious campaign against
the Catholic Church, coordinated by Ana Pauker, Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej and I.
Chișinevski, the latter being appointed by Moscow to deal with the fate of religious
denominations.20 Shortly thereafter, on 3 August 1948, under Decree 176, and on 4
August 1948, under Decree 177, the denominational education system was disbanded
and the statute governing the denominations in R.P.R. was reorganised.21 As a result of
these measures, school education became the responsibility of the state; the religious
orders were suppressed or tailored down their activity, while others left the country. The
number of Catholic dioceses in Romania was also reduced, and Archbishop-
Metropolitan Alexandru Theodor Cisar was “placed in retreat” on 18 September 1948,
under Decree no. 1596 issued by the Presidium of the “Great National Assembly.”22
Without the possibility of exercising canonical jurisdiction, the Bishop of Bucharest
handed his resignation to the apostolic Regent Gerald Patrick O’Hara, who, on 17
January 1948, notified Anton Durcovici, Bishop of Iași, that Pope Pius XII had accepted
the resignation of Bishop Al. Th. Cisar and had appointed Anton Durcovici apostolic
23
administrator of the Archdiocese of Bucharest.23
The Archdiocese of Bucharest and the Diocese of Iași had been merged and
were operating under the titulature of the Archdiocese of Bucharest-Iași, under the same
Decree 177/1948. Thus, the canonical problems in the two existing dioceses (of
Bucharest and of Alba Iulia) had to be subjected to the consultations of the two prelates,
who still exercised their canonical jurisdiction.24 By the express will of the Pope Pius
XII, all the decisions that concerned the Latin Rite Catholics in Romania had to be taken
after consulting Bishops Mârton Âron and Anton Durcovici.25 Having exercised their
19 Ovidiu Bozgan, Cronica unui eșec previzibil. România și Sfântul Scaun în epoca pontificatului lui Paul
al VI-lea (1963-1978), Bucharest: Ed. Cartea Veche, 2004, p. 36.
20 Dănuț Doboș, “Aspecte ale represiunii comuniste împotriva Bisericii Romano-Catolice (1945-1964),” in
Pro Memoria, no. 4/2005, p. 199.
21 Ibidem, p. 38.
22 ***Martiri pentru Hristos, din România, în perioada regimului comunist, Bucharest: Editura Institutului
Biblic și de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Române, 2007, p. 141.
23 Idem.
24 It should be noted that in jurisdictional terms, the Catholic dioceses had been disbanded only before the
civil authorities of the Romanian state, as the Holy See did not recognise this suppression and appointed
Substitute Ordinaries for the Catholic Dioceses of Oradea, Timișoara and Satu Mare, with canonical
jurisdiction over these diocese, which, in practice, continued to function.
25 ***Martiri pentru Hristos, din România, în perioada regimului comunist, Bucharest, 2007, p. 142.
254
Marius Oanță
powers under the Code of Roman Canon Law and having manifested themselves openly
against the Communist regime, in June 1949 both Catholic bishops were arrested by the
Securitate. On 29 June the same year, Apostolic Nuncio Alexandru O’Hara informed
Alexandru Theodor Cisar that after the imprisonment of Bishop Anton Durcovici, the
episcopal see of Bucharest had become vacant, and the Holy See had appointed
Alexandru Theodor Cisar as apostolic administrator ad nutum sedis of the Archdiocese
of Bucharest, without the authorities’ consent.26 Less than a year later, in May 1950,
under a directive issued by the Communist government, supported by Stanciu Stoian,
Minister of Religious Affairs, Alexandru Theodor Cisar had his domicile fixed in the
Franciscan monastery from Orăștie. The Catholic bishop protested against the action of
the Great National Assembly to have him removed from office, arguing that in the Latin
Rite of the Catholic Church, there was no such practice of removing a priest from his
position before he reached the canonical age, except with the approval of the Holy See.
Under these circumstances, unprecedented for the Latin Church, given that the
representatives of the Department of Religious Affairs had informed the Catholic bishop
of the existence of an “expulsion order,” the latter convened the Apostolic Regent,
Gerald Patrick O’Hara, to the office of the Archdiocese to submit his mandate, the
office he had received and the canonical jurisdiction, together with all the related
responsibilities.27 In light of this situation, the Apostolic Regent was forced to seek a
replacement. Making use of the special faculties acquired from Pope Pius XII, and in
accordance with the provisions of the Code of Roman Canon Law and the particular law
of the Catholic Church, His Holy Eminence O’Hara convened the vicar of St. Joseph’s
Cathedral in Bucharest, Iosif Schubert, to the Apostolic Nunciature in Bucharest. On 30
June 1950, the latter was consecrated in clandestinity, in the chapel of St. Joseph’s
Cathedral, as auxiliary Bishop of Bucharest, with the canonical title of Ceramussa.
According to the decree issued by the Bishop of Rome on 29 June 1948, entitled “De
Nominatione Substituorum,”28 which provide that for the prevented episcopal sees
(without the possibility of having a titular bishop appointed29), successors should be
appointed to the helm of the Catholic dioceses. In this climate, on 12 February 1951,
Bishop Iosif Schubert appointed the Catholic parish priest of Predeal, Heronimus
Menges, as his first successor at the head of the diocese, should he be deprived of
freedom.30 On 16 February 1951, a second priest was appointed as successor of Bishop
Schubert at the helm of the Archdiocese, namely Fr. Mathias Pojar, who served as vicar
at Saint Joseph’s Cathedral.31 The following priests were also appointed at the head of
26 Dănuț Doboș, op. cit., p. 202.
27 Idem.
28 The decree “De nominatione substitutorum,” of 29 June 1948, in Latin, was published in Mircea Birtz and
Manfred Kierein, Fărâme din prescura prigoanei (1948-1990), Cluj: Ed. Napoca Star, 2008, pp. 282-291.
29 According to this decree, those assigned to lead a diocese, in clandestinity, are referred to as Ordinarius
Substitutus.
30 Dănuț Doboș, “Din istoria Arhidiecezei Romano-Catolice București,” in Pro Memoria, no. 10-11/2011-
2012, p. 286.
31 Dănuț Doboș, op. cit., p. 286; Mircea Birtz and Manfred Kierein, op. cit., p. 23. The work of the authors
Mircea Birtz and Manfred Kierein mentions yet another list of jurisdictional succession than the one
The Situation of the Catholic Denomination
255
the diocese: Iosif Gunciu, Haider Xaveriu and Francisc Augustin, as successors if the
canonically appointed predecessors were to be arrested.32 On 17 February 1951, the
clandestine Bishop Iosif Schubert was incarcerated. In this context, the management of
the diocese was incumbent upon Heronimus Menges, as Ordinarius Substitutus 33 On 22
February 1951, Stanislau Traian Jovanelli was released after a detention of nearly two
years, but without knowing about the situation existing at that time. It appears that the
Communist authorities had forced matters as regards canonical jurisdiction when, on 4
April 1951, bringing together all the canons in Ploiești, they made available all the
means of electing Jovanelli as vicar capitular. The latter was excommunicated by the
Holy See, when, in a press release on the radio, the official mouthpiece of the Church
from the Vatican announced that this appointment was not “appropriate” and that it
violated the provisions of the decree “De Nominatione Substituorum,”34 Moreover, the
Holy See had been notified of Bishop Schubert’s decision to appoint Heronimus
Menges as his successor, if he were to be imprisoned. Under these conditions, the
provisions of the decree issued by the Holy See could not be enforced, as there was
canonical succession to the leadership of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest.
It should be noted that the appointment of Menges had been confirmed by the
announcement made on the “Vatican Radio,” whereby the election in Ploiești choice
had been dictated by the communists, so as to proceed with the investment of a vicar-
capitular. It may be assumed that, on the election and consecration of Bishop Iosif
Schubert as auxiliary Bishop of Bucharest, he sent Patrick O’Hara a list of his two
successors, to be presented to the Holy See. Given the situation in Romania and the
decree aforementioned, the probability that the Apostolic Nuncio had requested this list
is very high, for one cannot explain otherwise the promptness with which the news of
Jovanelli’s excommunication was announced, as one who had accepted an office and
violated the provisions of canon law. During all this while, the Communist government
had supported, in Bucharest, in a meeting of the Catholic Action Committee from 24
May 1950, the working group led by Andrei Agotha, involving: Kulcsar Mihail, Torok
Ladislau, Kopeczy loan, Mikes loan, Kadar Josub and Kastal Ioan.35 A notification
submitted to the Department of Religious Affairs by the so-called “democratic priests”
expressed “the ardent desire of the servants of the Catholic Church in R.P.R. and its
believers to see some problems solved, fully confident about the benevolence and the
wisdom of the Country’s government.”36 On this occasion, they also expressed the
desire to overturn the decision to suspend the salary payments and the return of the
nationalised assets. It should be noted that in a notification issued by the vicar general
presented by Dănuț Dobos. This included: Mons. E[d]mund Barciowski, Bishop Iosif Schubert, and Canon
Ârpad Horvăt.
32 Ovidiu Bozgan, op. cit., p. 376. The last of those designated for canonical succession had his
appointment withdrawn, while he was in prison, by Mons. Schubert, as Fr. Iosif Gunciu confessed when he
was released from prison.
33 Eduard Ferenț, “Apărarea identității noastre creștine, prilej de maturizare umană și spirituală,” in Dialog
teologic, 25 (2010), p. 19.
34 Dănuț Doboș, op. cit., p. 291.
35 ANRSAIC, fund: Ministry of Religious Affairs. Studies Department, file 17/1950, f. 5.
36 Idem.
256
Marius Oanță
on 29 March 1949, Edmund Barciovschi, Archbishop of Bucharest requested the
clerical staff to waiver the stipends owed by the state to the Catholic priests until the
matter of the status of the Catholic Church in Romania was resolved.37 Many Catholic
priests relinquished the official salary. In response, the Department of Religious Affairs
issued decision no. 12301 of 10 May 1949, communicating a long list of priests who
would no longer be eligible for remuneration, as of 1 February 1949. This was inserted
in the Universul newspaper of 29 May 1949 and included the two Roman Catholic
bishops in Romania, with responsibilities in the exercise of canonical jurisdiction,
Marton Âron and Anton Durcovici.38 Moreover, this was not the only delayed reaction
of the policy makers, who did not know the matter in detail, or canon law.
The matter of jurisdiction in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest,
which arouses great interest today, too, has also been recounted in the relatively recent
historical studies of Ovidiu Bozgan and William Totok, the latter taking over, without
prior documentation, the information obtained by Ovidiu Bozgan from the former
archive of the Department of Religious Affairs, faultily processed and without knowing
the historical truth.39 In fact, the entire departmental archive contains conflicting, poorly
documented and inaccurate information. Moreover, when the latter took over the raw
information, he did not even mention that Stanislau Traian Jovanelli had never held
canonical jurisdiction, which pertained to Monsignor Hieronimus Menges.40 The latter
could not, given the position he held within the Church, perform his duties. Any other
manifestation, in public, of canonical jurisdiction would have incurred retaliations. On
18 November 1952, the priests Hieronimus Menges, Iosif Gungiu, Xaveriu Haider,
Vladimir Ghika and Francisc Augustin were apprehended by the Securitate, which had
apparently learned about the list of priests who could hold canonical jurisdiction over
the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest.41 Thus, the holder of canonical
jurisdiction could only be Julius Dwucet (from 18 November 1952 until 1 July 1953),
37 Ibidem, f. 3. The document, in Latin, is included in the file submitted by the “democratic priests” to the
Department of Religious Affairs and underlay the decision to suspend the priests’ salaries prior to
relinquishing the amounts owed by the state. The appointment of Edmund Barciovschi as vicar general
was no longer valid when Anton Durcovici was arrested. Emanuel Cosmovici considers that the latter had
stepped down so as to avoid being imprisoned. (Emanuel Cosmovici, Mărturia Pr. Hieronymus Menges
despre Monseniorul Vladimir Ghika la Uranus și la Jilava (1952-1954), see note 8, p. 8. The information
is reproduced by Emanuel Cosmovici, on the site: http://remusmirceabirtz.files.wordpress.com/
2013/01/cosmovici-menges-ghika.pdf, accessed on 23 September 2013).
38 Universul, LXV, no. 124 of 29 May 1949, p. 3.
39 In his book, Episcopul, Hitler și Securitatea, William Totok, citing the studies of Ovidiu Bozgan,
România versus Vatican. Persecuția Bisericii Catolice din România comunistă în lumina documentelor
diplomatice franceze, Bucharest: Sylvi, 2000, and Cronica unui eșec previzibil. România și Sfântul Scaun
în epoca pontificatului lui Paul al VI-lea (1963-1978), Bucharest: Ed. Curtea Veche, 2004, mentions the
following: “in this context Bozgan also refers to Francisc [Franz] Augustin and Stanislas Traian Jovanelli,
who led the Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest after the clandestine Bishop Iosif Schubert was illegally
imprisoned and then kept in house arrest in a rural village, managing to leave Romania permanently in the
late 1960s. A prisoner between 1951 and 1955, Augustin took over, as vicar, in 1961, after the death of
Jovanelli (excommunicated in 1952) - the leadership of the Archdiocese of Bucharest.”
40 For more details, see, for instance: William Totok, Episcopul, Hitler și Securitatea, Procesul stalinist
împotriva “spionilor Vaticanului ” din România, Iași: Ed. Polirom, 2008, pp. 12-13.
41 Ovidiu Bozgan, op. cit., p. 376.
The Situation of the Catholic Denomination
257
the senior of the cathedral’s canons, until the re-establishment of canonical succession.
Ovidiu Bozgan mentions an “inquiry” of Canon Dwucet, from January 1953, when,
according to the documents from the Department of Religious Affairs, he seems not to
have reached any conclusion about canonical jurisdiction.42 On 1 August 1953,
Archbishop-Metropolitan Alexandru Theodor Cisar returned from forced domicile,
which had been set at Orăștie, to give the Sacrament of Confirmation in Saint Joseph’s
Cathedral, Bărăția in Bucharest, Cioplea and Popești Leordeni (the latter two being
suburban communes), and administered Unction to 1,000 souls.43 On this occasion, he
consecrated the holy oils for all the canonical dioceses, consecrated 33 priests and
celebrated a Pontifical Liturgy at the Episcopal Cathedral of Alba Iulia. It should be
noted that at that time, Bishop Cisar was the only Catholic bishop in service throughout
the country. Moreover, he was restored to the position of holder of canonical jurisdiction
over the Archdiocese of Bucharest. Even though he had been kept under surveillance all
this time and a file of informative surveillance had been drafted in his case, the ban
against his leaving the Franciscan monastery from Orăștie was eventually lifted, and the
decree of September 1948 was repealed, “Monsignor Alexandru Theodor Cisar having
all his rights [and faculties, our note] to the Archdiocese of Bucharest-Iași recognised,
with effect from 1 July 1953.”44
The canonical situation of the Metropolitan See of Bucharest (7 January 1954-4
August 1964)
After returning home from forced domicile, Archbishop-Metropolitan Alexandru
Theodor Cisar led the destinies of the Catholic communities from the Roman Catholic
Archdiocese of Bucharest until 7 January 1954, when he died under suspicious
circumstances, unsolved to this day. At the time of his demise, which occurred at the
bishop’s residence in Bucharest, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej admitted to the fact that
Archbishop Cisar was murdered in January 1954. Thus, in a meeting of the Political
Bureau of the C. C. of P.M.R., on 25 May 1954, attended by the political and the
Securitate leaders of the time, Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej stated: “He died (Cisar, our note). The
causes of death may be different. My opinion is that it was not by chance that he died
suddenly, after the festival. We won’t inquire now who killed him.”45
After Archbishop Cisar’s disappearance in unclear circumstances, allegedly by
poisoning,46 the Metropolitan See became vacant, and the status quo (sede vacante)
47
ceased only on 4 August 1964, when Bishop Schubert returned from detention.47
Discussions continued after Cisar’s passing away, and even nowadays, researchers of
recent history have raised the question of jurisdiction in the case of the Catholic
42 Idem.
43 Dănuț Doboș, op. cit., p. 204.
44 Idem.
45 ***Martiri pentru Hristos, din România, în perioada regimului comunist, Bucharest, 2007, p. 145.
46 Mircea Birtz and Manfred Kierein, op. cit., p. 24.
47 For a possible succession of the substitute ordinaries, see, for example: Mircea Remus Birtz, Cronologia
ordinarilor diecezani greco-catolici (uniți) 1948-1989. Încercare de reconstituire, Cluj: Ed. Napoca-Star,
2007, pp. 61-62.
258
Marius Oanță
denomination of Muntenia. Intensely debated, including by Ovidiu Bozgan, William
Totok and other historians and researchers, this problem does not seem to have an
answer. The lack of historical sources and the nationalisation of the archive pertaining to
the Archdiocese of Bucharest, in 1974, which led to the disappearance of many
ecclesiastical documents, cannot supplant the interpretations provided by the people of
the Communist regime in its documents.48 We must not forget that we do not have
documents attesting the revalidation of Stanislau Jovanelli, that the documents invoked
are pure suppositions, in the context in which he could only have been absolved by the
Holy See, which did take such action, and not by a substitute ordinary, as suggested by
the studies that are offered to the public. Also, the cathedral chapter, led by Julius
Dwucet, consisted of priests whose age was too advanced to allow them to exert
canonical jurisdiction. Moreover, Julius Dwucet died in February 1956, after long and
hard suffering. Of the three remaining canons, Ârpad Horvăt and Gustav Muller did not
have a decision of excommunication, while Stanislau Jovanelli was not absolved from
excommunication.49 But neither of the two priests who had not been excommunicated
held a canonical appointment. From 15 to 17 July 1952, on the “Radio Vatican,” which
broadcast shows in Latin on the situation of the Catholic Church in Romania, it was
mentioned that the measures were maintained for the “vicar capitular” Traian Stanislau
Jovanelli and the “parish priest of Saint Joseph’s Cathedral,” Andrei „Horn” Despina,
the ones who had accepted offices that were not recognised by the Church hierarchs and
that had been obtained with the help of the communist authorities, which did not
recognise the particular provisions of the Catholic Church.50 In the Archdiocese of
Bucharest, the situation became very confused. On 8 July 1958, Cardinal Dominico
Tardini, Secretary of State of the Holy See, requested Mărton Âron to document the
issue of jurisdiction for the Archdiocese of Bucharest. Unexpectedly, the Bishop of Alba
Iulia got into contact with the representatives of the Church in Bucharest and concluded
that there was no one in this archdiocese who held canonical jurisdiction.51 Ovidiu
Bozgan is wrong to call Francisc Augustin, the one released from prison in 1955, a
Substitute Ordinary. From the evidence obtained after 1964 from Fr. Iosif Gunciu, it
may be ascertained that during his detention, Francisc Augustin had been deprived of
canonical succession by Iosif Schubert himself, who had appointed him in a long line of
canonical successors. Referring to the problem of Francisc Augustin, Mărton Âron
48 Based on a report of 7 February 1974, for compliance with the provisions of Decree 472/1971, Art. 23
and Art. 52 and circular no. 4994/1973 of the Religious Affairs Department, action was taken by the State
Archives to abusively dispossess a significant part of the documents of historical and administrative import
from the archives of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest. Some of these described the legal
situation of the Archdiocese of Bucharest, including the appointment of Iosif Gunciu.
