ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS 52/I MINISTRY OF CULTURE NATIONAL HISTORY MUSEUM OF TRANSYLVANIA ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS 52/I PREHISTORY-ANCIENT HISTORY-ARCHAEOLOGY CLUJ-NAPOCA 2015 EDITORIAL BOARD Editorial Scientific Board: Ioan Piso, Eugenia Beu-Dachin, Irina Nemeti, Florian Matei-Popescu, Felix Marcu, Viorica Rusu-Bolindeț. Volume editors: Eugenia Beu-Dachin, Irina Nemeti. Image processing: Dana Gheorghe Șerban. Cover: Torok Kâroly. Technical editing and printing: MEGA Print SRL, Cluj-Napoca. HONORARY SCIENTIFIC BOARD: Alexandru Avram (Le Mans, France), Mircea Babeș (Bucharest, Romania), Mihai Bărbulescu (Rome, Italy), Sorin Cociș (Cluj-Napoca, Romania), Alexandru Diaconescu (Cluj-Napoca, Romania), Werner Eck (Koln, Germany), Nicolae Gudea (Cluj-Napoca, Romania), Rudolf Haensch (Munich, Germany), Manfred Hainzmann (Graz, Austria), William Hanson (Glasgow, United Kingdom), Ian Haynes (London, United Kingdom), Marietta Horster (Mainz, Germany), Kovâcs Peter (Budapest, Hungary), Fritz Mitthof (Vienna, Austria), Gyorgy Nemeth (Budapest, Hungary), Coriolan H. Opreanu (Cluj-Napoca, Romania), Constantin C. Petolescu (Bucharest, Romania), C. Sebastian Sommer (Munich, Germany), Tudor Soroceanu (Berlin, Germany), Rainer Wiegels (Osnabruck, Germany). This volume was printed with the financial support of the Ministry of Culture. Founder: Constantin Daicoviciu ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS Publicația Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei Orice corespondență se va adresa: Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei 400020 Cluj-Napoca Str. Constantin Daicoviciu nr. 2 Tel: 0040 264 595677 Fax: 0040 264 591718 email: secretariat@mnit.ro ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS Publication of the National History Museum of Transylvania All correspondence will be sent to the address: National History Museum of Transylvania 400020 Cluj-Napoca Constantin Daicoviciu St. no. 2 Tel: 0040 264 595677 Fax: 0040 264 591718 email: secretariat@mnit.ro Cover: Dedication to the Nymphs of Germisara (© Muzeul Civilizației Dacice și Romane, Deva). ISSN 1454-1513 Copyright: © Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei CONTENTS ARTICLES AND STUDIES Tibor-TamÂs Daroczi Anamorphosis in archaeology. Aspects of phenomenology and perception in cultural change and cultural transfer. A case study of the Late Copper Age and Early Bronze Age burial mound bearers of the Eastern Carpathian Basin.........................9 Diana Bindea Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin.......................31 Ioan Piso Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara................................47 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Fragment eines Militardiploms aus der Zeit Neros vielleicht aus dem Jahr 59 (?).69 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Neue Diplomata Militaria aus der Zeit von Hadrian und Antoninus Pius............73 Manfred Hainzmann (Dii) Maiores in Teurnia? Anmerkungen zu Lupa-8483..............................85 Dan Dana Relecture d’une inscription grecque cursive sur un vase trouve a Berzovia (SEG LVIII 736).................................................................93 Liviu Petculescu Clasp-buckle belts in Roman Dacia...............................................99 Ovidiu Țentea, Fiorian Matei-Popescu Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia..........................................................................109 Irina Nemeti Esercito e societa nella Dacia romana. Gli illiri in ambiente militare.........131 Eugenia Beu-Dachin About the Greeks and the Greek language in the written sources from Alburnus Maior..........................................................................143 Ennio Sanzi Ivppiter Optimvs Maximvs Dolichenvs e il suo culto. Riflessioni storico-religiose relative ai documenti epigrafici e iconografici rinvenuti in Dacia (con una divagatio in Moesia Inferior)........................................................157 Timea Varga Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality . ...183 REVIEWS Mihai Bărbulescu, Arta romană la Potaissa / Roman Art in Potaissa, Editura Academiei Române, Editura Mega, București - Cluj-Napoca 2015, 308 pages (Sorin Nemeti)....................................................................205 Ze’ev Safrai, The Economy of Roman Palestine, Routledge, London and New York 2014, 500 pages, 104 figures (Agnes Găzdac)................................208 Abbreviation s.............................................................215 ARTICLES AND STUDIES Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 9-30 ANAMORPHOSIS IN ARCHAEOLOGY. ASPECTS OF PHENOMENOLOGY AND PERCEPTION IN CULTURAL CHANGE AND CULTURAL TRANSFER. A CASE STUDY OF THE LATE COPPER AGE AND EARLY BRONZE AGE BURIAL MOUND BEARERS