49 Ovidiu Bozgan, op. cit., p. 375.
50 The Catholic clerics Traian Stanislau Jovanelli and Andrei “Horn” Despina had accepted positions in the
Church without the permission of the superiors recognised by the Holy See, the former, without his
knowledge, the position of vicar-capitular, while the latter, that of rector of St. Joseph’s Cathedral. Filling
these positions amounted, at that time, to collaboration with the regime, which the Church disavowed. By
special provisions of the Church we understand all the documents it prepared and submitted, given the
state of emergency that the Catholic Church in Romania was facing, other than the Code of Canon Law
applicable at that time.
51 Ovidiu Bozgan, op. cit., p. 377.
The Situation of the Catholic Denomination
259
himself suggested that he should address the Holy See for settling the existing
situation.52 Although the Romanian government repeatedly made arrangements for the
recognition of Francisc Augustin as Bishop of Bucharest, the Holy See never validated
him. Not even through Bishop Schubert’s release from prison did Francisc Augustin
regain jurisdictional powers, and Monsignor Schubert oftentimes avoided meeting him.
Perhaps the suspicion that he may have accepted to collaborate, since he was the first of
the prisoners in his group to be released, has strengthened the conviction of Iosif
Schubert, the auxiliary Bishop of Bucharest, that Francisc Augustin did not deserve to
lead the Catholics in Muntenia spiritually. In fact, Fr. Iosif Gunciu became the holder of
canonical jurisdiction for the Archdiocese of Bucharest53 when, as Iosif Schubert left the
country in 1969, the latter ceded to him the powers with which he had been invested by
Pope Pius XII. Iosif Gunciu served as Ordinarius Substitutus54 until he reached the
canonical age of 75 years, under the new Code of Roman Canon Law from 1983, which
entered into force on the first Sunday of the year 1983.55 That very same month, Iosif
Gunciu reached the canonical age, and the confirmation for the new administrator and
the episcopal consecration of the new Bishop of Bucharest, Ioan Robu, came in
December 1984.
Conclusions
The present study has addressed the critical situation of the Roman Catholic
Archdiocese of Bucharest and the circumstances in which the Catholic denomination
carried on its existence in Muntenia in the period between 1948 and 1964, with
examples of a canonical nature and using carefully selected documents and studies in
light of the Magisterium of the Church.56 The documents issued by the authorities and
52 Idem.
53 The author holds a copy of the dimissorial letter (in Latin, litterae dimissoriae, a letter of
recommendation given by a bishop, attesting that the subject has all the necessary faculties required by
canon law to perform a function, our note), whereby Bishop Iosif Schubert I appointed the priest Iosif
Gunciu as substitute ordinary, and which states the following: “by virtue of my proxy received from the
Most Blessed Father Pope Pius XII whereby the Apostolic Nuncio to Bucharest His Exc. Patrick Gerald
O’Hara was appointed Apostolic Administrator of the R.-Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest and my
appointment has not been revoked, I hereby empower H.H. Rev. Dr. Iosif Gunciu as a substitute with
canonical jurisdiction for the R.Cat. Archdiocese of Bucharest under C[odex].J[uris].C[anonici]. and the
instructions received. I therefore issue this letter. țJoseph Schubert, Bucharest, 24.I.1969.”
54 Emanuel Cosmovici, op. cit., p. 33. Emanuel Cosmovici confirms the moment when Iosif Gunciu received
the necessary faculties from Bishop Iosif Schubert to lead the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bucharest,
stating the following: “The day after the departure of Bishop Schubert from the country, on 24.I.1969, Fr.
Gunciu received a letter from the bishop, through the latter’s brother. In the letter, Monsignor Schubert gave
him jurisdiction over the Archdiocese of Bucharest. Father Gunciu presented himself before Monsignor
Augustin and showed him the letter. Monsignor Augustin told him to wait, because he would receive an
answer, which did not happen until his death, which took place fourteen years later.”
55 Cf. Codul de Drept Canonic Roman, Iași: Ed. Sapienția, 2004, p. 24.
56 In the Catholic Church, the Magisterium (Latin, Magisterium) is the authority of the teaching of the
Church. According to the Catechism of the Catholic Church: “The task of interpreting the Word of God
authentically has been entrusted solely to the Magisterium of the Church, that is, to the Pope and to the
bishops in communion with him” (the Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1997, Section 1, Article 2). The
Magisterium of the Church has two types of functions: the sacred and infallible magisterium (the pope’s
260
Marius Oanță
kept in the C.N.S.A.S. archive have been avoided for reasons that pertain rather to their
precarious interpretation of historical facts by people with minimal education,
presenting biased opinions on the Catholic Church. In exploring the events under study,
the already established situations have been approached using related sources,
interpretations of prominent historians and contributions that are based on the disclosure
of a truth obscured by the silence that has enveloped, in time, this matter related to the
Church of Rome. Without claiming to undertake a comprehensive analysis, the author
has used the documentation of the Church and assessed it from a personal standpoint.
These references to the historical documents and their succession cannot go unnoticed,
primarily because of the magnitude of the events, and secondly because of the response
provided by the Church to the attitude of the officials. While the Communist state
resorted to measures of arrests, imprisonment, forced domicile or the duplication of
ecclesial institutions with others, of an ephemeral vocation, the Church understood that
only by militating could it survive. Today, over sixty years later, we may examine the
ecclesiastical documentation and history in a detached manner. Of course, in asserting
historical events what prevail are the subjective outlooks of those involved in the
discovery of a particular history, but only by expressing ourselves in this way can we
avoid in the future the same mistakes that led to the fateful events of 1948. The period
between 1948 and 1964 can be described as one of extreme persecution against the
Catholic Church, which has survived despite adverse conditions.
extraordinary declarations, stated “ex cathedra,” or in the Ecumenical Councils, through Synods, canons
and decrees, our note), and the universal magisterium (the decrees of the popes and of the universal
councils, our note).
ALEXANDRU IOAN HELTIANU1
A CASE OF ROMANIAN ESPIONAGE IN ITALY DURING THE 1950S:
THE INQUIRY AGAINST DUMITRU DOBRE
Abstract: This study addresses a new subject related to the Romanian foreign espionage in Italy during the
first years of the communist regime. Under discussion is the case of Dumitru Dobre, a chauffeur with the
Romanian Legation in Rome, who was charged with espionage by the Italian authorities in 1951. The
affair described in the study cannot be understood outside reference to the suit filed on charges of
espionage in Romania “against the Vatican’s plotters,” which unjustly indicted Eraldo Pintori, the
administrator of the Italian Cultural Institute in Romania, as a “spy” of the Italian State in Romania. All
these accusations of Romanian or Italian espionage targeted the building of the Accademia di Romania in
Rome, which the Italians wanted to confiscate, while the Romanians had turned it into the premises of the
legation. The study presents the entire documentation preserved in the diplomatic Archive of the Italian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, from Dobre’s arrest until his expulsion from Italy.
Keywords: espionage, Romania, Italy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, legation
One of the pages of contemporary history that are still left in obscurity due to the limited
accessibility of the sources concerns the affairs of Romanian espionage abroad
immediately after the establishment of the communist regime in Romania. One of the
illustrative cases for the first espionage affairs outside Romania is that of Dumitru
Dobre, a chauffeur with the Romanian Legation in Italy, a case that was correlated with
the developments surrounding the building of the Accademia di Romania in Rome and
of the litigation masquerade referred to as the “lawsuit against the Vatican’s spies,”
which took place in Bucharest in 1951. The case of the Accademia di Romania, which
has been recently retrieved historiographically through the efforts of Mrs. Veronica
Turcuș,2 was an object of contention in the Romanian-Italian diplomatic relations, as the
Italian authorities wanted to confiscate it, while the Romanian diplomacy had turned it
into the premises of its legation.
The Dumitru Dobre case features as the first episode of espionage inserted
among the pages of the diplomatic correspondence3 housed by the Archivio Storico-
1 Alexandru loan Heltianu, MA student, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University in Cluj-
Napoca, Email: alex.heltianu@gmail.com.
2 Veronica Turcuș, Mihai Bărbulescu, Iulian Damian, Accademia di Romania in Roma 1922-2012,
Accademia di Romania, Roma, 2013, pp. 116-123.
3 As regards the diplomatic correspondence on Dumitru Dobre’s case, we should note that according to the
inventory rules of the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the names
of pacco or busta represent the entire set of correspondence for that year/those years, without there being
an inventory based on regeste and without the pages being numbered recto/verso. Thus, the only reference
points for an inventory call number are the document’s issuance date, or its registration date (if it came
from the legations or the embassies to the central archive), and the package (pacco) or the envelope
(busta), corresponding to the year in which the document was issued-received. For reasons that pertain to
the archiving of Dumitru Dobre’s case under the Eraldo Pintori entry, the documents concerning the
progress of the inquiry against Dobre are not kept under the year 1951 but under 1954, with the generic
call number Archivio Storico-Diplomatico del Ministerro Italiano degli Affari Esteri, Affari Politici 1950-
262
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu
Diplomatico from Italy’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and it is blatantly connected to the
case of Eraldo Pintori, an official of the Italian Cultural Institute in Bucharest, arrested
in the Vatican’s lot.4
In line with the Old Testament principle of “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a
tooth,” the Italian authorities arrested Dumitru Dobre probably and primarily as a measure
of retaliation for the arrest of Eraldo Pintori. However, in Pintori’s case, things were
somehow more complicated also for the simple reason that the Italian was the
administrator of a building that did not function as an embassy, but as a cultural institute
and was married to an Italian naturalised in Romania. This was at the antipode of Dobre’s
situation, as he lived in the building of the Accademia di Romania, under a regime of
permanent surveillance and his conscience was besieged by the tense climate in which he
activated. Pintori also had a history of a fairly long mission to Romania - true, prior to the
proclamation of the Romanian People’s Republic on 30 December 1947 - and this
transformed him, unawares, into a moving target for the repressive organs of the new
Bolshevik-type public power. The level of current documentation on the case of Eraldo
Pintori is included only in the recent book about the Accademia di Romania (the Italian
diplomatic documents) and in several articles by Mihai Pelin (based on excerpts from the
archives of the Securitate, those to which access was permitted before they were screened
and handed over to the CNSAS). Although the suspect institutional trajectory of the
chauffeur Dobre had perhaps been sensed or even ascertained, what is certain, according
to the documents annexed herewith, is that the measure of arresting him on charges of
espionage was applied only when the Romanian authorities had made it clear that
releasing Eraldo Pintori was not on their immediate agenda. We should point out that
Pintori’s arrest was not singular, as the entire Western diplomatic world had been vexed
by various arrests (we know that a low-ranking French diplomat had also been arrested),
by violent acts of aggression (the premises of certain diplomatic residences had been
trespassed through an infringement of code of inviolability that diplomatic residences fell
under) or by the installation of tracking and interception devices.
The reaction of the Italian diplomacy to one of its officials being arrested abroad
- who was on the point of leaving anyway, since the Italian Cultural Institute had closed
down, on account of the Romanian party’s denunciation of the 1943 Cultural
Agreement - was rapid and urgent, of course, under the reasonable terms required by an
action of this kind. This entailed informing the decision makers and reaching a mature
conclusion in this regard. The decision, which we cannot visualise in its genuineness
based solely on the documents available to us, looks more like a retorsion measure than
an arrest in flagrante on charges of espionage. The order for the arrest of Dumitru Dobre
was issued on the 21st of May 1951, more precisely on the morning, thereof as shown in
the following secret communique issued by Zoppi,5 the Secretary General of the Italian
1957, Romania 1954, Pacco 1247, Pacco 1248. Since the documents in question are rather negligently
disseminated in the two “packages,” I decided to avoid overloading the critical apparatus by processing the
Dobre case chronologically and accompanying the documents with the dates when they were issued.
4 Veronica Turcuș et alii, op.cit. pp. 121-122.
5 Vittorio Zoppi (1898-1967) was the Secretary General of Italy’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs between the
years 1948 and 1954.
A Case of Romanian Espionage in Italy During the 1950s
263
Foreign Affairs Ministry: “It is hereby communicated, as verified by the speaker and in
keeping with your language and information norms, that on the morning of the 21st of
May, the authorities in charge detained, for actions against the political order, the
chauffeur of this Embassy of Romania, DOBRE DIMITRI, the inquiry into his activity
being still pending.
Romania’s charge d’affaires will be informed tomorrow morning, 23 May, but
the reasons for the detention will not be revealed to him.”
The despatch, made at the highest executive level in the ministry, informed the
Italian mission in Bucharest about the fact that the Romanian authorities could at most
have surmised, but were unaware of. The motivation for the arrest belonged to that
category of interests that Soviet and pro-Soviet spies pursued in Italy: the overthrow of
the political order. The Romanian authorities were answered thus in kind, as the reason
of Dobre’s apprehension would not be communicated to them, just like Bucharest had
not seen fit to motivate Pintori’s arrest in any way. This was also part of the
psychological game stimulated by the intelligence services and played by the diplomatic
powers in the hope to acquire information and obtain agreements to cease the arrest
measure. This was a mere illusion, however, that the Italians had built, hoping that the
Romanian authorities would react honourably.
The Romanian authorities responded immediately after being informed, and
requested an emergency audience with the Protocol Department of the Italian Foreign
Affairs Ministry. Here they came across a character that was well aware of the
Romanian case, in particular Baron Michele Scammacca, who had until recently been
the Minister of Italy in Bucharest. In a confidential briefing from the 23rd of May the
same year, addressed to the minister, he recounted the discussions that had taken place
between him and Romania’s ad interim charge d’affaires. The latter had taken note of
Dumitru Dobre’s arrest and requested details. Proceeding with diplomatic rigor and full
respect for the autonomy of the institutions in a liberal democracy, undoubtedly in a
rather uptight manner, Scammacca informed the Romanian diplomat that his duty was
to notify him only that the incarceration procedure had been applied to the embassy’s
chauffeur, not knowing what had actually happened because the power to arrest and
detain Dobre belonged to the specialised bodies dealing with matters of the Italian
state’s security and not to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The head of the Romanian
mission attempted to invoke the pseudo-diplomatic position of Dobre, claiming that the
latter had been on a mission and that his arrest had been an abuse. The reply of the
Italian director was that under no circumstances was such a standpoint acceptable, as
Dobre had absolutely no diplomatic qualifications and that he was under no protection
from the vantage point of international practices, the Italian authorities being fully
entitled to detain him if they had evidence against him.
The Romanian party raised the issue of Dobre’s detention and claimed to have
doubts about the quality of the services provided to him in custody, insisting that they
would like to intervene and alleviate the conditions of the chauffeur’s detention through
packages sent to him by the embassy. Scammacca hinted that those incarcerated would
have access to packages only when the authorities agreed to this. On hearing the
Romanian diplomat’s tirade that the assurances regarding the arrest conditions could not
be trusted and that the Romanian party granted a very humane treatment to its Italian
264
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu
prisoners, Scammacca, who was aware of the situation in situ, cut him short, indicating
that the subject was not part of this specific conversation.
The insistence of the Romanian side on seeing and counselling Dobre as quickly
as possible had a precise purpose: beyond the typical consolation naturally granted in such
a moment, they had to find out, from the source, the circumstances of his arrest, whether
there was any chance that the “mission” might have been saved or compromised and, of
course, to give him instructions as to the tactics he was to adopt during interrogations and
the pitfalls to be avoided. One matter that is not clear in the documentation is how the
interrogations were made. It is certain that Dobre did not speak Italian. In fact,
Scammacca and his Romanian interlocutor used French in their discussions.
We do not have access to all the documentation of the case in order to follow the
police and intelligence procedures activated for Dobre. Perhaps the archives of the
Italian secret services decided to submit to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs only the
information that could be used to inform the Romanian side. That was the case only at
the level of ministerial bureaucracy, because things were very clear at the top levels of
the ministry and the Italian Cabinet, which aimed to have Pintori released at any price.
Alcide de Gasperi, the Italian Prime Minister, must also have formally consented to this
procedure. And yet, respecting the legal formalities, as the documentation suggests, a
standard procedure was launched; its envisaged first immediate effect was the expulsion
of Dobre Dumitru and, possibly thereafter, his incrimination before an Italian court.
That would have been the case had the relationships been normal, but this is more than
we can ascertain about the Romanian-Italian relations. Once the mechanism of Dobre’s
expulsion had been activated, the necessary measures had to be taken to inform the
Romanian embassy and transport the defendant to the border. The entire situation surely
bears a resemblance to the expulsion of a persona non grata, but in this case, this was to
occur immediately after arrest.
As mentioned above, some of the highest ranking Italian officials oversaw the
Dobre case, in relation to the Pintori case, probably at the heeding of one of the
founding fathers of Europe, the Prime Minister of Italy. More specifically, these were
the Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Sforza6 and the Minister of the Interior Mario
Scelba.7 They had a semi-official, secret correspondence occasioned by the arrest of
Dumitru Dobre. We do not have access to the entire circumscribed correspondence, but
only to a few copies, the most significant piece of which we shall present below:
Rome 9th of July 1951
Secret no. 4/5339/68
Dear Scelba,
I must return to the issue of the Romanian citizen Dobre Dimitri, the object of a
previous correspondence, the last item of which is my letter no. 4/4942/65 of 23 June,
whereby I informed you that our action had begun to yield the desired results.
6 Carlo Sforza (1872-1952) was Italy’s Minister of Foreign Affairs between the years 1920-1921 and
1947-1951.
7 Mario Scelba (1901-1991) was the Italian Minister of the Interior in the period 2nd of February 1947 - 7th
of July 1953 and Prime Minister of Italy between 10th of February 1954 and 6th of July 1955.
A Case of Romanian Espionage in Italy During the 1950s
265
Meanwhile, on the 29th of June I received a notification from Bucharest that has
strengthened our hopes: Mrs. Toma, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs has let the
Italian Minister in Bucharest know that she expects to be able to issue “a definitive
standpoint on the matter in about a week’s time” with reference to the case of Pintori.
I wanted to bring this fact to your attention because this leads me to believe,
now more than ever before, that we should not “let go of” Dobre Dimitri, whose
detention should be maintained for several more days. That is, until the promise
contained in Mrs. Toma’s reply is carried out.
Reminding you of the considerations presented in the letter referred to above, I
must express my confidence, in this letter too, that you will agree with my point of view;
I do thank you in advance, however, should you wish to give me a reassuring answer on
this matter.
Please accept, dear Scelba, the expression of my full consideration.
Carlo Sforza
To His Excellency the Honourable Mario Scelba, Minister of the Interior, Rome
Basically, as witnessed in this letter, there was a concerted activity undertaken
by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of the Interior in Italy for the release
of Eraldo Pintori. This makes it quite difficult to determine the guilt or the non-guilt of
the chauffeur Dumitru Dobre, but either way, it is clear that the arrest of the Romanian
also served as a means of retorsion for the imprisonment of the Italian Legation official
in Bucharest. The letter above, which mirrors the relationship between two ministers,
enables us to see that there was a tacit agreement on the transgression of the rules about
holding a person in custody without any charges being brought against him. The
documentation does not reveal whether Dobre was assigned a public defender, whether
he refused him or not, but there is a possibility that there was an infringement of the
habeas corpus, of course, solely as a means of retorsion and only for a while. In any
case, this document suggests a situation straddling the extremely volatile divide between
what is just on a personal level and what is just for reasons of state: a complicated and
negative situation for a Western democracy, which had nonetheless been triggered by
the Romanian measures. Sforza had requested Scelba to extend Dobre’s detention by
any means, in the hope that the Romanian authorities would unblock the Pintori case, as
promised by Ana Toma,8 Ana Pauker’s right hand and the Deputy Foreign Minister of
Romania. The paradox was that Anna Toma’s husband, the famous Securitate General
8 Ana Toma (nee Grossman or Grossmann, 9th of October 1912 - January 1991) was a Communist Party
activist in Romania. In 1932 she became a member of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR). In May
1961, she was awarded the medal for the “40th anniversary of the Romanian Communist Party.” She was a
teacher, a member of the underground PCR, and she served as secretary of the Central Committee for
“Patriotic Defence,” which dealt with the defence and assistance of the communist political prisoners. She
was married to Sorin Toma and after her divorce, she became the wife of Gheorghe Pintilie-Pantiușa. For a
while, she was deputy to the Minister of Foreign Affairs Ana Pauker and, then, to the Minister of Trade. In
his book Will to Freedom: a Perilous Journey Through Fascism and Communism, Syracuse University
Press, 2000, p. 187, Egon Balas describes Ana Toma thus: “Anuța was a bright, extremely shrewd,
energetic woman, hungry for power, whimsical, vindictive - a real bitch, and powerful.”
266
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu
Gheorghe Pintilie, nicknamed Pantiușa, was one of the people entrusted by the Security
with the incarceration of the “enemies of the people,” a category into which Eraldo
Pintori had been included.
The thing is that Dobre’s detention period was extended and the Italian
authorities began to comply with the liberal constitutional regime at a snail’s pace. Since
the legislation in force provided that for a foreign national who was a member, albeit not
a diplomatic one, of an accredited mission in Italy, expulsion was the measure that had
to be adopted immediately, followed only thereafter by indictment for the offence
committed (and the documents do not make any reference to this, except for matters of a
general or circumstantial nature). The Italian authorities drafted the decree for Dobre’s
expulsion. Of course, it was hoped, with anxiety even, that the procedure undertaken by
the Romanian side would be similar and that Eraldo Pintori would be granted the same
treatment. An expulsion and, later on, a trial in which he could be defended by the legal
representative of the Italian mission in Bucharest was the most that the authorities in
Rome could hope for.
On the 6th of June 1951, the General Directorate for Public Security of the Italian
Ministry of the Interior informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the procedure for
the expulsion of Dumitru Dobre, who was in prison, had been started, but this was only
the beginning of a process that the government in Rome intended to defer until they
received some tangible proof of Romania’s goodwill.
The Romanian mission in Rome did not lag behind and, probably already being
aware that the Italians’ hopes were futile, raised the diplomatic stakes. Thus, in a note
verbale dated on July 3rd 1951, the Embassy of Romania to the Quirinale argued that
“as regards the case of Mr. Dobre Dumitru, chauffeur of the Embassy, who has been in
custody for over six weeks, having been detained without any cause by the Questura in
Rome, vehemently protests against the shameful instigation whereby it is attempted to
prosecute him for facts to which he is completely foreign. The Embassy is well aware
that Mr. Dobre’s behaviour is completely worthy of the position he held and that his
conduct was irreproachable throughout his stay in the Italian Republic.” No reference
made by the Romanian diplomats accredited in Italy was affected by the Pintori case.
They had probably been instructed to consider strictly the aspects pertaining to the
mission and by no means to address any related issues, which were to be settled at the
highest level or through much more specialised intelligence structures. What was
ridiculous in the utmost degree, but was diplomatically explicable and acceptable was
the self-referentiality of the Romanian embassy, which was “well aware that Mr.
Dobre’s behaviour is completely worthy,” as if it did not take into account the fact that
the Italians, probably benefitting from the American ‘know-how’, knew the legal and
professional situation of the diplomats and the persons with professional occupations
harboured by the embassies and were informed about their relationship with the national
intelligence services, as well as with the KGB. Of course, the textual hermeneutics of
the note verbale reveals the entire linguistic artistry deployed here, which operated
especially by making reference to the “shameful instigation” made against Romania,
obliterating the fact that the instigation had started in Bucharest and that Dobre’s arrest
A Case of Romanian Espionage in Italy During the 1950s
267
was just the symmetrical reaction often adopted in international relations, as an effect of
habits entrenched back in history.
However, since Italy - which had recently regained its democracy after two
decades of fascism - knew and saw fit to comply with the requirements of the
constitutional regime, it accelerated the expulsion procedure of the chauffeur Dumitru
Dobre after receiving this note verbale, despite the fact that the promises made by the
communist authorities were not followed through in Bucharest. Thus, on the 12th of July
1951, the Minister of the Interior Scelba published a decree which contained the
expulsion decision “Considering the fact that the named Romanian citizen, DOBRE
Dumitru, son of Ioan and Elisabeta Store, born in Bucharest on 14 January 1903, has
committed acts against the public order; Under Article 150, Sections 2 and 5 of ST (sole
text) of the PS (public safety) Law, approved by the RD (royal decree) of 18 January
1931, No. 7739: in agreement with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, with the consent of
the Chairman of the Council: DECREES that the above-named Romanian citizen
DOBRE DUMITRU shall be expelled from the state’s territory. The Quaestor of Rome
shall be responsible for the enforcement of this decree.” Of course, the language is
cryptic and standardised. To understand the grounds that cannot be inferred from this
institutional communication, we need to resort to the aforementioned royal decree:
Article 148 therein reads as follows: “Salvo quanto e stabilito nelle leggi militari, il
Prefetto pud vietare agli stranieri il soggiorno in comuni o in localită che comunque
interessano la difesa militare dello Stato. Tale divieto e comunicato agli stranieri per
mezzo della autorită locale di pubblica sicurezza o col mezzo di pubblici avvisi. Gli
stranieri, che trasgrediscono al divieto, possono essere allontanati per mezzo della
forza pubblica.” The following article provides the exceptions, but Dobre could not
benefit from them because he did not belong to the categories listed here: “149. Le
disposizioni di questo capo non si applicano ai componenti del sacro collegio e del
corpo diplomatico e consolare.” The article referred to in the decree is number 150.
This, however, cannot be interpreted without the previous articles, as its text suggests.
Actually, what does the article say? It stipulates that: “Salvo quanto e stabilito dal
codice penale, gli stranieri condannati per delitto possono essere espulsi dal regno e
accompagnati alla frontiera. Il Ministro dell’interno, per motivi di ordine pubblico, pud
disporre la espulsione e l’accompagnamento alla frontiera dello straniero di passaggio
o residente nel territorio dello Stato. Le predette disposizioni non si applicano agli
italiani non regnicoli. Possono altresi essere espulsi gli stranieri denunciati per
contravvenzione alle disposizioni del capo precedente. L’espulsione per motivo di
ordine pubblico, prevista dal primo capoverso di questo articolo, e pronunciata con
decreto del Ministro dell’interno, di concerto con il Ministro degli affari esteri e con
l’assenso del Capo del Governo.” Let us also add Article 151, as it will be the ground on
which the litigation intention will be activated subsequent to Dobre’s expulsion. That
article establishes that: “Lo straniero espulso a norma dell’articolo precedente non pud
rientrare nel territorio dello Stato, senza una speciale autorizzazione del Ministro
dell’interno. Nel caso di trasgressione e punito con l’arresto da due mesi a sei. Scontata
la pena, lo straniero e nuovamente espulso.”
9 The royal decree is still valid, but the article Scelba used was repealed on 28 February 1990.
268
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu
Thus, as shown by the contents of the royal decree, the motivation behind the
procedures of expelling Dumitru Dobre was of a military nature. Of course, since the
charge pending for Dobre, a foreign citizen, was that of military espionage - the
execution of his preventive arrest was within the competence of the Italian Interior
Ministry - the reasons for his apprehension and imprisonment must be kept in the
archives of the Italian military secret service, which are and may always remain
inaccessible to us. In fact, the Italian authors on espionage matters claim that at that time
the two services that were in conflict were the GRU -the Military Intelligence Service of
the USSR - and Servizio Informazioni Difesa italiano of Italian military espionage. We
can, however, ascertain that the accusation brought against the Romanian chauffeur was
plausible but, at the same time, it could easily have been contrived. It was plausible
because in the immediate vicinity of the embassy (which was located in the
headquarters of the Accademia di Romania), there were and still are two well-fenced
military objectives, hidden away from the public eye, one being located 750 meters east
of the Academia di Romania, incorporating a part of the Villa Borghese, while the other
is on the banks of the Tiber, in the Flaminio district, about 1 km northwest of the
Accademia di Romania. If we add to this that from of all the Soviet satellite embassies,
Romania had, logistically, a privileged topographical position at the heart of the Parioli
residential area, the posh embassy district, just 1 km away from the private residence of
the U.S. Ambassador to Italy - Villa Taverna, we can get a picture as to how plausible,
as well as how easily a dependent of an embassy from the socialist bloc could be
incriminated as a spy. In any case, the charge based on the royal decree invoked above
would have been that of military espionage and by no means of political espionage or
the overthrow of the democratic state order. As obvious from the text of the decree and
the appropriate legislation, the affair necessarily had to be brought to the awareness of
the Italian Prime Minister, as mentioned before, so Alcide de Gasperi was informed in
detail on the Romanian-Italian dispute.
The decree of expulsion having been issued and published, on plausible grounds
of military espionage, the next natural step was to inform the Romanian party of the
Italian authorities’ intention, which was not immediate but deferred, in expectation of a
possibly similar response from Bucharest. Accordingly, on July 19th 1951, the first
secretary of the embassy, Anca Magheru was officially informed of the decree of
expulsion, but even though this does not transpire from the minutes of the audience
granted to Minister Scammacca, it was probably suggested to her that the time necessary
to implement the decree would be slightly dilated. It was a very interesting audience, as
Italian was used in conversation while issues beyond the strictly diplomatic sphere were
discussed in French. Anca Magheru was the only person in the embassy who spoke
fluent Italian. The details of the conversation marked the first successful attempt of the
Romanian authorities to get in touch with Dobre after more than two months of
detention. This moment had probably been awaited to assess how much of the
information known to the Romanian chauffeur were in the possession of the Italian
authorities, how to estimate what could be saved of the secrets or confidential matters
Dobre knew about and, possibly, how to reorganise the diplomatic and administrative
network in the event that the chauffeur had disclosed any information.
A Case of Romanian Espionage in Italy During the 1950s
269
Things dragged on and only three weeks later did a new communique issued by
the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs suggest that on the 10th of August or shortly
before, there had been a meeting with the head of Romanian mission, Comnacu at the
ministry, and that the latter had been made aware of Dobre’s situation over the past
weeks of his detention. We have for the first time, however, documented evidence that
Dobre was not held in Rome, but in another location, outside Rome, secret or not, we do
not know. The agreement established with Comnacu provided, in the aftermath of the
expulsion decree, that: “the Romanian chauffeur, Dobre Dumitru, shall be brought back
to Rome under escort in the shortest time possible, in civilian clothes and without
handcuffs, and shall be dropped by the entrance to the Romanian Embassy in Rome;
simple, cautionary measures of surveillance shall be adopted in his respect; once it
receives from the government in Bucharest the necessary assurance concerning its
employee Eraldo Pintori, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has decided to let Dobre
Dumitru leave, within a reasonable period, as persona non grata, by way of execution
of the expulsion decree. The Romanian Embassy shall be informed about this in
writing.”
Elegant attempts were made to save the appearances. In order to avoid setting a
negative example and to remain within an area of formal hostility, reaffirming thus the
secrecy of Dobre’s case, he was brought and left at the entrance of the Accademia di
Romania (an area that is visually exposed to the cultural missions around, such as Great
Britain, Belgium, the Netherlands, etc.). Of course, after having been placed in the
custody of the Romanian Embassy in Rome, Dobre continued to be surveyed from
outside the objective, lest he should leave the premises and engage in practices that
would not comply with his status as a person undergoing expulsion. Again, this internal
memorandum reveals the binomial that was activated at the onset of the espionage
affair: Pintori-Dobre. The Italians continued to patiently await some information or an
action from Bucharest, which kept being deferred.
The Romanian Embassy urgently responded and requested exit visas for the
couple Maria and Dumitru Dobre, after announcing that it acknowledged Dobre’s being
remanded into its custody.
At the level of the Italian legal system, however, things followed their natural
course and there is a very interesting document preserved in the MFA archives in Rome.
Issued by the General Directorate of Political Affairs and dated Rome, 26th of August
1951, it is addressed to Luigi Bianchi d’Espinosa, Councillor of the Court of Cassation
and of the Minister of Justice. This note kindly requested the Minister of Justice in
Rome “to present to the presidents of the competent courts the possibility that the
lawsuits that are to be held in Milan and Rome against the Romanian citizens Iacob
Măgura, a former Commercial Attache of the Romanian Embassy in Bern, and Dumitri
Dobre, a former chauffeur of the Romanian Embassy, will take place behind closed
doors.” We find now indirectly that in the Italian justice system, there was not just one
pending case of (military) espionage, against Dumitru Dobre (tried in a civilian court
because he was the citizen of another state), but another case, involving a member of the
Romanian diplomatic apparatus accredited in Bern, Iacob Măgura (Leibovici, probably,
270
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu
about whom there is an investigation report in the CC of the RCP archives).10 We have
no information about this case except for a few references in the archive of the Italian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, always in connection with the Dobre case. It must have
been a case of economic espionage. Măgura took advantage of his status as a
commercial attache in Bern, and targeting the Italian canton in Switzerland and its
connections with Lombardy, he attempted to gather sensitive information of an
economic nature from Northern Italy. The request of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for
a trial behind closed doors is interesting. The memorandum also provides the reason
behind this request, otherwise easy to infer: “This Ministry has recently contacted the
Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs with a view to releasing three Italian prisoners
detained in Romania on political grounds and has obtained assurances that its request
would be examined from a positive perspective. For its part, the Romanian Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, while not intending to establish a connection with the issue of the
release of our co-nationals, has manifested its desire to avoid any form of publicity on
the trials mentioned above. And it is on this very matter concerning the release of our
co-nationals in Romania that this Minister has confidence in the support of His
Excellency, the Minister of Justice, so as to make sure that the trials we have referred to
will be as discreet as possible, behind closed doors.”
This document shows in detail the situation of the tense Romanian-Italian
diplomatic rapport. The Italian party extensively and effectively endeavoured to establish
the connection between the Dobre (possibly also Măgura) case and the case of Pintori
(and other Italians) so as to reach a parity agreement, refusing to recognise the charges
brought against Pintori (actually, the explanations of the Romanian side were often cryptic
or partial, impossible to refute with the specific arguments of international law and by
reference to the situation of incarcerated nationals). But it was obvious, as shown by the
document, that the imprisonment of the Italians in Romania was political and was not a
matter of criminal law. On the other hand, Italian diplomacy, of course, with the consent
of the chief of cabinet, was willing to respond to the requests addressed by the Romanian
side. The latter wanted to avoid, at any cost, any negative publicity against Romania and
the Soviet camp that might have naturally been created around an ordinary trial. While
Romania organised, after the model of the Stalinist trials, courts about which the entire
nation was informed, with public prosecutors turned into genuine inquisitors of popular
justice, Italy attempted to save whatever could be saved and play the card of Romanian
political Pharisaism in order to appease the Romanian side. Of course, with hindsight, this
situation was on the threshold between democracy and the limits of democracy, but we
should see it in the much wider context of the reasons of state that led the authorities in the
peninsular “boot” to do their utmost to bring Pintori home.
The Italian diplomacy did not yield so easily, and in a note verbale dated in
August 1951, it reiterated to the Romanian party what the stage of negotiations was as
regards the Dobre-Pintori binomial: “During the recent negotiations held in the same
time with the arrest in Bucharest of the Italian Embassy employee, Mr. Eraldo Pintori,
10 Abbreviation for the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party.
http://www.arhivelenationale.ro/images/custom/image/Radu/inventare%20grigo/unite%20cancelarie%20a
nexe.pdf
A Case of Romanian Espionage in Italy During the 1950s
271
and with the arrest in Rome of the chauffeur of the Romanian Embassy, Mr. Dobre
Dimitri, it was agreed that the Italian authorities would not undertake legal proceedings
against the named Dobre Dimitri, but limit themselves to ordering his expulsion, and, as
regards the Romanian authorities, they would use a similar treatment in relation to Mr
Pintori. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs offered assurances in this regard to the Italian
Embassy in Bucharest, and the charge d’affaires of the People’s Republic of Romania
in Rome confirmed this commitment in a meeting he had with the General Director of
Political Affairs, on the date of 22 August this year. Under these arrangements, on
August 10th this year, the chauffeur Dobre Dimitri was released and was given a
convenient deadline for leaving the Italian territory.”
As is apparent from the Italian note verbale, there were two plans on which the
action unfolded. On the one hand, the Romanian authorities publicly and institutionally
denied that there could be a coherent, logical connection of inter-dependence between
the Dobre and Pintori cases. All these diplomatic communications issued by Bucharest
vs. Rome denied any relationship in this binomial. On the other hand, the secret or
confidential Italian communications suggest that the higher authorities in the Romanian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs accepted the interdependence of the two cases, with the
observation that nothing of the kind transpired from documents subsequent to these
discussions. Now the question is: was this a diplomatic game of sine die postponement
the Romanians played, counting on the fact that Western democracy would not risk
singing its reputation and would release Dobre, or was it a matter of positive intentions
harboured by the second echelon, which were not approved by Ana Pauker and the
repressive apparatus ? We inclined to believe that the first version is the authentic one,
since the second one it is not supported by evidence. However, it appears that the Italian
authorities were willing to resort to the extreme measure of dropping charges against
Dobre if the Romanian party ordered Pintori’s release. It was an important action, of
course, but one that failed to flatter Bucharest.
The expected progress did not occur, as might have been expected, so the Italian
diplomacy, in agreement with the Ministry of the Interior in Rome, proceeded to enforce
the decree of expulsion. This is suggested by an inter-ministerial communication issued
by the General Directorate of Political Affairs in the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and addressed to the General Directorate of Public Security in the Ministry of Internal
Affairs in Rome. The communication specifies the following: “As regards the previous
correspondence and the last Note no. 443/69014 of August 30th last year, the General
Directorate is informed that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified in writing, on the
11th of August last year, the Romanian Embassy that the Italian authorities, without
wishing the chauffeur DOBRE Dimitri to remain in Italy, issued a decree of expulsion
against him; that, consequently, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs requests that the
Romanian Embassy should order the departure of DOBRE Dimitri and his family as
soon as possible and no later than the 20th of August 1951, and has asked for
guarantees (in this respect). As a result of this communication, the Embassy of
Romania, by the note verbale dated 14th of August 1951, requested an exit visa for
passport service no. 719 of the above-named Dobre Dimitri, for that of his wife and
their daughter Maria. In another note, of the same date, 14th of August 1951, the
272
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu
Embassy of Romania confirmed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that Dobre Dimitri
and his family had left Italy, as requested, by 20th of August 1951. The ministry is
interested in knowing whether the departure of Dobre Dimitri and his family actually
took place and request the Directorate to undertake the necessary investigations with
the Border Authorities. It is assumed that Dobre Dimitri and his family passed through
Brennero or through Tarvisio on their way back to Romania.”