OF THE EASTERN CARPATHIAN BASIN TIBORTAMAS DAROCZI Abstract: It might be argued that the creation and manipulation of anthropogenic material culture start with an idea, therefore it would seem fitting to start the depiction of the mechanisms at this, phenomenological, level. The construct employs the concepts and relations of noema and noesis, from the individual cultural change, to the interactions of individuals within a group, but also between two or more groups. Through this analysis, aspects of cultural change and cultural transfer might be portrayed in a way these are linked to anthropogenic material culture. Two or more groups of human individuals create different goods, but interaction does not end at this stage. Through the transmission of ideas and objects and their implicit agency, they influence each other. This means that aspects of cultural change and transfer are reflected in the entanglement of goods of different origins. More importantly, this entanglement, if interpreted from the proposed view, might transcend the limits of the usual attributions of so-called archaeological cultures, enabling us to highlight past identities and their interactions. Entanglements of material culture and phe- nomenological perception (grave goods, burial habits, funerary architecture, and choice of sites) of Late Copper Age II and Early Bronze Age I burial mounds of the Eastern Carpathian Basin are analysed and compared. In the final step, identities based on the phenomenological interpretation of appropriation of foreign idioms are outlined and the contact zones discussed. Keywords: cultural change; phenomenology; Late Copper Age; Early Bronze Age; Eastern Carpathian Basin. Rezumat: Întrucât constituirea, precum și manipularea culturii materiale antropogene pornesc de la o idee, descrierea mecanismelor culturale ar trebui să aibă ca punct de plecare nivelul fenomenologic. Abordarea folosește conceptele de noema și noesis, dar și relațiile dintre acestea, pornind de la schimbarea culturală individuală, prin interacțiunile indivizilor din grup, până la reciprocitățile dintre două sau mai multe grupuri. Prin această analiză, aspecte ale schimbărilor culturale și ale transferurilor culturale ar putea fi interpretate într-o manieră din care să reiasă legătura lor cu cultura materială antropogenă. Două sau mai multe grupuri de indivizi creează bunuri diferite, dar interacțiunea lor nu se termină în acest stadiu. Prin trans- miterea ideilor și a obiectelor, aceste grupuri se influențează reciproc, iar efectele schimbărilor și transferurilor culturale sunt reflectate în interferarea bunurilor de origine diferită. Aceste interferări, interpretate din punctul de vedere propus, ar transcende constrângerile și parado- xurile culturilor arheologice, permițând evidențierea identităților din trecut și interacțiunile dintre ele. Sunt analizate și comparate interferările culturii materiale și a percepției fenomeno- logice (inventar funerar, comportament funerar, arhitectură funerară, și amplasarea siturilor) a tumulilor cunoscuți în estul Bazinului Carpatic datând din epoca Târzie a Cuprului II și epoca Timpurie a Bronzului I. În final, identitățile definite pe baza interpretării fenomenolo- gice a însușirilor de idiomuri străine sunt discutate, fiind schițate zonele de contact. Cuvinte cheie: schimbare culturală; fenomenologie; epoca Târzie a Cuprului; epoca Timpurie a Bronzului; estul Bazinului Carpatic. 10 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi Cultural change, phenomenological identities and the “contact zone” The present study1 is a test of theory against archaeological realities of what previously were termed “the X group identity” and the cultural change resulting from the individual noetic cultural change2. This particular case study was suggested by a positive review on this previously published cultural theory. The individual cultural change might be described from a phenomenologi- cal perspective as the dialectic of noetic perception and noetic embodiment. This involves the changing of our social environment through the alteration of the mate- rial or immaterial objects (Pl. II/1). The noetic perception is the input and analysis of information from the surrounding environment of individuals. One might view this as the act of perceiving the environment through the full spectrum of recep- tors specific to humans, e.g. hearing, seeing, smelling, balance, temperature. This sensory perception results in the creation of the noema, which in fact is the object of perception or thought. The “analysis” of the noema is the noesis, which is seen as a process or an act of perceiving or thinking3. The result of the noetic perception is the noetic embodiment, which creates the altered noema, that is the altered “idea” of the actual object. E.g. the idea or “picture” of an apple in the mind of a painter that she/he was looking at, just before brushing the first lines on a canvas. In a final stage the alteration of the surrounding environment or objects is referred to as the motory embodiment (Pl. II/1), i.e. the painting of the apple. A detailed account of the phenomenological approach and its theoretical background in archaeology is discussed in the literature4. Identities, especially in prehistoric archaeology, present the researchers of humanities with a paradox, which is the essential fallacy of most archaeological research methods. This paradox is that the rhetoric of archaeologists requires “iden- tities” to discuss the research results, but in the same time it is the very goal of the same research. Problems originating from an inadequate use of terms in regards of pottery or metal groups, i.e. “culture”, “group”, “aspect”, “complex”, were pointed out for the wider south eastern European Bronze Age5. The above described individual cultural change (Pl. II/1) alters the anthropogenic material culture, which in turn is used to interact with other individuals. This duality of perception and alteration of the material anthropogenic culture, in case of archaeology, results in the relation of individuals to each other. It can be stated that the sense of belonging to a group is con- dition by the noetic interaction, that is alteration of the surrounding anthropogenic material culture6. From a phenomenological perspective, being part of a group or an identity depends on whether the perception of the anthropogenic material culture is 1 I am grateful for the comments and suggestions received at the 12th International Conference of Thra- cology, Târgoviște, 10-14 September 2013, on a previous presentation of the present study. Furthermore, I would like to thank Lolita Nikolova and Jânos Dani for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts. 2 Daroczi 2011, 20-23, Fig. 2. 3 Husserl 1913, 193-197. 4 Moran 2000; Barrett, Ko 2009, 276-279; Daroczi 2015, 14-16. 5 Boroffka 1999, 124-125; Boroffka 2000; Maller 2000, 415-418; Smirnov 2003; Heyd 2011, 540. 6 Daroczi 2011, 22-23. Anamorphosis in archaeology 11 more than the alteration of this, or vice-versa in the case when not being part of this group (Pl. II/2). If similar “objects”, in the phenomenological sense of the target of perception, are used in similar manner by different individuals they can be described as belonging to a group or identity, which is directly proportional with the number of similarly used “objects”. “Objects” and individuals are manifold and this creates a complex and vast network of human interactions and relations. In turn, in case of alteration of a single ‘object’ the process of chipping of from the group of the indi- vidual starts (Pl. II/2). In the same time, from a phenomenological perspective, this is the very essence of ingenuity and invention. Phenomenological, territorial and temporal limits of any identity are never clearly and sharply delimited, but are rather entangled, broad and long. The recognition of such identities meeting in all of these dimensions, especially from an archaeological perspective, is very difficult. However, relying solely on material objects is not possi- ble, since identities only partially are negotiated through them. In this reasoning, an identity delimited only by group/s of material “objects” is an incomplete and very inac- curate approach. If the groups of the material “objects” are related to environmental variables and viewed from a phenomenological perspective they start to take shape. At their edges they entangle and interact giving birth to the “contact zone”. The “contact zone” has been defined as a “social space where cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power, such as colo- nialism, slavery”7. Two important characteristics of the contact zone might be singled out which can be related to archaeological features and finds. • Autoethnography is seen “as selective collaboration with and appropriation of idioms of the metropolis or the conqueror”8. • Transculturation, which involves a “process whereby members of subordinated or marginal groups select and invent from materials transmitted by a dominant or metropolitan culture”9. Starting at the noetic level, where the alteration of the anthropogenic material culture begins and by this the very birth of an identity as well, it is possible to elimi- nate the above indicated methodological fallacy of archaeology. This approach allows for the primary grouping of characteristics of material culture that takes into account environmental variables as well, in order to define identities, without the use of erro- neously coined pottery, metal or funerary architectural groups as identities, i.e. “cul- ture”, “group” etc. A good discussion, sustained by strong examples of this problem is presented by Volker Heyd10, where he rightfully questions the cultural attribution, i.e. identity of the buried individuals, of burial mounds of alleged north-pontic bear- ers containing ceramic funerary goods of LCA II and EBA I date of the Alfold and Apuseni mountains. 