The Italian foreign affairs authorities practically realised that the connection
between the Pintori and the Dobre cases, amid the complications registered by the entire
Romanian-Italian situation, much as it was desired by the authorities in Rome, was only
part of a complex set of problematic cases concerning Romania’s relations with the
Western countries, with the Holy See, with the Catholic properties in Romania,
Romania’s economic bonds in Italy, etc.11 Therefore, in order to adjust its policy of
negotiation with the Romanian party in line with be new realities, they had to release
Dobre’s situation from that deadlock and deliver him to Romania. Obviously, being
aware of the situation of confusion the Romanian diplomatic authority had maintained,
they requested, in writing, assurances that Dobre had been repatriated.
The previous agreements, reflected in the aforementioned diplomatic
communications issued by the Italian party fallen into abeyance, were reset and, as
suggested by a much later diplomatic communication, the terms of the negotiations had
changed. The Italian authorities did not stop the proceedings in the Dobre and Măgura
cases and, although they did not accelerate them, they let them take their natural course.
The advantage of the Romanian party was that the Italian justice system was known for
its slowness and, procedurally, these trials did not justify urgent solutions, given the
absence of the defendants from court. This time, we have the formal charge brought
against Măgura, who was involved in the illegal export of strategic materials.
Summarising the communication dated August 20th 1955,12 we are informed that during
the negotiations for the definitive release of Eraldo Pintori, the Romanian government
wished the actions against lacob Măgura, the former Commercial Attache of the
Romanian Embassy in Bern, and against Dimitri Dobre, the former chauffeur of the
Romanian Embassy in Rome, to be suspended, as these actions had been pending at
courts in Milan and in Rome. The Italian regulations did not allow interventions of this
type, once the procedure had been started. However, since the potential sentence and
conviction could not be practically enforced, since the two accused were in Romania,
the opinion of the Italian party was that the government in Bucharest, which had
adopted another political contour (Ana Pauker had been relieved of assignments, Stalin
had died) was particularly concerned that these actions should not be made public. In the
new negotiations, the Italian side attempted again to correlate, as before, the cases of the
Italians imprisoned in Romania with the Dobre and Măgura problems. However,
according to General Director of Political Affairs in the Italian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, the Romanian government did not intend to make a connection between the
request addressed to the Italian Government and the matter of the release of the Italian
11 Veronica Turcuș et alii, op.cit. p. 122.
12 Ministero Italiano degli Affari Esteri, Archivio Storico-Diplomatico, Affari Politci 1950-1957, Romania
1955, busta 1284.
A Case of Romanian Espionage in Italy During the 1950s
273
citizens, foremost among whom was Pintori, asserting, however, that such a request
would no doubt be re-examined from a favourable perspective.
Under these circumstances, the General Director for Political Affairs suggested,
in the communication he addressed to the head of the Italian mission in Bucharest, that
“it would be superfluous, though, if I informed Your Excellency that the one who
answers our request might rush or delay the release of our co-nationals. Since it seems
impossible that at least in the case currently underway at the Court of Milan a
satisfactory response will come from us, allow me to suggest that the competent
authorities should do everything in their power so that the proceedings in question will
take place behind closed doors, particularly in light of their nature. This we could
immediately communicate to this Government, and based on its reactions, we will
evaluate its actual intentions on the matter that is of interest to us.”
This diplomatic correspondence also stated that economic relations between
Romania and Italy had been resumed, but there were still some “obstacles” Romania
had placed in the way of Italian exports. It was believed, however, that once the
Accademia di Romania chapter had been closed and Pintori had been released, “we will
manage to clean up the field from the debris of the past, and the relations between the
two countries will also improve in the commercial sector.”
We do not know what the outcome of the trial was, we do not know if it was
quashed or not. It is certain, however that once the Eraldo Pintori case had been settled,
the Italian party decided not to insist on this matter any further and to dedicate itself to a
new, more constructive phase in the bilateral relations. There is, indeed, a pro-memoria
from 1957,13 referring to the Dobre and Măgura cases, but it seems to have been
compiled under beneficium inventarii.
13 Ministero Italiano degli Affari Esteri, Archivio Storico-Diplomatico, Affari Politci 1950-1957, Romania
1957, busta 1375.
DANIELA COMȘA1
LETTERS FROM THE “ETERNAL CITY”
HADRIAN DAICOVICIU - CONSTANTIN DAICOVICIU
Abstract: This study presents the correspondence between the archaeologist and university Professor Dr.
Hadrian Daicoviciu (1932-1984), during a scholarship in Rome (1963), and his father, Acad. Constantin
Daicoviciu (1898-1973), Rector of Babeș-Bolyai University.
Constantin Daicoviciu, an eminent scientist, professor, and brilliant orator, distinguished himself
in the professional circles from the country and abroad through a vast activity as an archaeologist,
epigraphist, philologist and historian of antiquity. From 1924 on, he led the excavations in the capital of
Roman Dacia, Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, and the campaign of archaeological excavations from the
Dacian fortresses in the Orăștie Mountains (Piatra Roșie, Grădiștea de Munte, Blidaru, Costești, Rudele,
Fețele Albe). With a valuable scientific work, reflected in the research he conducted in the major
archaeological resorts of antiquity, and in fundamental works that explore the ancient period of Romanian
history, with outstanding teaching abilities, Constantin Daicoviciu was a veritable leader of the school of
archaeology in Transylvania and his virtues were greatly appreciated by the highest national and
international scientific milieus. C. Daicoviciu participated in numerous international congresses,
conferences and reunions: the congresses of Greek and Latin epigraphy from Rome, Vienna, Munich, etc.;
the “Eirene” international congresses of classical philology; the international congresses of the historians
from Moscow, Warsaw, Budapest and Lausanne.
The high esteem in which the scientific work of Academician C. Daicoviciu was held resulted in
the granting of scientific titles and his being co-opted in international historical committees and institutes: a
correspondent member, then a full member of the Archaeological Institute in Berlin (1938, 1967); a
member of the Society for Southeast European Studies in Munich (1966); a member of the International
Association of Classical Archaeology in Rome (1960); a full member of the Austrian Archaeological
Institute (1973); a member of the Society of Latin Studies in Paris; a correspondent member of the
Austrian Academy of Sciences (1962); a member of the International Committee of Historians (1968).
He became a full member of the Romanian Academy in 1955, Vice-President of the Academy,
Chairman of the Department of Historical Sciences and a member of prestigious institutions abroad, as
well as a laureate of the Herder Prize (1968).
The research undertaken by Professor Dr. Hadrian Daicoviciu targeted the history of pre-Roman
Dacia, in particular, the period of the Dacian state and the history of Roman Dacia. The results of his
research were appreciated at home and abroad, as attested by the large number of the eminent
archaeologist’s participations in national and international scientific events: the International Congress of
Prehistorical and Protohistorical Sciences in Prague, 1966; the Congress of Southeast European Studies in
Athens, 1970; the International Congress of Prehistorical and Protohistorical Sciences in Belgrade, 1971;
the International Congress of Thracology in Sofia, 1972; the International Congress of Greek and Latin
Epigraphy in Munich, 1972; the Congress of Southeast European Studies in Bucharest, 1974; the
International Congress of Thracology, Bucharest, 1976; the International Congress of Historical Sciences,
Bucharest, 1980. He was a member of the Society for Classical Studies (Bucharest, 1973) and an honorary
member of the Romanian Numismatic Society (Bucharest, 1976).
For outstanding scientific merit, he received numerous awards and distinctions, most notably the
“Vasile Pârvan” award of the Romanian Academy for the work Dacii [The Dacians] in 1965.
In the letters addressed to his father and mentor Constantin Daicoviciu, Hadrian Daicoviciu
approached solely scientific, strictly documentary matters, throughout his sojourn in Italy, avoiding any
1 Museum curator, The National History Museum of Transylvania, email: dana_comsa2003@yahoo.com .
Between Historiography and Politics.
275
comments that might seem “political,” even if they pertained to the cultural or quotidian atmosphere. This
was obviously the result of their awareness that their correspondence was supervised: they did not want to
leave any room for interpretation outside the strictly professional one, focused on classical archaeology,
situated thousands of years away from the time of the account.
Keywords: scientific correspondence, Roman archaeology, the Archaeological School of Cluj,
the university Professors Constantin and Hadrian Daicoviciu
The Historical School of Cluj has been illustrated by famous professors who have left an
indelible mark on the spirituality of the city and the country. Constantin and Hadrian
Daicoviciu2 represent the best-known names of classical archaeology from the
Napocensis University, as they guided dozens of generations of historians. The
personality of these exceptional professors and directors of the National History
Museum of Transylvania has entered into undeserved obscurity, which is nonetheless
explainable by the ineluctable passage of time.
Constantin and Hadrian Daicoviciu placed their unmistakable stamp on the
professional and intellectual trajectory of their disciples in the vast field of history. The
archaeological sites Sarmizegetusa Regia and Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa were the
“laboratories” in which the best known names of Transylvanian archaeology were
trained and perfected their knowledge, and the history museum in Cluj was the halidom
of science and culture with which they identified and which, under their leadership, was
a trailblazing pioneer in the field of museology.
The archaeologist Hadrian Daicoviciu, who grew up, with his father, the
academician Constantin Daicoviciu, amidst the ruins of the Dacian fortresses in the
Orăștie Mountains and of the most important city in the space of Eastern Latinity,
dedicated himself to the idea of investigating the two “columns” of the Romanian
people: Sarmizegetusa Regia and Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. “Hadrian Daicoviciu
was, above all, the son of the great historian Constantin Daicoviciu because, indeed, he
was not his heir only by the law of nature, but by the infinitely more severe law of
culture. A difficult legacy, for his father was a great man in every respect, and it was
difficult for anyone to measure up to him. But Hadrian Daicoviciu was truly and in the
highest sense the heir of his sharp and learned father, for he carried on the work of his
lifetime, inspiring this legacy with his own high spirit, with his own creative force,
going deeper, decanting more subtly, in a word, innovating - as one rightly ought to
surpass one’s great predecessors - with deep respect and unflinching intrepidness...”3
Most of the contributions of the researcher Hadrian Daicoviciu focused on the
history of pre-Roman Dacia, in particular the period of the Dacian state and the history
of Roman Dacia. Sources of all categories - archaeological, numismatic, epigraphic,
literary - in conjunction with exhaustive documentation on the historiography pertaining
to the issues he researched facilitated his production of reference works in the
specialised literature. His contributions and new interpretations regarding the character
2 Daniela Comșa, Constantin și Hadrian Daicoviciu. Memoria imaginilor, catalogue, Cluj-Napoca: Editura
Mega, 2010, p. 58.
3 The “Daicoviciu” Fund, Camil Mureșan, In memoriam Hadrian Daicoviciu, inv. no. C2 8162, The
National History Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca.
276
Daniela Comșa
of the Dacian state, ranging from its particularities to the chronology of the Dacian kings
and the overall definition of the Dacian civilisation, were crowned by the imposing
synthesis dedicated to the history of Dacia from Burebista to the Roman Conquest.
The eminent researcher Hadrian Daicoviciu addressed the vast and complex
issue in his studies on the Roman era: the institutions and organisation of Dacia,
urbanism, cultural and religious life, the continuity of the Dacians under Roman rule,
Romanisation and its essence.
The National History Museum of Transylvania has a valuable historical and
documentary fund - the “Daicoviciu” Fund - which includes documents and personal
objects, correspondence, manuscripts, invitations to congresses and scientific reunions,
diplomas and awards, as well as an impressive collection of photographs, which
illustrate all stages in the life of these scholars, from the years of studentship until the
last months of their lives.4
This study presents the letters by Professor Dr. Hadrian Daicoviciu5 to his father
and mentor, Acad. Constantin Daicoviciu, while he was on a scholarship in Italy, in
May-July 1963. The issues discussed in the letters are mainly professional, reference
being made to meetings with renowned Italian professors and archaeologists, true
authorities on Roman antiquity, who carried an extensive scientific correspondence with
Prof. C. Daicoviciu and then with H. Daicoviciu.
The exchanges of publications and books, meant to make Romanian
archaeological research known, the latest research results of the Italian specialists, and
the specialised Italian libraries and institutions were the major concerns of the young
researcher Hadrian Daicoviciu.
Hadrian Daicoviciu recounted to Constantin Daicoviciu about his encounters
and efforts (unofficial, “as a young researcher, without representing anyone’s
standpoint”) for reopening the Romanian Academy in Rome.6 An important stage in his
travels was his research of Trajan’s Column, the resulting publication being Columna
lui Traian, Bucharest: Meridiane, 1966, 36p.; second edition 1968 (in collaboration with
Constantin Daicoviciu).
It may be noticed that Hadrian Daicoviciu endeavoured to address only
scientific, strictly documentary issues in his letters, throughout his sojourn in Italy,
avoiding any comments that might have seemed “political,” even those pertaining to the
cultural and quotidian atmosphere. This was obviously the result of their awareness that
their correspondence was supervised: they did not want to leave any room for
interpretation outside the strictly professional one, focused on classical archaeology,
situated thousands of years away from the time of the account.
4 The “Daicoviciu” Fund, inv. no. C2 1- C2 8417.
5 Idem, inv. no. C23713 - C2 3717.
6 The Romanian School in Rome began its activity on 1 November 1922, granting, in the period 1922-1947,
scholarships in the fields of archeology, history, philology and the fine arts, to the best graduates from the
Romanian universities (Bucharest, Cluj, Iași, Cernăuți). C. Daicoviciu was a scholar of the Romanian School
in Rome, in the years 1925-1927, in the specializations of ancient history, archeology, epigraphy and classical
philology. In 1947, the Romanian authorities decided to close the institution, until 1969, when it reopened its
gates, with the status of the Romanian Library in Rome. In 1990, after the fall of communism, the institution
changed its status again, becoming once more the Romanian Academy in Rome.
Between Historiography and Politics.
277
Rome, 31 May 1963
Dear Father,
I am hereby taking advantage of Mr. Petrovici’s kindness to write you a few
lines about what reckon is more important. So here I go:
1.	I have talked to Pallottino7 about the possibility of opening our Academy
here. After speaking to Professor Devota, recently returned from Romania, Pallotino is
determined to strive for the reopening of our Academy and looks optimistic. Talking,
we arrived at three possibilities of solving this matter, namely:
a)	Opening, without reciprocity, the Academy in Rome, which should be strictly
scientific and which should deal, if possible, with those branches of science that are the
least “political”;
b)	Opening our Academy in Rome and a similar Italian institution (therefore
strictly scientific, in Bucharest);
c)	If the Italian government lacks the funds for opening an Academy in
Bucharest, our Academy in Rome should open immediately, while Italy’s right to
establish a similar institution in Bucharest, whenever it seemed appropriate, would be
ensured.
I am writing this with the thought that it may be of use to you. If Mr. Lascu
comes to Rome, he should know the matter in all its details. Naturally, I emphasised in
my discussion with Pallottino that I spoke as a private individual, as a young researcher,
without representing the views of anyone else, and I didn’t even tell him that I would
inform you of the matters discussed; the conclusion was that of his own initiative and
out of friendship for our country, he would take all the steps he deemed necessary with
the Italian government.
2.	Prof. Antonio Giuliano8 cannot come to Sinaia this year. So if you have not
yet sent him the invitation, do not send it. He would, however, very much like to come
next year.
3.	Please do not forget about the archaeological material for the Museum of the
Faculty of Letters here. Do you think it could be sent by mail? If not, we should wait for
the arrival of the delegation to Bologna.
4.	I have noticed that the Library of Archaeology and Ancient History of the
Faculty here does not include any Romanian books (except for some new periodicals:
Dacia etc.). Would it be possible to send, in some way, the Yearbook of the Institute of
Classical Studies, The Treatise on Romanian History (vol. I), The CD Homage Volume?
I’m sure I could get other publications in return for these. You can send these books to
7 Massimo Pallottino (1909-1995) - a university professor, an archaeologist specializing in Etruscan
civilisation. He created in Rome “C N R per l Archeologia Etrusco: Italica.” He carried a vast scientific
correspondence with Hadrian Daicoviciu (the Daicoviciu Fund, inv. no. C2 7862) and, on the latter’s
death, he sent an evocation with the title From Rome with Nostalgia and Love (the Daicoviciu Fund, inv.
no. C28175).
8 Antonio Giuliano - a professor of archaeology and the history of Greek and Roman art at the University
of Rome.
278
Daniela Comșa
me or, officially, to the Institute of Archaeology and Art History, Fac. of Letters, the
University of Rome.
That’s about all. I am working and I feel good. Mr. Petrovici’ll tell you what
we’ve done and what we’ve seen together.
Vale! Auguri!
Hadrian
P. S. 1. Will you please not forget the issue of Biți’s mother and our departure to
Austria?
2.	I received your telegram and I was glad that everything was all right at home.
Rome, 7 - VI - 1963
Dear Father,
I’m sending you another issue of Capolavori. I haven’t been able to get a hold of the old
issues, but I will eventually. Also, I’m sending you the little book about EUR, together
with a small booklet about the Archaeological Museum of the University here.
The two bigger books are for Biți. Please give them to her.
Another matter: I’ve met a professor (not of archaeology!) who is interested in
the collection “The monuments of our homeland” and would like to have it. In
exchange, he will buy me books that are of interest to me. I will give him “Ulpia
Traiana” and “Sarmizegetusa”. Could you get me “Apulum”, “Tomis” “Histria” and
whatever has been published in this collection? They can be in Romanian, in fact
Leonardi (that’s his name) wants them to be in Romanian, which he knows to some
extent and would not like to forget it. If possible, send them to me, to my address here. I
will give them to him. Also tell me if there is any book that you might be particularly
interested in, in exchange for them.
I’m fine, working, work is good. I hope all is well with you. Take care of Cucuț!
Kisses to all of you!
Vale !
Hadrian
Rome, 24 - VI - 1963
Dear Father,
I have received all the three letters from you. I didn’t have time to answer the
first two, which I received at once, because I was away. I went on a splendid trip
Between Historiography and Politics.
279
(although a bit tiresome) to Padua, Este, Venice, Aquileia and Ancona. I saw many
interesting and useful things. I think I managed to solve, in Aquileia, the problem of the
monuments shaped like an arched pyramid trunk. I talked there to Gioramini Brusin,9
who sends you the warmest greetings.
I was glad to receive good news from home. Last evening I received all the
books you let me know you had sent, and today I received “Callatis” too.
I have not had time yet to do everything you asked me in the first letter. Where
I’ve been, I haven’t found Bloch’s book, but I’ll look for it here in Rome. I sent Mr.
Naum a postcard from Venice. To Surianu too. I will not forget the others either.
Soon I will send you a series of books, which I can’t possible carry with me on a
plane. About this, I must tell you that I have booked a ticket for 31 July. I’ll arrive, then,
at around 9 p.m. in Bucharest (it’s the same plane you took when you left here). I will
write to Aurelian to meet me at the airport, but you’d better also tell Condurachi’s (in
case Aurelian is away doing excavations). In fact, it’s not the waiting at the airport that
is important; what is important is that someone will be at home in Bucharest (Aurelian
or Florica or Puica and Emil). Whoever will be will have to pay for the taxi from the
airport to the city and wait for me with a wagon-lits ticket for the evening of 1 August
on the 10 pm train (approximately) which arrives in Cluj in the morning at 755. Can this
whole thing be arranged? If yes, then it means that on 2 August in the morning, I’ll be at
home. It wouldn’t be a bad idea if Turcu waited for me.
One last request: could you send me an extract or, or if you don’t have one, a
typed copy of your article “On Christianity in Dacia,” published in Studii, I, 1948? Do
this only if the matter of this article is different from your study which appeared, I think,
in Melanges Marouzeau. If it’s the same thing, don’t send it to me, just write that there
is no difference.
Dear Father, that’s about all. Tomorrow we have a meeting at the faculty to
distribute participation in the excavations from Pyrgi. Depending on this, I will then set,
with Pallatino, the date of my trip to Naples - Pompeii - Herculaneum - Capri - Paestum
- Beneventum.
Many kisses and greetings to you and the other family members. A special
supplement to the little one!
Vale!
Hadrian
Rome, 4 - VII - 1963
Dear Father,
I’m writing briefly to you (but it’s still going to be a long letter!) about what I’ve
been doing lately.
9 Gioramini Brusin - a professor, an Italian archaeologist.
280
Daniela Comșa
1.	I’ve sent postcards to everyone about whom you wrote to me: Acad. Bălan,
Edgar Muller, Dr. Șurianu, Professor Ruffini, Mrs. Sena.10
2.	But I haven’t managed to find that laboratory with teaching materials. I think
I will find it eventually.
3.	I have not seen Degrassi. I have not looked for him because I was told that he
might be sick. I will nonetheless contact him by all means before my departure.
4.	I phoned Lugli11 and thanked him, in your name, for the book. He told me
that before I left he wanted to see me and that he would invite me to his place in the
countryside one day.
5.	I’ve been to Fasti again. I saw, of course, Forni,12 who had not come with us
then because his daughter was sick. I went to Ostia with Mrs. Squarciapino.13
6.	I’ve been a few times to Alessandrini and I’ll go again before I leave. Now
he’s on a cure at Abano Terme, near Padua.
7.	I’ve seen Pallotino, too, but I could not really talk to him because he’s terribly
busy. He’s leaving for Yugoslavia in a few days. To be able to discuss at leisure, he has
invited me for a day or two, to Perugia on 24 July, at University for foreigners, where he
delivers courses on Etruscology. Naturally, I will go.
8.	To Bianchi Bandinelli14 I’ve given, for the Library of the Archaeology Inst.,
the homage volume and “Ulpia Traiana.” He wants to establish a more regular exchange
of publications, and has proposed Miscellanea of his Institute to us. I replied that I
would write to him from Cluj.
9.	I gave Volume I of The History of Romania to the Library of the German
Institute of Archaeology, which had vol. II, but didn’t have the first. I also gave them
Sarmizegetusa (in French) and Ulpia Traiana. They thanked me warmly and gave me,
in exchange, some of the books that I sent you today and about which I will talk below.
10.	I have contacted Mrs. Foâ for the problem of the photos of Trajan’s Column.
The situation looks, for now, bad. The publishing houses no longer have the cliches
used for the old editions (Cichorius, Froehner). New photographs are difficult to take
because our casts are inaccessible, as you know, and the casts of the Vatican Museum
(made by the same casts as ours) are, for now at least, inaccessible because of the
extension works from the Vatican Museum; there is, it is true, at the Museo della Civiltă
Romana (EUR), a plaster copy of these casts, but: a) the copies are not in very good
condition; b) they are placed in a dimly lit corridor and in rows stacked at such close
range from each other that shooting becomes extremely difficult. The only hope that I
have left now is that the L. U. C. E. Institute, which took the photos of the scenes from
10 M. Ruffini, a university professor, a specialist in the history of culture and the Romanian-Italian cultural
relations; Gemma Sena - a specialist in the history of ancient art, Milan.
11 A. Degrassi, epigraphist, Director of the Italian School of Archaeology, Professor at the University of
Padua; G. Lugli, Professor of ancient topography at the University of Rome. He founded Italiae Forma -
archaeological maps.
12 G. Forni, a professor and Rector of the University of Bologne, an epigraphist and historian of the Roman
army.
13 M. F. Squarciapino, an archaeologist, the editor of Fasti archaeologici.
14 Bianchi Bandinelli, a professor of archaeology and Greek and Roman art history at the Universities of
Florence and Rome.
Between Historiography and Politics.
281
the Column in 1942, during the anti-aircraft protection works, photographing indeed the
entire Column (in the album of P. Romanelli, which we also have, only the most
artistically eloquent photos are published) has kept these photographs in the archive. If
even this hope will dispel, we will see here what is to be done. In any case, I will keep in
touch with Mrs. Foă.
11.	I sent you four packages of books this morning. The first contains the
volumes Tuscany I, Tuscany II and Lombardy I (beautifully illustrated publications, of
the Italian Touring Club).
The second comprises: Lombardy II, G. Anibaldi, Le antiche civiltă della
Maveche, G. Brusin, Di un tipo di stela sepolcrale carateristtico di Verona, B. M.
Scarfi, Due pittori apuli della seconda metă del IV secolo A. C. and Una testa scopadea
di Athena al Museo archeologico di Venezia (all these are extracts) and La vie en
moyen-âge and Charlemagne (the collection Que sais-je ?). The third package contains
publications of the Touring Club (Rome I, Rome II and Sicily), and the fourth contains
the following books or booklets: R. Bloch, Gli Etruschi, V. Childe, Il frammenti del
passato, P. Romanelli, Il Palatino, M. Pallotino, La Necropoli di Cerveteri, G. Fogolari,
Il Museo Nazionale Attestino in Este, G. A. (Nibaldi), Il Muses Nazionale delle Marche
in Ancona, Spoleto (tourist ad), A. Camus, La peste (literature for Biți,15 and the
following volumes in the collection Que sait-il?: Le calendier, La numismatique
antique, L ’epigraphie latine and La science des Chaldeens.
Please put all these books away until my arrival. The exceptions are La peste, La
vie en momoyen-age and Charlemagne, which you can give to Biți right away.
12.	Tomorrow morning I’m going to Naples, armed with letters of
recommendation from Pallotino. The trip will last a week (including Naples,
Herculaneum, Pompeii, Capri, Paestum and Beneventum)
Warm kisses,
Hadrian
Rome. 13 - VII - 1963
Dear Father,
I’m back from Naples. Everything was wonderful and I think it has been very
useful to me.
I will try to discuss with Forni the problem of the prefect of Dacia Inferior this
afternoon, if I find him at Fasti. It would be the last chance because on Monday, 15 - VII
-, I’m going to Pyrgi, where I will stay for a week, and Forni is going on vacation on 18.
If I cannot talk to him, I will try with Degrassi after my return from Pyrgi.
Today I sent you the following books and extracts or brochures (distributed in
two packages):
15 Beatrice Daicoviciu, with a PhD in World Medieval History, a professor at Babeș-Bolyai University,
Cluj-Napoca, the first wife of Hadrian Daicoviciu.
282
Daniela Comșa
-	Campania (publication - Italian Touring Club)
-	S. M. Puglisi, Preliminary Report of the Reserches at Hezar
-	J. de Vries, La religion des Celtes
-	A. de Franciscis - O. Parlangeli, Gli Italici del Bronzo nei documenti
epigrafici
-	E. Pozzi, Exedra funeraria pompeiana fuori Porta di Nola
-	G. Luigi, Foro Romano. Palatino
-	A. Maiuri, Pompei
-	‘‘‘‘ , Capi
-	,’’’’ , Ercolano
-	P. C. Sestieri, Paestum
-	G. Mazzini, I doveri del’ uomo
-	C. Carbonara, Platonismo e cristianesimo nella concezione mazziniana della
storia
-	Issues 2, 3, 6-11 of the publications of the so-called Centro Napolitano di
Studi Mazziniani.
I have received all this stuff with Mazzini as a gift. Maybe it is of some interest for the
specialists in modern history. As with the other books sent, please put them aside until
my arrival.
Tomorrow I’m going to lunch to Alessandrini’s, who has returned from the
baths.
I think this is the last letter I’m sending to you. I’ll probably get home before
you receive another letter.
Warm kisses,
Hadrian
P. S. Important! Hadn’t you better write to Swoboda16 and ask him: where
should I be on 15 August? Will someone be waiting for us at the station, at the
airport, etc.? In a word, ask him to tell us all the administrative and technical details
of our visit.
16 Erich S. Swoboda, Director of the Carnuntum Museum near Vienna.
ION CÂRJA1
BETWEEN HISTORIOGRAPHY AND POLITICS.
THE RECEPTION OF AVRAM IANCU AFTER 1989
Abstract: 1989, the year when the communist regime collapsed in Romania, saw the anniversary of 165
years since the birth and, respectively, the commemoration of 117 years since the demise of Avram Iancu,
Prefect of the Auraria Gemina Legion and a central figure in the 1848 Revolution from Transylvania. At
the watershed moment marked by the Romanian Revolution of 1989, the reception of this personality in
the Romanian historiography and consciousness was based, therefore, on utterly respectable grounds,
which entailed, for the scientific research establishment, at least, the disappearance of the ideological
conditionings imposed by the former regime. Since then, the historiographic research directions that were
consolidated for decades have continued among the Romanian historians, in particular those from Cluj,
who have attempted to reconstitute the sources of the 1848 Revolution and to conduct analytical and
interpretive approaches on the most diverse aspects pertaining to the two years, 1848 and 1849, including
the causes and the immediate or lasting consequences of the revolutionary events. While the revolution as
a whole has essentially remained in the sphere of scholarly concerns, featuring in the research programs of
the history faculties and specialised institutes, its personalities have been, over the past two decades, the
subject of jubilary and commemorative actions with a far broader impact and social reverberation. Avram
Iancu is one of the representative personalities of the 1848 Transylvanian Revolution that have been most
vividly evoked in extra-scientific manifestations over the past two decades, benefiting from both natural
gestures of reverence and homage and from political instrumentalisation. The suggestive charisma of
Iancu’s personality and his value as a symbol in the national struggle of the Transylvanian Romanians in
the 19th century has been a somewhat convenient theme, accessible to nationalist political discourse,
among others, in Romania over the past two decades. Capturing the attention of professional historians and
other milieus of contemporary Romanian society, the so-called Prince of the Mountains has remained,
across the centuries, an irresistible, enigmatic and baffling point of attraction, especially as regards the less
clarified aspects of his behaviour and conduct during the period of the 1848 Revolution.
Keywords: Avram Iancu, revolution, 1848-1849, historiography, instrumentalisation
1989, the year when the communist regime collapsed in Romania, saw the anniversary
of 165 years since the birth and, respectively, the commemoration of 117 years since the
demise of Avram Iancu, Prefect of the Auraria Gemina Legion and a central figure in
the 1848 Revolution from Transylvania. At the watershed moment marked by the
Romanian Revolution of 1989,2 the reception of this personality in the Romanian
historiography and consciousness was based, therefore, on utterly respectable grounds,
which entailed, for the scientific research establishment, at least, the disappearance of
the ideological conditionings imposed by the former regime.3 Since then, the
1 Associate Professor, PhD, at the Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Faculty of History and
Philosophy, ioncarja@yahoo.it .
2 On this theme, see Ioachim Lazăr, Nicolae Marcel Morar, Avram lancu în memoria posterității, Deva,
Ed. Emia, 2008.
3 Regarding the impact of ideology on Romanian historical writing during the communist period, see: Vlad
Georgescu, Politică și istorie. Cazul comuniștilor români 1944-1977, Bucharest, Ed. Humanitas, 1991;
Florin Muller, Politica și istoriografie în România 1948-1964, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Nereamia Napocae, 2003;
284
Ioan Cârja
historiographic research directions that were consolidated for decades have continued
among the Romanian historians, in particular those from Cluj, who have attempted to
reconstitute the sources of the 1848 Revolution and to conduct analytical and
interpretive approaches on the most diverse aspects pertaining to the two years, 1848
and 1849, including the causes and the immediate or lasting consequences of the
revolutionary events. While the revolution as a whole has essentially remained in the
sphere of scholarly concerns, featuring in the research programs of the history faculties
and specialised institutes, its personalities have been, over the past two decades, the
subject of jubilary and commemorative actions with a far broader impact and social
reverberation. Avram Iancu is one of the representative personalities of the 1848
Transylvanian Revolution that have been most vividly evoked in extra-scientific
manifestations over the past two decades, benefiting from both natural gestures of
reverence and homage and from political instrumentalisation. The suggestive charisma
of Iancu’s personality and his value as a symbol in the national struggle of the
Transylvanian Romanians in the 19th century has been a somewhat convenient theme,
accessible to nationalist political discourse, among others, in Romania over the past two
decades. Capturing the attention of professional historians and other milieus of
contemporary Romanian society, the so-called Prince of the Mountains has remained,
across the centuries, an irresistible, enigmatic and baffling point of attraction, especially
as regards the less clarified aspects of his behaviour and conduct during the period of the
1848 Revolution.
Historiography represents a reception area for Iancu’s figure in which the
quantitative accumulations of information and the studies focusing on his role in the
events from the years 1848-1849 have revealed new aspects and dimensions of this
personality, continuing, in broad lines, the directions and trends evinced by the
Romanian historiography devoted to the phenomenon of the 1848 Revolution, which
were established in the interwar period or between 1948 and 1989. The Romanian
historiography of this period (1948-1989) has the undeniable merit of having conducted
large-scale studies focusing exclusively on Iancu’s personality and role in the context of
the revolutionary events and of the petitionary movement addressed to Vienna during
the revolution and over the next period. The publication of the monumental monograph
authored by Silviu Dragomir in 1968 was meant to revive the interest of the Romanian
historiography in Avram Iancu,4 and was followed by a series of scholarly studies and
popularisation works, such as the book written by Horia Ursu and published two years
earlier in the collection “Outstanding Men” of Tineretului Publishing House;5 in 1968
there came out another popularisation work, signed by Marin Mihalache,6 while the
1970 work of Leonida Loghin and Constantin Ucrain, dedicated to the military aspects
of the 1848 Revolution, reconstructed the role Iancu played in the context of these
Gabriel Moisa, Istoria Transilvaniei în istoriografia românească: 1965-1989, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa
Universitară Clujeană, 2003.
4 Silviu Dragomir, Avram lancu, second edition, Bucharest, Ed. Științifică, 1968.
5 Horia Ursu, Avram Iancu, Bucharest, Ed. Tineretului, 1966.
6 Marin Mihalache, Avram Iancu, Bucharest, Ed. Militară, 1968.
Between Historiography and Politics.
285
events.7 Two years later, coinciding with the centenary of Iancu’s death, the
correspondence of Alexander Papiu Ilarian was published; edited by the historians Iosif
Pervain and loan Chindriș, this book may clarify some biographical aspects of the
character under discussion here.8 Besides hundreds of studies and articles, this
commemorative moment was accompanied by the publication of several monographs
and works of documentary restitution: Avram lancu - viața și faptele unui erou și martir
[Avram Iancu - The Life and Deeds of a Hero and Martyr], signed by the Academy
Member Ștefan Pascu,9 Avram lancu - scrisori [Avram lancu - Letters], written by Liviu
Maior,10 and Avram Iancu în memorialistică [Avram Iancu in Memoirs], by Pompiliu
Teodor.11 Among the more substantial studies and articles published on this occasion,
we should mention a few, such as Liviu Botezan’s study about Iancu’s activity in the
spring of 1848,12 Iacob Mârza’s overview of the studies Iancu carried out in Zlatna
between 1837 and 1841, as a student at the local royal gymnasium13 and Simion
Retegan’s examination of the importance of several unpublished petitions that Avram
Iancu submitted in 1852.14 This bibliographical reconsideration of Avram Iancu,
occasioned by the centenary of his death, came after a period of prohibition that was
partly coeval with the so-called obsessive decade, the 1950s, in which a number of
restrictions were imposed on the historiography of the problem. The revival of
historiographical studies dedicated to Avram Iancu in 1972, which marked the
centenary of his death, continued two years later with a bibliographical repertory in the
book entitled Avram Iancu, documente și bibliografie [Avram Iancu, Documents and
References], signed by Ioan Ranca și Valeriu Nițu, which still serves as a working
instrument of undeniable topicality for historians in the year 2013.15
In the context of re-launched approaches to the personality of Avram Iancu and,
implicitly, to the importance of the 1848 Revolution in the modern history of the
Romanian nation, research dedicated to these topics diversified during the following
period. Thus, studies focusing on the phenomenon of the 1848 Revolution in
Transylvania benefited from a coherent, solid, and systematic research program,
deployed by the team of specialists on the “Revolution of 1848,” from the History
Institute in Cluj-Napoca, which, in the same atmosphere of restitution mentioned above,
inaugurated the series of documents entitled Revoluția de la 1848 în Țările Române.
7 Leonida Loghin, Constantin Ucrain, Aspecte militare ale revoluției din 1848 în Transilvania, Bucharest,
Ed. Militară, 1970.
8 Iosif Pervain, Ioan Chindriș, Corespondența lui Alexandru Papiu Ilarian (scrisori, documente, memorii,
note), Cluj, Ed. Dacia, 1972.
9 Ștefan Pascu, Avram Iancu-viața și faptele unui erou și martir, Bucharest, Ed. Meridiane, 1972.
10 Liviu Maior, Avram Iancu. Scrisori, Cluj, Ed. Dacia, 1972.
11 Pompiliu Teodor, Avram Iancu în memorialistică, Cluj, Ed. Dacia, 1972.
12 Samu Benko, Liviu Botezan, Âkos Egyed, “Avram lancu, exponent al dreptului poporului la înarmare în
primăvara anului 1848,” in Apulum, 1978, 16, pp. 345-354.
13 Iacob Mârza, “Avram Iancu, elev la ‘Regium Gymnasium Zalathnense’ (1837-1841),” in Revista de
pedagogie, XXI, 9-10, pp.109-115.
14 Simion Retegan, “Cinci petiții inedite din 1852 ale lui Avram Iancu,” in Sargeția, IX, 1972, pp. 247-
258; see also Idem, “Răzvrătirea moților din 1852. Rolul lui Avram Iancu,” in Anuarul Institutului de
Istorie și Arheologie Cluj, XV, 1972, pp. 239-262.
15 Ion Ranca, Valeriu Nițu, Avram Iancu-documente și bibliografie, Bucharest, Ed. Științifică, 1974.
286
Ioan Cârja
Seria C. Transilvania [The Revolution of 1848 in the Romanian Lands. Series C.
Transylvania]: the first volume appeared in 1977, and the series has now reached its
ninth volume, which was printed two years ago, in 2011.16 Similar to other research
institutes in Central Europe, the History Institute of Cluj included the 1848 Revolution,
with its elites and masses, among the priorities of research into the period of the 19th
century. Moreover, in the decade before the 1989 Revolution there started the
publication of memoirs relating to the 1848 Revolution in Transylvania and the Banat,
coordinated by the historians Nicolae Bocșan and Valeriu Leu, the first volume being
published by Dacia Press in Cluj, in 1988, and being followed, a decade later, by a
second, even more substantial volume on this theme, authored by the aforementioned
historians.17 The image of Iancu in folklore and the collective mentality rounds off the
area of scholarly concerns dedicated to him, with works such as those published by
Romulus Felea18 or Florian Dudaș;19 an important work under the latter’s signature
appeared at Facla Press in Timișoara, in 1986, emphasising the significance of Avram
Iancu’s figure in the tradition of the Romanian people.
In this article we do not aim to provide a comprehensive historiographical
overview of the 1848 Revolution or the figure of Avram Iancu, but merely intend to
point out the major landmarks of historical writings on these subjects up until 1989, for
the good reason that the specific research concerns from before the 1989 Revolution
have continued to be addressed in the historiography of the two decades following the
December 1989 Revolution. This represents, in our view, the first major feature of the
reception of Iancu’s figure at the level of post-1989 historiographical concerns: the
continuation of the solid research directions that were begun in the previous decades,
specialising on the retrieval of unpublished documentary, narrative and epistolary
sources, which may provide information about the 1848 Revolution and its
personalities. We shall note, in this context, the expansion - among the historiographers
from Cluj - of studies devoted to a distinct category of sources on the Revolution, in
particular, memoirs, which, as we noted before, had already begun to be published
systematically. In addition to the two volumes of memoirs relating to the 1848
Revolution in Transylvania, edited by Nicolae Bocșan and Valeriu Leu, new documents
of this type have entered the scientific circuit, including, for instance, the original
manuscript published by N. Bocșan and V. Leu in the volume entitled Revoluția de la
1848 în Munții Apuseni [The 1848 Revolution in the Apuseni Mountains],20 the
16 So far nine volumes of this work, Revoluția de la 1848 în Țările Române. Seria C. Transilvania, have
seen the light of print at Ed. Academiei Române, Bucharest, vol. I-1977, vol. IX, 2011.
17 Memorialistica revoluției de la 1848 în Transilvania, introductory study, notes, glossary, edited by
Nicolae Bocșan and Valeriu Leu, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Dacia, 1988; Nicolae Bocșan, Valeriu Leu, Revoluția
de la 1848 din Transilvania în memorialistică, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa Universitară Clujeană, 2000.
18 Romulus Felea, Avram Iancu în tradiția orală a moților (la 120 de ani de la moartea eroului), Cluj-
Napoca, Academia Română, 1992, re-edited under the title Avram Iancu în folclorul moților, edited by
Ioan Felea and Virgiliu Florea, Cluj-Napoca, [our emphasis] 1999.
19 Florian Dudaș, Avram Iancu în tradiția poporului român, Timișoara, Ed. Facla, 1989, re-edited in 1998
at Editura de Vest in Timișoara, under the title: Avram Iancu în tradiția românilor.
20 Nicolae Bocșan, Rudolf Graf, Revoluția de la 1848 în Munții Apuseni. Memorialistică, Cluj-Napoca, Ed.
Presa Universitară Clujeană, 2003.
Between Historiography and Politics.
287
memories of the siege of Timișoara during the revolution, written by General von
Rukavina and edited by Rudolf Graf,21 or the part dedicated to the 1848 Revolution
from Transylvania in Sava Popovici Săvoiu’s memories of great scale, reported and
published by Valeriu Leu and Nicolae Bocșan.22 In addition to these, there are various
approaches to the 1848 Movement in Transylvania, numerous studies of smaller or
larger scale published in the yearly reviews of the Academy Institutes and the History
Museums, or in other specialised publications from the country and abroad, signed by
prestigious scholars of our contemporary historiography, such as Gelu Neamțu, loan
23
Chindriș, Nicolae Bocșan, Teodor Pavel, Ela Cosma, Ioan Bolovan, and many others.23
In the post-1989 historiography, this category of professional approaches to the
figure of Iancu and the events that consecrated him also includes commemorative and
anniversary pieces. The year 1998, celebrating 150 years since the revolution, was rich
in scientific initiatives dedicated to this subject. We may mention here, along with many
other events, the international session held in Cluj-Napoca, which produced an
important and well-known volume entitled Revoluția de la 1848 în Europa centrală.
Perspectivă istorică și istoriografică [The Revolution of 1848 in Central Europe.
Historical and Historiographical Perspectives].24 Other institutions in the country also
seized this anniversary moment to organise scientific events, which led to the
publication of volumes of studies, such as the one that came out under the aegis of the
Museum of Deva.25 Another anniversary manifestation dedicated to Avram Iancu
occurred in 2008, when the Museum of Alba Iulia organised a symposium in homage to
this personality, marking the celebration of 184 years since the birth of the hero and 136
years since his demise.
Another area in which we may notice that scientific interest in Iancu’s figure
materialised after 1989 refers to the re-editing of reference works, such as re-
publication, in 1998 and 2012, of Silviu Dragomir’s 1868 monograph26 or the partial
reprint, in Ioan Ranca’s 1996 book, of period texts referring to Avram Iancu,27 which he
21 Rudolf Graf, Timișoara sub asediu: jurnalul feldmareșalului George v. Rukavina (aprilie-august 1849),
Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa Universitară Clujeană, 2008.
22 See N. Bocșan, V. Leu, Revoluția de la 1848 din Transilvania în memorialistică, pp. 173-268.
23 From among the contributions of this type, we shall selectively mention a few, by way of
exemplification: Ela Cosma, “Liberalism versus conservatorism la sași la 1848-1849. Cu o privire
introductivă asupra liberalismului german și austriac,” in Camil Mureșanu (ed.), Transilvania între
medieval și modern, Cluj-Napoca, Centrul de Studii Transilvane/Fundația Culturală Română, 1996, pp. 62-
82; Ioan Chindriș, Ideologia revoluționară a lui Alexandru Papiu Ilarian, Bucharest, Ed. România Press,
2002; Gelu Neamțu, Ioan Bolovan, The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Transylvania. Contributions to the
History of Mentalities and of the Social Imaginary, Cluj-Napoca, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2004;
Teodor Pavel, “Laic și ecleziastic în revoluțiile de la 1848 din Europa Centrală,” in Anuarul Institutului de
Istorie, Cluj-Napoca, 42, 2003, pp. 259-268; Gelu Neamțu, Avram Iancu-mit, realitate, simbol, Cluj-
Napoca, Ed. Argonaut, 2012.
24 Camil Mureșanu, Nicolae Bocșan, Ioan Bolovan (coord.), Revoluția de la 1848 în Europa centrală.
Perspectivă istorică și istoriografică, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa Universitară Clujeană, 2000.
25 Avram Iancu 1824-1872. Volum dedicat împlinirii a 125 de ani de la moartea eroului, in the series
Restituiri, V, Deva, 1997.
26 Second editions released by the Cluj-based publishers Dacia (1998) and Eikon (2012).
27 Ioan Ranca, Avram Iancu pe baricadele Apusenilor. Relatări contemporane ale unor apropiați și
adversari, Târgu Mureș, Ed. Pax historica, 1996.
288
Ioan Cârja
had originally published in the volume cited above, Avram lancu - documente și
bibliografie ]Avram Iancu - Documents and References], which Ranca had signed in
collaboration with Valeriu Nițu in 1974.
After 1989, the preoccupations of Romanian historiographers with the 1848
Transylvanian Revolution have also featured an innovative trend, manifested at the level
of the approach perspective, methodology, and discourse. Foremost, in this respect, is
Gelu Neamțu’s study on the competitive presence of national symbols in the
Transylvanian landscape during the revolutionary years.28 Professor Nicolae Bocșan has
reconstituted the meanings of the concepts of revolution and revolutionary for the
Romanians and the Hungarians, with references to the revolutionary mentality of the
1848 Movement in Transylvania.29 The same line of concerns gave birth to several
valuable studies devoted to the relationship between the sacred and the profane in the
collective mentality of the Romanians in 1848, such as those written by Liviu Maior,
Simona Nicoară, or Ioan Bolovan.30 Last but not least, we would like to mention the
research undertaken from the perspective of collective mentalities and political
mythology, such as the ones on dynastic patriotism and the myth of the good emperor in
relation to the figure of Iancu in the Romanian collective mentality from the period of
31
the revolution.
Over the past two decades, in the area of scientific research, interest in the figure
of Avram Iancu has therefore gone hand in hand with the general approach to the 1848
phenomenon in Transylvania and in Central Europe. There have been quantitative
accumulations; a relatively considerable amount of sources have been published, and so
have numerous analytical and interpretive studies and articles, of diverse amplitude and
unequal value, whose quantitative ascertainment is made possible by the latest volumes
published as the Historical Bibliography of Romania.32 It is equally true that the
28 Gelu Neamțu, “Simboluri naționale în timpul Revoluției de la 1848 din Transilvania,” in David Prodan
- Puterea modelului, Cluj-Napoca, 1995, pp. 173-189.
29 See, in this sense, the introduction to the volume N. Bocșan, V. Leu, Revoluția de la 1848 din
Transilvania în memorialistică, pp. 7-94.
30 Liviu Maior, 1848-1849. Români și unguri în revoluție, Bucharest, Ed. Enciclopedică, 1998; Simona
Nicoară, Mitologiile revoluției pașoptiste românești. Istorie și imaginar, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa
Universitară Clujeană, 1999; Ioan Bolovan, “Contribuții la cunoașterea imaginarului social în revoluția de
la 1848 din Transilvania,” in Nicolae Bocșan, Sorin Mitu, Toader Nicoară (eds.), Identitate și alteritate.
Studii de imagologie, II, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa Universitară Clujeană, 1998, pp. 184-207.
31 Mirela Andrei, “Aspecte privind mitul ‘bunului împărat’ în sensibilitatea colectivă românească din
Ardeal la 1848,” in Nicolae Bocșan, Valeriu Leu (eds.), Identitate și alteritate. Studii de imagologie, I,
Reșița, Ed. Banatica, 1996, pp. 89-95; Ion Cârja, “Avram Iancu și ‘bunul împărat’ în sensibilitatea
colectivă românească la 1848,” in Buletinul cercurilor științifice studențești, II, Alba Iulia, 1996, pp. 203-
210; Idem, “Les Roumains de Transylvanie et l’Empire des Habsbourg dans la periode 1848 - 1851 - entre
realite et imaginaire,” in lonuț Costea, Valentin Orga (eds.), Studii de istoria Transilvaniei, IV, Cluj-
Napoca, Ed. Accent, 2000, pp. 231-244; Doru Radosav, Arătarea împăratului. Intrările imperiale în
Transilvania și Banat (sec. XVIII-XIX). Discurs și reprezentare, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Presa Universitară
Clujeană, 2002.
32 The latest five volumes of the Historical Bibliography of Romania have inventoried the scientific yield
of Romanian historiography after 1989; the order of their appearance is as follows: vol. VIII: 1989-1994,
Bucharest, Ed. Academiei Române, 1996; vol. IX: 1994-1999, Bucharest, Ed. Academiei Române, 2000;
vol. X: 1999-2004; Bucharest, Ed. Academiei Române, 2005; vol. XI: 2004-2006, Bucharest, Ed.
Between Historiography and Politics.
289
Romanian and, in particular, the Transylvanian historiography of the past two decades
has failed to produce a new monograph dedicated to Avram Iancu’s personality and that
the one written by Silviu Dragomir in 1968, with its further editions that saw the light of
print before and after 1989, remains an irreplaceable historiographical reference on this
topic.
During these two decades, the extra-scientific reception of Iancu’s figure has
been less uniform and not very easily decipherable in clear terms. Several aspects can,
however, be highlighted. Thus, given the efforts to re-legitimise the Romanian national
symbols and personalities after 1989, Iancu’s image figure has seen an incontestable
rise, which has been noticeable at the level of commemorative activities and institutional
onomastics. We are referring here to a number of educational institutions at secondary,
high school and even university level that have opted for bearing his name. At the same
time, a certain civic cult around Iancu’s figure has expanded in Romania during this
period, evidently by multiplying the number of statues that represent him at Câmpeni,
Abrud, Brad, Alba Iulia and Cluj-Napoca, rather uneven in terms of their aesthetic
value; in addition to this, mention should be made of the unfinished project undertaken
by the former Prime Minister Victor Ciorbea of having a statue of Avram Iancu erected
in Bucharest.
We could also talk about yet another level of the perception and valorisation of
Avram Iancu’s image after 1989, that of his instrumentalisation and politicisation in
various strands of political discourse, often for very polemical reasons. In the political
discourse of nationalist expression, Iancu’s figure is vehemently invoked as a founding
figure of Romanian national identity and values, opposed to otherness, which is seen as
hostile and competitive. Over the past two decades, well-known political parties and
power holders in Romania have used the suggestive force of Iancu’s personality to
ground their nationalist discourse in and make it more convincing and incisive. This
instrumentalisation of Iancu’s image through his association with and use as a flagship
for various themes of the nationalist discourse of the last twenty years, which are
reminiscent of the national-communism of the previous period, have simply debunked
and, to some extent, discredited the figure of Avram Iancu in the public consciousness,
especially in the urban milieus, as it has happened with other Romanian national
symbols too (such as the tricolour flag), whose excessive use has led their erosion,
temporarily at least, in the collective perception. Invoking the personality of the 1848
prefect from the Apuseni Mountains in such contexts has not been in his favour, because
it has affected the possibility of his accurate and pertinent reception, impairing a broader
understanding of this figure, who coalesced not only the essence of the Romanian
nationalism exhibited in the 1848 Revolution, but also many influences from the
European culture and mentality of the time, as well as the influences of liberalism and
the political romanticism of the time.
For the Transylvanian Romanians above all, Avram Iancu is the symbol with the
most obvious adherence at the level of collective sensibility and the personality with the
Academiei Române, 2007; vol. XII-part I: 2007-2008, Bucharest, Ed. Academiei Române, 2009; vol. XII-
part a II-a: 2007-2008, Bucharest, Ed. Academiei Române/Argonaut, 2010; vol. XIII: 2009-2010,
Bucharest, Ed. Academiei Române/Argonaut, 2011.
290
Ioan Cârja
highest degree of representativeness for the Romanian national identity. It is not by
chance that he has been targeted and victimised by approaches designed to denigrate
him and to diminish his prestige, coming from the Hungarian radical nationalist
discourse of the recent years (see the Csibi Barna episode). This ultimately demonstrates
the force and power of suggestion inherent in national symbols in the context of the
identitarian disputes of (post)modern society.
RESTAURATION

CLAUDIA M. BONȚA1
TUDOR TOMESCU2
THE RESTORATION OF A CERAMIC POT
FROM THE ROMAN PERIOD
Abstract: This paper succinctly presents the ways in which a series of potsherds found during
archaeological excavations at Micăsasa were processed and how, through restoration works, an artefact
dating back to the Roman period was reconstituted, enriching the patrimony of the National Museum of
Transylvanian History in Cluj- Napoca.
Keywords: restoration, ceramic, artefact, Roman period.
The large-scale archaeological campaigns conducted at Micăsasa, Sibiu County in 1998
led to the discovery, among others, of a rich ceramic hoard of Roman provenance, for
the processing of which archaeologist Dr. Cristian Aurel Roman addressed himself to
the Zonal Restoration Laboratory of the National Museum of Transylvanian History in
Cluj-Napoca. Sorting the ceramic material led to the identification of 19 shards
pertaining to the same restorable vessel (Fig. 1), a cup/bowl with two handles made of
good quality clay paste, ochre in colour, with incised reddish stripes.
The restoration work started through a preliminary cleaning operation,
consisting in the repeated immersion of the potsherds in water so that debris and
impurities could be washed of. The careful rinsing of the shards was followed by their
wet mechanical cleaning with a soft brush. The fragments were left to dry for a few
days, on filter paper, at room temperature. The consolidation of the potsherds was
absolutely necessary and, for this purpose, the fragments were impregnated with a 1/5
diluted nitro-lacquer solution.
We separated the potsherds based on the decoration and on the thickness and the
texture of the clay paste and we started reconstituting the pot by gluing together the
ceramic fragments with a transparent, plasticizer-free adhesive, of the white glue type.
The pot decoration considerably eased the restoration operations, which lasted several
days. To reinforce the glued joints, we resorted to using a small box filled with fine sand
as excellent support for placing the assembled potsherds. Because of the missing
ceramic shards, the resulting pot represented about 50% of the total (Fig. 2a, 2b, 2c).
The restoration of the pot required that the incomplete profile of the vessel be
made based on analogies presented by specialists. The next stage of the restoration
resided in reconstituting the pot with the help of a negative model, namely a clay mould
of the missing parts, secured by light pressure inside the vessel, over which a mass of
coloured plaster was poured from the outside to remake the pot. After the plaster set, the
clay mould was easily removed thanks to the application, prior to the casting, of silicone
1 Museographer, PhD, National Museum of Transylvanian History, Cluj-Napoca, bonta.claudia@mnit.ro.
2 Restorer, National Museum of Transylvanian History, Cluj-Napoca, tomescu.tudor@mnit.ro.
294
Claudia Bonța, Tudor Tomescu
oil, with soft brush movements on the stamped ceramic areas. The finishing of the pot
occurred in several stages: the removal of excess casting with the help of a surgical
scalpel, modelling the plaster with an “S”-type scraper, sanding the pot with sandpaper
of different grits and with fine-wire mesh. The rhythmic nature of the decoration
enabled its easy reproduction by simple chisel incisions. The colour palette was
carefully reproduced by using water-based acrylics, combined to achieve the desired
shade and applied to the surface of the pot with fine brush movements. For the final
conservation, the pot was impregnated with a 1/5 diluted nitro-lacquer solution.
The result of the restoration work is a globular ceramic pot, slightly bulging in
the area of maximum diameter, a cup/bowl with a low, flat base and two side handles
made on a wide circular band, attached to the rim and the body; the barely flaring lip
rises above the narrow edge, slightly pulled inward. The junction area between the rim
and the body of the pot is marked by a groove flanked by two incised borders. The
restored pot has entered the patrimony of the museum in Cluj; the dimensions of the pot
after restoration are: rim D = 12.2 cm, H = 9.8 cm (Fig. 3).
Fig.1
Between Historiography and Politics.
295
Fig.2.a
Fig.2.b
296
Claudia Bonța, Tudor Tomescu
Fig.2.c
Fig.3
ADRIANA BULBUC1
THE RESTORATION OF A TWENTIETH-CENTURY
BOOK OF PRAYERS
Abstract: The object of this paper (Fig. 1a,b) is a book printed in the twentieth century, entitled Book of
Prayers. The book, authored by Kaw Hajaszer, was printed in 1925, in the N. Herszenhorn print shop from
Lublin. The text is printed in Hebrew characters, in black print ink. The textblock consists of 159 pages.
The text mirror is 18 x 11.5 cm. The text appears in one column, the number of rows varying between 45
and 47. When the book was brought into the lab for restoration, it was established that climatic factors
(those that trigger biological and chemical attacks) had been the main cause of the damage the book had
suffered. On examination, the binding elements were found to be in a relatively good state of preservation,
except for the sewing thread in the textblock. Based on the analysis of all these elements, the diagnosis was
as follows: the volume had been damaged under the impact of physical-mechanical, physical-chemical and
biological agents, and we therefore proposed its restoration without taking the book apart.
Keywords: book, restoration, consolidation, book disbinding, remedial book repair.
A book represents a testimony of the history of mankind; it is a complex document of
human creative genius, which puts us in contact with our fellow human beings across
time and space. It plays an important role, providing contemporary and future
generations with access to our cultural, natural, artistic and scientific heritage, helping
them to know better and to appreciate its richness.
Made of paper or parchment, organic materials that age with time, books and old
documents are affected both by the vicissitudes of their own tumultuous history and by
poor storage conditions, as well as, sometimes, by inadequate research. The constant
concern of those working with books is for the scientific valorisation of information
contained therein and for ensuring their preservation and permanence.
The conservation and the restoration of heritage objects are closely related
activities. Conservation is aimed at maintaining an object in a state that is as close as
possible to its original condition or the one created through restoration, while restoration
aims to return the object to a state that is as close as possible to the original one, by
repairing any possible damage.
The restoration of old books and manuscripts means not only an opportunity for
specialists to restore an object to its original state of health, but also their ability to
ascertain, from among the various work methods, the one that would best restore that
item’s significance of yesteryear. This should happen without affecting the integrity of
the piece, so as to keep unadulterated the message of its passage through time and
history. This restoration principle is known as Primum non nocere.
Although conservationists must start from a predetermined diagnosis, knowing
the causes, the effects and the specific book degrading agents, they should not assume
that the final goal of their activity is the removal of damages that have become
1 Book conservator at the National Museum of Transylvanian History, Cluj-Napoca, adriana bulbuc
@yahoo.com, bulbuc.adriana@mnit.ro.
298
Adriana Bulbuc
perceptible, but the preventive recognition of latent damage, which calls for eliminating
the causes and agents of damage that can be activated by a particular circumstance or
another.2 Thus, therapeutic care interacts with preventive care. Hence, the implicit
principle of minimum intervention, which is, in fact, the essence of modern restoration.
The vast majority of old books are in an advanced state of decay. This is caused by
improper storage conditions, handling procedures and microclimatic factors which, in
3
turn, favour the onset of biological and chemical attacks.
The object of this paper (Fig. 1a,b) is a printed text from the twentieth century,
entitled Book of Prayers. The book, authored by Kaw Hajaszer, was printed in 1925, in
the N. Herszenhorn print shop from Lublin. The text is printed in Hebrew characters, in
black print ink. The textblock consists of 159 pages. The text mirror is 18 x 11.5 cm. The
text appears in one column, the number of rows varying between 45 and 47. When the
book was brought into the lab for being restored, it was established that climatic factors
(those that trigger biological and chemical attacks) had been the main cause of the damage
the book had suffered. On examination, the binding elements were found to be in a
relatively good state of preservation, except for the sewing thread from the textblock.
Based on the analysis of all these elements, the diagnosis was as follows: the volume had
been damaged under the impact of physical-mechanical, physical-chemical and biological
agents, and we therefore proposed its restoration without taking the book apart.
When the book was brought into the lab for being restored, it was found that
climatic factors (those that trigger biological and chemical attacks) had been the main
cause of the degradation the book had suffered. On examination, the binding elements
were found to be in a relatively good state of preservation, except for the sewing thread
in the textblock.
Morphological description of the textblock:
The textblock paper is mechanically made.
The surface layers consist of black printing ink. Ink solubility at dripping,
dabbing and friction is negative.
Textblock size: 21.8 cm long and 14.4 cm wide.
The spine is straight; there is no head band; there are no single or double
flyleaves.
DAMAGES: Due to the impact of physical-mechanical, physical-chemical and
biological agents, the book has suffered the following damages:
Physical-mechanical damages: the loss of the single and double flyleaves; the
complete loss of the covers; folded, twisted or torn pages due to improper handling; the
loss of support material for printed information from the title page and the last two
pages; soiling to textblock as a result of improper handling; the damaged sewing thread.
Physical-chemical degradation: dampstains created by the migration of water
along with the impurities present in the space where the book was stored; stain patches
2 Regulations governing the conservation of goods that belong to the cultural patrimony, Government
Resolution 1546-18.12.2003, in Monitorul official [Official Gazette] 58-23.01.2004.
3 Simonetta Villanti, “Factori microclimatici și conservarea fondurilor de bibliotecă, ” in Probleme de
patologie a cărții. Culegere de material documentar, vol. 31, Bucharest, 1995, pp. 5-8.
The Restoration of a Twentieth-Century Book of Prayers.
299
present in various parts of the textblock, especially on the fore-edge; wax deposits and
stains; paper-aging in some areas and its weakened resistance due to the impact of light
and acidity; a slightly higher acidity of the textblock paper in areas of microbiological
attack.
Biodegradation: stains caused by xylophagous insects (Anobidae), circular and
elongated holes produced in the area of the covers; stains caused by fungi, spore and dirt
deposits.
Given the impossibility of conducting specific laboratory analyses and
collecting samples for isolating pure cultures, so as to determine a possible active
biological attack, we opted to preventively disinfect the book.
The treatments performed in view of preparing the book for restoration
The preventive disinfection of the book was carried out with thymol 4%
dissolved in absolute ethanol in an oven, at a temperature of 40°C, for 72 hours.
The analysis of all the elements led to the following diagnosis: the book has
been damaged under the impact of physical-mechanical, physical-chemical and
biological agents.
After establishing the final diagnosis,4 we proposed that the book should be
restored without taking it apart. The simplest procedures, known as rafistolage,5 refer to
book mending that consists of surface dirt and dust removal, page smoothing, repair of
the tear areas, and other remedial work.
Proposed treatment:
-	Cleaning the dust off the book with a soft hair brush, so as to remove the deposits of
spores, dust and dirt.
-	Unfolding the pages by mechanical means, using a soft brush and a bone folder;
-	Removing wax deposits with a scalpel by performing “X”-shaped incisions;
-	Solubilising wax stains with xylene;
-	Dry mechanical cleaning, using Arabic gum powder and an eraser;
-	Mending tears and cracks with Japanese tissue.
I will present some disadvantages of the classical treatment and the considerations
that led me to opt for a treatment that does not involve the disbinding of the book. The
moment a conservator is preparing a book for a restoration intervention by removing the
old binding is unique.
A re-sewing of the book will entail resizing the spine, hence changing the size of the
entire book; it will also mean piercing the signatures with sewing thread again in the
notch area. It is assumed that throughout the entire future life of the book this moment
should not be repeated if the conservation of and future research on this book are to be
complied with. The treatment we applied was the same as that proposed in the
restoration of this book, it was more economical and required less time, but what is
more important is that we kept all the original elements of the binding, respecting the
fundamental ethical principle of restoration.
4 Alexandru Știrban, “Restaurarea pe volum nedesfăcut a unei Evanghelii tipărită la Deal,” 1644 in Apulum
XXXV, Alba Iulia,1998, pp. 623-624.
5 Florea Oprea, Manual de restaurae a cărții vechi și a documentelor grafice, Bucharest, Ed. MNLR,
2009, pp. 308-321.
300
Adriana Bulbuc
As the book has been successfully restored (Figure 2a,b), in accordance with the
regulations governing restoration of goods that belong to the national cultural
patrimony, I will present several recommendations concerning its storage and
preservation conditions:6
-	the book should be placed in a stable and salubrious location in terms of the
microclimate (a temperature of T-1-18°C and a relative humidity between 50-65%,
without high or sudden variations)
-	the windows should be fitted with protective curtains ensuring protection not only
against dust particles but also against natural light. Complete darkness is also not
recommended because it favours the growth of paper fungi; therefore natural light
should be reduced as far as possible and replaced with 40- to 60-Watt light bulbs
-	the book should be placed in an enclosure (cabinet), and if open exposure is
chosen, it should be protected against deposits of impurities, dust, in particular
-	to avoid changes in humidity, the temperature needs to be maintained relatively
constant. If relative humidity increases, ventilation should be made during dry, sunny
weather. When the air in the rooms is drier, water evaporation trays should be used
-	the regular ventilation of the rooms and showcases
-	the horizontal placement of the book
-	its exhibition for a maximum of 3 months a year
-	checking it periodically (twice a year) for treatment follow-up in time.
Annexes:
Figure 1a,b before restoration
Figure 2a,b after restoration
6 Adriana Bulbuc, “Conservarea unor manuscrise armenești din secolele XVIII-XIX”, in Acta Musei
Napocensis, 41-44-II, Cluj-Napoca, 2004-2007, pp. 381-384.
The Restoration of a Twentieth-Century Book of Prayers.
301
302
Adriana Bulbuc
Fig.2.a
Fig.2.b
TUDOR TOMESCU1
THE RESTORATION OF AN URN FROM THE BRONZE AGE,
THE WIETENBERG CULTURE
Abstract: Following the archaeological excavation campaign undertaken at the archaeological complex
Polus - Florești, Cluj County, in the summer of 2007, there were exhumed funerary urns, tombs, ceramics
and objects made of metal and bone, commonly used in funeral/burial rituals. An urn from the Bronze
Age, the Wietenberg Culture, was brought to the Zonal Restoration Laboratory of the National History
Museum of Transylvania in Cluj-Napoca, in the shape of a clod of earth protected by a plastic sheet to
preserve its microclimate and slow down the degradation of the ceramic material. The operation of
restoring an archaeological object involves a sequence of steps that must be followed chronologically, in
the order of their importance and in keeping with the phases of the conservation-restoration process to
which the objects in the patrimony are subjected. The urn with a height of 34 cm and a width of 42 cm has
been restored and consolidated by the implantation of copper wedges in the side walls of the potsherd,
reinforcing thus and supporting the object. Without this method of implementing the wedges, it would not
have been possible to restore the object under optimum conditions.
Keywords: restoration, conservation, consolidation, ceramics
The archaeological excavation campaign carried out, in the summer of 2007, at the
archaeological complex Polus - Florești, Cluj County, led to the unearthing of items
made of metal, bone and ceramics - objects that were integral to funeral rites.
An urn from the Bronze Age, the Wietenberg Culture, was brought to the Zonal
Restoration Laboratory of the National History Museum of Transylvania in Cluj-
Napoca, in the shape of a clod of earth (Fig. 1), in which ceramic shards were
embedded. In order not to change the microclimate parameters suddenly and drastically,
the object was protected with a polyethylene film.
The friability of the fragments did not allow for cleaning or immersing them in a
distilled-water bath.
After removing the coarse soil layer with a scalpel and a brush with soft bristles,
the visual analysis found that the item suffered from multiple mechanical degradations
(cracks, flaking), so the first stage was, by necessity, that of drying it under controlled
conditions, accomplished by placing the ceramic fragments on paper filter, protected by
a sheet of polyethylene, to facilitate controlled drying and slow down the degradation
processes of the potsherds.
The final drying of the ceramic shards at room temperature was somewhat
slower and took longer, as the fragments could not be subjected to artificial drying.
The consolidation of the fragments was performed in two stages: first with a
solution of nitro-lacquer and acetone of a more fluid consistency so as to penetrate more
easily the pores of the material, and then with a more consistent solution of nitro-lacquer
and acetone so as to strengthen and confer mechanical resistance to the next stage in the
1 Ceramic restorer at the National Museum of Transylvanian History, tomescu_t@yahoo.com.
304
Adriana Bulbuc
assembly of each fragment, according to the original shape, by using the plasticizer-free
polyvinyl acetate adhesive, which, by drying, becomes transparent, thus helping
reconstruct the original shape of the vessel.
After completing the assembly of all the fragments, we realised that the
fragments necessary for reconstituting the upper part of the object, that is, the lip, were
missing; on account of this reason, and since there were no similitudes, it was decided
that the lip should not undergo reconstruction.
Due to vessel size: height 34 cm, middle width 42 cm, the base diameter of the
vessel 15 cm, the diameter of the upper part 36 cm and because of the precarious state of
preservation and the poor quality of the clay, it was necessary to implant copper wedges
(Fig. 2) in the side walls of the potsherd, which made it possible to reinforce and support
the object.
Without this method of implementing the wedges, it would not have been
possible to restore the object under optimum conditions.
We also used this method in order to extend the life of the object, by conferring
it physical and mechanical resistance and returning thus the object (Fig. 3) to the
patrimony of the museum, where it will survive for a long period of time.
List of illustrations:
Fig. 1	Before the restoration
Fig. 2	During the restoration
Fig. 3	After the restoration
The Restoration of an Urn from the Bronze Age
305
Fig.1
Fig.2
306
Adriana Bulbuc
Fig.3
REVIEWS

Book Reviews
309
Book Reviews
MIODRAG MILIN (EDITOR), SÂRBII DIN ROMÂNIA ÎN SECOLUL XX [THE
SERBS FROM ROMANIA IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY], CLUJ-NAPOCA,
ARGONAUT, 2012, ISBN 978-973-109-337-6, 328 p.
The volume edited by Miodrag Milin1 represents a collection of studies based on a series of
unpublished archival documents, which capture a series of lesser known aspects from the recent
past of the Serbian minority in Romania. The minority issue is addressed from the vantage point
of the consequences of three “watershed moments” for the destiny of the Serbs on the present-
day territory of Romania: the first was coeval with the reconfigurations entailed by World War I,
the second marked the installation of communism, while the third is related to post-communism
and, specifically, the beginning of the transition and the path to democracy in Romania. In light
of this fragmentation, first is analysed the disruption of the traditional, multi-ethnic and multi-
confessional Banatian behavioural model in the interwar period and, respectively, during
communism. As both “moments” brought about significant changes onto the community, the
authors of the articles have attempted, based on the archival evidence gathered, on social history
(“School and Society among the Banatian Serbs”) and individual memory (“A Bleak Romanian-
Serbian War Story”), to identify the main causes of this regression, namely the national and
nationalist state (inter-war) policies and, respectively, the characteristics of the (post-war)
communisation process. It is to this latter phenomenon and its implications for the community
under study that most of the pages of this volume are dedicated, the research starting from the
problem of the reactivation of the unionist aspirations amongst the Serbs in Romania. Post-war
uncertainty, augmented by the presence of the Red Army, is considered by the authors as one of
the main reasons why after the liberation of Belgrade, the Serbs’ previous disappointments
turned into a collective hope, a possible solution they saw being the annexation of the Banat to
Tito’s Yugoslavia. However, as shown by archival documents, carefully selected from the
Yugoslav and Romanian funds, the international situation (the USSR/Tito, Romania/USSR
political compromise) and the relatively rapid formation of a pro-communist Romanian
government (the Groza Cabinet), led to this illusion, sometimes fuelled by the Soviets, quickly
turning against the local community: the most visible expression of (Romanian) “retaliations”
included deportations to the Bărăgan Plain (“The Serbs’ Bărăgan”). Encouraged (also) by the
Tito-Stalin conflict, the Stalinist repression conducted against the Serbs in Romania was
therefore caused by a twofold set of factors: domestic, Romanian and international, “anti-
Titoist.” This is evidenced in the volume by seven conclusive case studies, which capture the
individual destinies of several political prisoners: “Laza Adamov,” “Bojidar Stanoievici,”
“Stevan Leopojev,” “Miladin Silin,” “Zoraida Draghinov,” “Ljubinka Nețin Ifrim.”
Presentations are given of three activists from the “opposite camp” (p. 181), consisting of those
involved in the implementation of the minority policies adopted by the Romanian Communist
Party. Their activity is also outlined by reference to documents and interviews (in Serbian): 1)
Mirco Jivcovici, “The Activist Intellectual, between Illusions and Disillusionments; 2)
1 Miodrag Milin is a member of the Serbian Academy of Education, Belgrade (2007) and has a PhD in
Historical Sciences from Babeș-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca; he is a researcher with the Romanian
Academy and also a Professor at Aurel Vlaicu University in Arad. Besides Milin, the following
researchers have contributed to the present volume: Alexandra Bogdanovici (Bucharest), Vladimir
Cvetkovici (Belgrade), Cvetko Mihajlov (Romania), Andrei Milin (Timișoara), Coran Mrakic (Timișoara),
Simona Neuman (Timișoara).
310
Book Reviews
Alexandru Curici, “The ‘Party Soldier’: Obtuse and Then a Little Decrepit”; and 3) Milan
Petrovici, “The Yugoslav Emigrant in Romania (by Chance).”
Obviously, in the case of the Serbs, too, the societal transformations initiated by the
communist regime did not have an exclusively repressive political character. One of the predilect
ways of transforming the community and, implicitly, the individual, regardless of nationality,
was through culture, more specifically, through a compromise called proletarian culture, which
concealed, in fact, the ideological agenda and aggressive propaganda of the party. Its
manifestation in the Serbian community in Romania is exemplified by a case study of the
newspaper Îndrumătorul cultural: this proved to be a means of repression, articulated in the
national language, which was particularly aggressive against the Serbian identity. This state-
sanctioned approach was seconded by the attack against the Serbian Orthodox Church: the
collection of studies describes at large the manner in which the Security exercised control and
supervision over this institution (“The Church under a Magnifying Glass”). The stage following
the last “watershed moment,” the period of post-communism, concludes the volume,
enumerating, by way of chronological sequences, the main institutions, personalities and events
related to the Serbian community in Romania, starting from 20 December 1989 (“Velijko
Unipan and the Romanian Democratic Front in Timișoara”) and ending on 28 April 2009 (“The
1990 Leader Confesses: ‘A Little Ceaușescu Lies Hidden in Everyone”).
This historiographical undertaking, with an obvious restitutive character, as duly noted
in the introduction, is part of a larger and, as yet, unfinished project carried out by the main
contributors to the volume, which investigates the problem of the Serbian political prisoners in
Romania. What deserves mention is that in this intermediate phase of the project, the collection
of studies presented here makes known to the general public, through a series of tables and lists
(pp. 221-258), the fact that there were nearly 1,000 Serb prisoners from an ethnic minority that
barely exceeded 30,000. This and other aspects highlighted by the authors indicate an undeniable
reality and a premise that still needs to be explored: according to this, the Serbs were among the
groups that were most affected by the repressive side of Romanian communism and the
twentieth century, except for the last decade, represented a “time of great trials and tribulations”
for this community.
GRIGORE MOLDOVAN
GUZUN VADIM (EDITOR), RUSIA ÎNFOMETATĂ. ACȚIUNEA UMANITARĂ
EUROPEANĂ ÎN DOCUMENTELE DIN ARHIVELE ROMÂNEȘTI 1919-1923
[STARVING RUSSIA. EUROPEAN HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN THE
ROMANIAN ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS 1919-1923], TÂRGU-LĂPUȘ,
GALAXIA GUTENBERG, 2012, ISBN 978-973-141-450-8, 663 p.
The twentieth century “cultivated” the largest number of “killing fields.” This highly
controversial and often disputed term for a century of extremes (Eric Hobsbawm), popularised
by Sydney Schanberg’s documentary book2 describing Cambodia’s tragic experience under the
Khmer Rouge regime, also captures the theme of the volume of documents edited by Vadim
Guzun and his collaborators. Thus, in Starving Russia, the coordinator of the “Oriental Affairs”
2 Sydney Schanberg, Beyond the Killing Fields, War Writings, Washington, Potomac books, 2010.
Book Reviews
311
series is no longer interested in the “great Soviet famine”3 or in the “piatiletka and collective
farms,”4 focusing, this time, on the humanitarian drama that occurred at the turn of the century,
(also) known in historiography as the Povolzhye/Povoljie. This tragic moment that took the lives
of about five million people, as part of the successive crises that afflicted Russian society
beginning with the World War, the (Bolshevik) Revolution, and continuing with the civil and the
Russo-Polish wars, was a time that was successfully yet cynically exploited, from a political,
economic and social perspective, by the Bolshevik minority, in the context of its interest in
consolidating the revolution. To capture this characteristic of the period coeval with the “matrix
of Sovietism,” Martin Malia, one of the most competent analysts of this phenomenon, resorted to
an older concept in Russia’s own history, namely “smuta”: specific to the end of the Kievan
period in the Muscovite Tsarate, prior to the establishment of the Romanov dynasty, this concept
described a “spell of adversity.” At that time, Russia experienced a period of famine that killed
one-third of its population; the monarchy (the Rurik dynasty) collapsed and the country’s
traditional social structure (consisting of boyars, the gentry and the peasantry) was replaced by
an anarchic and allogeneic population. A similar political and social implosion but with different
results occurred in the case of the “smuta” from 1918-1921, which was no longer followed by a
restoration of the pre-existing order, but by the triumph of an entirely new type of order, namely
an ideocratic partocracy.5 The conditions under which this regime was “born” and the
Bolsheviks’ role in this process represent the main subject of the collection edited by Vadim
Guzun, the thematic approach resting on an impressive set of 284 documents (preceded by an
extensive introductory study), which have been selected by the editor and his collaborators from
the Archive of Romania’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Expressing primarily the local (Romanian) perspective on this period and the above-
mentioned tragedy, this undertaking represents - as stated in the introductory study - the first
attempt to introduce important sources into the scientific circuit, without which the picture of the
Bolshevik regime and its effects in the Romanian space would be deprived of essential elements
(p. 61). Having an implicitly “recuperating character” (p. 61) and being published for “practical
reasons” (p. 1), Starving Russia intends to outline, based on the subjective selection of archival
data, an overview of previously unknown aspects of this phenomenon, by highlighting the
circumstances surrounding the famine and simultaneously foregrounding the efforts made by the
European states (and the relevant humanitarian organisations) to help the suffering population.
All these are pursued in tandem with attention to the socio-economic crisis of the new Soviet
state and to related topics, such as the Ukrainian and the Romanian matters, or the Romanian-
Soviet relations.
Given their interest, the documents facilitate an understanding of this theme on at least
three levels. The first is the internal, Soviet level, pertaining to the causes of the famine, more
specifically, the subjective and objective factors triggering the first Russian famine of the
twentieth century; another is the external level, encompassing the attitudes adopted by the
international (European) community and entailing the publication of the diplomatic discussions
and correspondences on record; and, last but not least, the documents provide a regional
perspective on the situation, seen through the lenses of the Romanian state’s immediate interest.
All these have the concern for this humanitarian drama as a focal point, in the background.
Ultimately, we can say that together with the other documents published in the first two volumes
3 Vadim Guzun, Marea foamete sovietică, 1926-1936, Baia Mare, Editura Universității de Nord, 2011.
4 Vadim Guzun, Foametea, piatiletka și ferma colectivă. Documente diplomatice românești, 1926-1936,
Baia Mare, Editura Universității de Nord, 2011.
5 See Martin Malia, “A Regime is Born,” in Sheila Fitzpatrick, (ed.), Stalinism, New Directions, London
and New York, Routledge, 2000.
312
Book Reviews
of the series, this undertaking represents an indispensable instrument for all those interested in
arriving at a deeper level of understanding what Sovietisation, as a whole, meant. Regarding this
concept as a process or a project, applied and tested for the first time in Russia, by a radical and
revolutionary elite on its own population, and then extended to the Russian hinterland and,
eventually, in the post-war period, to the Soviet Bloc countries, the documents published here
capture the initial phase of the phenomenon, the experiments and the political opportunism of
the Bolsheviks. As suggested by these documents, the mutual assignation of blame and the
dichotomy between the victims, the population, on the one hand, and the executioners, the
Bolshevik leaders, on the other, reveals the political overcharge of this tragedy, while also
explaining the later characteristics of the regime. These are all arguments in favour of attentively
exploring the documents included in this useful and necessary instrument for understanding the
Soviet regime.
GRIGORE MOLDOVAN
SIGUNDUR. GYLFI MAGNUSSON, ISTVÂN M. SZIJARTO, WHAT IS
MICROHISTORY? THEORY AND PRACTICE. LONDON - NEW YORK,
ROUTLEDGE, 2013. ISBN 9 780415 692090. 181 P.
This volume provides the first systematic and accessible overview of the origins,
evolution and methodology of microhistory. The two sections of the book, which are, indeed,
situated between theory and practice, suggest a different, yet complementary perspective on the
subject under examination. The first section, which bears the signature of Istvân M. Szijârto
(Department of Social and Economic History, Eotvos Lorând University, Hungary), has a
pronounced historiographical character, while the second part, written by SigunSur Gylfi
Magnusson (Centre for Microhistorical Research, Reykjavik Academy) is a personalised
explorationof the actual practice of microhistory. Both authors have produced numerous studies,
articles and books devoted to this subject, so this book incorporates the experience they have
accumulated in the study and practice ofmicrohistory.
The first chapter begins by presenting probably the most famous works of microhistory
in Italy, written by Giovanni Levi and Carlo Ginzburg. Szijârto’s analysis suggests that Italian
microhistory has set out to provide an alternative to analyses based on quantitative methodology
(promoted by the AnnalesSchool and currently facing an impasse), by inserting, inhistorical
discourse, characters and experiences that are as real as possible (see the protagonists of the
narratives Inheriting Power and The Cheese and the Worms) in order to create a personalised
image of the past. Besides the aforementioned representatives, the chapter also outlines the
research directions of S. Cerutti, C. Klapisch-Zuber and M. Gribaudi, lesser known authors who
have extended microscopic analysis ontosocial groups, phenomena and situations. This chapter
reveals that the goal of Italian microhistory is toprovide answers to the great historical questions
by engaging in a detailed analysis of particular individuals,phenomena or communities. At the
same time, it brings to the fore the reluctance of the Italian School to embrace postmodernism
and other historiographical trends that are prone to exaggerate the relativist approach to the
historical past.
The second chapter acquaints us with the achievements of the French and the German
historiographies. The first step is to introduce us to the famous work entitled The
VanishingChildren of Paris by A. Farge and J. Revel; then,based on this presentation,the chapter
outlines the main features of French microhistory. The historiographical scope is broadened by
Book Reviews
313
references to the works of G. Duby (The Legend of Bouvines), A. Corbin (The Village of
Cannibals), and then by the detailed presentation of the two famous works written by E. Le Roy
Ladurie (Carnival and Montaillou). After a systematic enumeration of specialised literature,
information is provided about the various theoretical works (edited by Revel and B. Lepetit) that
address the impact of microhistory on French historiography. The chapter continues by
presenting the German trends that are related to microhistory, such as Alltagsgeschichte or
historical anthropology. The differences between the approaches of the three trends are revealed
by highlighting the ideas of A. Ludtke, B. Gregory, H. Medick and J. Schlumbohm. The actual
analysis of the German microhistorical works (A. Imhof, W. Behringer, W. Reinhard and O.
Ulbright) suggests that just like in the Italian case, the German School considers that
microhistory has a broad significance, insofar as the story of an individual is granted meaning
and significance in a wider context.
Chapter three examines a series of works situated on the margins of microhistory. The
critique formulated against M. Shahlins (Captain James Cook), Darnton (Great Cat Massacre)
and Geertz (Balinese Cockfight) by their Italian and French colleagues suggests the vast
discrepancy between the continental and the Anglo-Saxon perception of microhistory, as well as
the difference between anthropological and microhistorical approachesto the past. In this
context, the debate focuses on the incidental analysis practised by G. Stewart and Z. Davis, and
also by other authors whose works break through the mould of conventional microhistory,as are,
for instance, L. Ulrich, the Browns, A. Taylor, R. Kagan or J. Brown. According to Szijărto,the
microanalysis practised by the Anglo-Saxon historians differs from the more classical
approaches in that these authors are not interested in the questions of history. The situation is
further complicated in the case of American historiography, where, as a rule (see G. Bruckner, S.
Ozment or Hsia), narratives are devoid of a general perspective. This chapter does, however,
present a few works of social history based on microanalysis, such as A. Macfarlane’s famous
book on Ralf Josselin and D. Sabean’s monographs. Also in this context reference is made to P.
Boyer and S. Nissenbaum, J. Contrereas and J. Demos. The last subchapter lists several authors
whose works are reminiscent of the Italian definition given to the concept of microhistory (G.
Ruggiero, T. Astarita).
The last part edited by Szijărto focuses on methodological questions and enumerates the
decisive factors for achieving a successful work of microhistory, such as experience and the time
dedicated to the analysis of a particular phenomenon. In this context, mention is made of L. Fur,
the author of the most successful Hungarian experiment of this kind, and Gy. Benda. This is
where thegap between Szijărto’s and Magnusson’s conceptionsof microhistory emerges:while
the latter believes in the particularisation of history, placing microhistory on the side of social
history, the former advocates acquiring in-depth knowledge of the past, for only thus will
microanalysesbe able to answer the big historical questions. The last subchapters of the first part
discuss the relationship between grand history and the responsibility of historical actors in the
light of Russian microhistory (O. Koshelev, Y. Anisimov, O. Figes, A. Zamoyski), and then
through the lenses of the fictionalisation of history J.P. Demos, S. Schama, R. Bisha) and the
globalisation of microhistory.
The first four chapters of the book have, therefore, a historiographical character,charting
a geographical overview of the origin, evolution and perception of microhistory, as well as its
relation to historical anthropology, social history or even postmodernism. We would like to draw
attention to the controlled nature of the narrative, in the sense that Szijărto’s historiographical
investigation is not marked by preconceptions and prejudices (as we shall see in the second part,
signed by theIcelandic author), but it does leave room for a subjective interpretation, based on
the accurate analysis of an extremely varied bibliographical material. The originality of his part
314
Book Reviews
resides in the fact that it brings under debate sources that are independent from microhistory,
such as the works of the literary historian Auerbach, the Frankfurt Critical School or Kracauer’s
film theories. The first part of the volume actually reveals Szijărto’s optimism and enthusiasm as
regards the capacity of microhistory to rally the achievements of social and cultural history and
to give a complex and, perhaps, the most nuanced picture of the past. In his conception,
microhistory enables a direct experience of history, by bringing historical actors and personal
experiences closer to the present, with a view toaccomplishing a higher purpose, namely
accessing the structures of great social history by way of examining singular experiences.
And this is where the great rift between the two parts of the book lies. The part written by
Magnusson has an overwhelmingly personal character, as its author is a real player in the field of
universal microhistory and refuses to comply with the generalising trends of history. While for
Szijărto microhistory is, for now,solely the subject of historiographical analysis, for Magnusson
microhistory is reality itself, the only narrative/historiographical structure capable of rendering his
experiences concerning the past.
Part two launches the major theoretical questions in the first, introductory chapter,whose
main subject refers to attitudes towards life and death as they emerge from the numerous
personal narrative sources (compiled over a span of 22 years) by a peasant called Halldor
Jonsson. The notesfrom Halldor’s diaries and correspondence concerning these rites of passage
are placed in the sanitary context of modern Iceland (the end of the nineteenth century and the
beginning of the twentieth), suggesting that the high rate of mortality (caused by factors
pertaining to hygiene, geographical circumstances, attitudes towards breastfeeding, or
epidemics) resulted in the emergence, amongst the Icelanders, of an emotional defence
mechanism (for the modern reader, characterised by indifference rather). Apart from the
extremely compelling and evocative narrative, The Doctor’s Tale, however, does not place
enough emphasis on the gender gap between diaries and correspondence, which entails that
theprivate or public nature of the daily entries has also not been emphasised enough.
The second chapter focuses on perhaps the most publicised/fictionalised historical
narrative (in literature, film and music), namely that of Martin Guerre. Magnusson chose this
work precisely because the story of Arnaud, Bertrande and Martin has received a number of
interpretations over the years, both from artists and from historians. The chapter outlines the
characteristics of microhistory by presenting the dispute between R. Finlay and Davis.
Magnusson goes even further, bydiscussing the pitfalls of the grand narratives and the
relationship between microhistoryand postmodernism, based on the dialogue between Ginzburg
and Gundersen, concluding that microhistory accepts many postmodern ideas, but
cannotdisavow either the truth or the context. In this sense, Magnusson advocates the
singularisation of history (like B. Rosenwein has done insofar as the history of emotions is
concerned) and endorses the acceptance of the limits whichconstrain historians over the course
of their scientific investigations. Thus, for Magnusson the future of research in the areas of
cultural and social history and inmicrohistory resides in the particularisation of history.
The next chapter begins with the description of a personal scientific experiment. This is
where we may find one of the protagonists of the first chapter, namely Niels Jonsson, seen
through the lenses ofdiscoveries of the author’s independent, which nonetheless partially
refutedthe conclusions about Niels’ personal life he had formulated a few years before. This later
finding reinforced the Icelandic author’s belief that, contrary to the perception of the Italian and
French Schools of microhistory, which are still marked by an obsession with great history, the
only manner of acquiring insight into the subject under study is through singularisation. This
concept involves a detailed investigation of the studiedphenomenon and nothing but, bringing
intodiscourse only those sources that are directly related to it, the purpose being that ofshedding
Book Reviews
315
light on potential contradictions, tensions and uncertainties. Still, even so, the image obtained
can always be modified,nuanced or completely changed by unexpected sources.
The last chapter is undoubtedly the most challenging part of this volume. There is a
succinct presentation of the reasons why I-documents should prevalently be used in historical
research, and the relationship between biography and microhistory is emphasised. Despite the
fact that this part deals with the relationship between thebiographical self and personal
narratives, we find no reference to themethodology biographical source analysis (apart from a
brief mention of G. Genette). Magnusson’s text focuses on the biographical self by analysing his
own emotional experience. Theoutcome of this experiment is a research model that reveals the
main pitfalls of personal narratives, underscoring the importance of awareness as regards the
selection process to which individual memories are subjected. The Icelandic researcher draws
attention to the interpretability of historical/social/emotional eventsand to the gap between the
lived experience and the onewritten down on a page. Although we are reluctant to accept
without reservation the individuals’ ability to analyse their own I-documents, Magnusson’s
findings are of real interest to those involved in the analysis of personal sources.
Notwithstanding all this, it is unfortunate that mnemo-historical approachesare altogetherabsent
here, in the sense thatMagnusson’sundertaking is an ambitious, but isolatedproject, because it
neglects all the achievements and contributions of researchers in the field of biographical study.
The postscript of the book summarises the Magnussonian conception ofmicrohistory.
The chapter discusses methodological issues, such as the importance and significance of normal
exceptions, of narrativity, of sources, of the individual (where, at long last, we find a few
paragraphs from J. Kalela’sworks on the different forms of memory), as well as a possible
approach to microhistory in the pedagogical system. The chapter and, respectively, the book end
with a very interesting foray into the historical and biographical work of perhaps the most vocal
critic of microhistory, Hobsbawm, presenting, based on the latter’s works, thelimitations of his
scientific and biographical writing.
For researchers workingon personal narrative sources, Magnusson’s views on historical
writing and its singularisation or particularisation are rather easy to accept. In the world of I-
documents, generalisations are not possible. There are certainly similarities pertaining togenre,
construction and rhetoric, but personal experience is uniqueand, apparently, independent of
structures and great history. Those who have used personal narrative sources tend to relativise
and are reluctant to accept the grand historical truths, because their sources primarily reflect
personal attitudes (irrespective of whether they are actually the result of social or cultural
circumstances). Hence, we believe that the author’s vision of microhistory should be interpreted
and understood starting from the nature of his sources.
The book is therefore addressed to all those who do not know yet, or not enough, the
consecrated works in this field and who are keen to expand their knowledge. Szijârto and
Magnusson’s work is just a start, the authors do not provide definitive answers, and sometimes
their conclusions are notthe oneswe might expect, but this volume certainly offers a wide range
of interpretations, rendering it as an intellectually challenging undertaking.
ANDREA FEHER
316
Contributors
Contributors
Nicolae Bocșan, Ph. D.
Professor at the Faculty of History and Philosophy, Babeș - Bolyai University,
1 Mihail Kogălniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, România
Livia Călian, Ph. D.
Museum curator at National Museum of Transylvanian History,
2 Constantin Daicoviciu St., Cluj-Napoca 400020, România
e-mail: cabinetnum@yahoo.com
Răzvan Mihai Neagu, Ph. D.
Turda Technical College,
48 Basarabiei St., Turda 401122, România
e-mail: neagurazvan10@yahoo.com
Mihai Florin Hasan, Ph. D.
Orthodox Theological Seminary,
18 Avram Iancu Square, Cluj-Napoca 400117, România,
e-mail: hasanmihai@gmail.com
Dragoș Lucian Țigău
Superior Commercial School “Nicolae Kretzulescu”,
17 Hristo Botev St. Bucharest 030233, România,
e-mail: dragoslucian68@yahoo.com
Corina Toma, Ph. D.
Crișurilor County’s Museum,
1-3 Dacia St., Oradea 410464, România,
e-mail: corinatoma00@yahoo.com
Horațiu Groza
Museum curator at History Museum in Turda,
2 B. P. Hașdeu St., Turda 401154, România,
e-mail: grozahoratiudorin@yahoo.com
Andrea Feher, Ph. D.
Researcher at the Transylvanian Museum Society,
2-4 Napoca St., Cluj-Napoca 400750, România,
e-mail: feher_andrea@yahoo.com
Paula Virag, Ph. D.
Museum curator at County Museum of Satu Mare,
21 Vasile Lucaciu St., Satu-Mare 440031, România,
e-mail: pcvirag@gmail.com
Contributors
317
Ovidiu Muntean, Ph. D.
Museum curator at National Museum of Transylvanian History,
2 Constantin Daicoviciu St., Cluj-Napoca 400020, România,
e-mail: ovidiu2505@yahoo.com
Cristina Adam Toma,
Museum curator at the National Art Museum of Romania,
49-53 Calea Victoriei St., Bucharest 70101, România,
e-mail: cristinel.adam@gmail.com
Aura Comănescu, Ph. D.
Inspector with the Maramureș County Directorate for Culture,
4 Pictorilor St., Baia Mare 430145, România,
e-mail: saphire_ro@yahoo.com
Claudiu Călin,
Archivist at the Diocesan Archives of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Timișoara,
4 Augustin Pacha St., Timișoara 300055, România,
e-mail: duratti2002@yahoo.de
Lucian lenășescu,
lvienasescu@yahoo.com
Iulia Dorina Stanciu,
Second-year MA student, Faculty of History and Philosophy, Babeș-Bolyai University,
1 Mihail Kogălniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, România,
e-mail: stanciu_iulia_dorina@yahoo.com
Marius Oanță,
The Ministry of Economy, the Directorate for SME Project Implementation,
152 Calea Victoriei St., Bucharest 010096, România,
e-mail: mariusu1981@yahoo.com
Alexandru Ioan Heltianu,
MA student, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University,
1	Em. de Martonne St., Cluj-Napoca 400090, România,
e-mail: alex.heltianu@gmail.com
Daniela Comșa,
Museum curator at National Museum of Transylvanian History,
2	Constantin Daicoviciu St., Cluj-Napoca 400020, România,
e-mail: dana_comsa2003@yahoo.com
Ion Cârja, Ph. D.
Associate professor at the Faculty of History and Philosophy, Babeș-Bolyai University,
1	Mihail Kogălniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, România,
e-mail: ioncarja@yahoo.it
318
Contributors
Claudia M. Bonța, Ph. D.
Museum curator at National Museum of Transylvanian History,
2	Constantin Daicoviciu St., Cluj-Napoca 400020, România,
e-mail: bonta.claudia@mnit.ro
Tudor Tomescu,
Restorer at National Museum of Transylvanian History,
2	Constantin Daicoviciu St., Cluj-Napoca 400020, România,
e-mail: tomescu.tudor@mnit.ro
Adriana Bulbuc,
Book conservator at the National Museum of Transylvanian History,
2 Constantin Daicoviciu St., Cluj-Napoca 400020, România,
e-mail: bulbuc.adriana@mnit.ro