7 Pratt 1991, 33. 8 Pratt 1991, 34. 9 Ortiz 1987, 93, 96-97; Pratt 1991, 34. 10 Heyd 2011, 540. 12 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi Identities and “contact zones” during the LCA II - EBA I of the Eastern Carpathian Basin The Eastern Carpathian Basin (ECB) presents a geographic region that can be defined clearly, for the purpose of the present case study, as the space enclosed by the Carpathian arch and the Tisa/Tisza river. The analysed period is the LCA II and EBA I (Pl. I)11, which can be placed roughly in the last third of the 4th millennium and the first third of the 3rd millennium BCE12. Lastly, the analysed archaeological finds and materials are the funerary habits of these past identities. During the LCA II in the region two main types of grave construction are docu- mented: plane and tumular; this does not change during the EBA I either (Pl. III/1-2). Tumular burial sites are more common and they tend to be organised in groups of at least two burials, i.e. burial grounds, either in the same tumulus or in an adjacent one. Contrary to this, plane funerary sites have a balanced grouping between burial grounds and single burials during the LCA II, while the number of EBA I sites with just a single burial is double as much as those of the burial grounds (Pl. III/1-2). Single burials of the EBA I can be seen as the innovative and specific grouping type of graves for plane funerary sites, while tumular ones clearly prefer in both analysed periods burial grounds. It is interesting to note that the LCA II burial mounds are located mostly along the Tisa/Tisza, especially in the area north of the Criș/Kbrbs and Crișul Repede/Sebes Kbrbs and to some extent along the Someș/Szamos and Mureș/Maros rivers (Pl. V/1). Meanwhile plane funerary sites are in the more hilly and mountain- ous areas and along tributaries of the main rivers, especially of Transylvania (Pl. V/1). This pictures changes by the EBA I, burial grounds are located in Transylvania and Banat, and their built is different from the earlier ones (Pl. V/2). The EBA I tumuli are smaller with capes completely or just partially of stones and with no wood-lined grave-pit below the mound13. In an inversion of scenarios most of the plane funerary sites of this period are located on the course of the Barcău/Berettyo or just to the north and at the mouth of the Mureș/Maros rivers (Pl. V/2). Funerary sites during the LCA II show a clear differentiation in choices in micro- location of sites. Plane sites are mostly on first terraces, caves and in some isolated cases hill tops and knolls, while tumular ones are almost exclusively found on knolls and to a lesser extent on first terraces ridges and promontories (Pl. III/3). In a wider geographic region tumular sites are located in the area of lowlands, in regions with the main water-systems of the ECB and plane ones in the slightly more isolated and hilly areas of the wider region, in valleys of secondary tributaries (Pl. VI/1). By the EBA I plane funerary sites next to the previously documented micro-locations appear in large numbers on knolls and to some extent on hill tops, ridges and promontories, while tumular ones are almost exclusively found on high features, mostly ridges and hill tops (Pl. III/4). Mounds on high features during the earliest Bronze Age are almost in all instances located on the eastern, southeastern and northeastern slopes of the Apuseni mountains, along secondary river and stream valleys, while plane funerary 11 Parzinger 1993, 25-40, esp. 46, 269-270; Maran 1998. 12 Parzinger 1993, 290; Nikolova et alii 1999, 183-198, 212-215, 217-224. 13 Ciugudean 2011, 23. Anamorphosis in archaeology 13 sites are dominating the northern part of the Alfold and south-eastern Transylvania (Pl. VI/2). Caution must be exercised with these, last, pictures since this is only the present research stance, central Transylvania and Banat have very little systematic research that targets this specific period. In terms of body treatment encountered in burials, inhumation is the most com- mon in the LCA II, though isolated instances of incineration do occur both in plane and tumular funerary sites (Pl. III/5). Inhumation and incineration only appear in the same burial ground at the tumular, funerary site of [181] Debrecen - Szântay-halom14. Incineration is documented in a single plane burial ground at [387] Medieșul Aurit - Șuculeu-La Leșu15 and in the tumular sites of [211] Domnin - Dealul Barcului16 and [411] Moldova Veche - Kalinovăț17. It is interesting to note that incineration only occurs in the northeastern and southeastern parts of the study region, and regardless of the type of grave-construction, in areas of mid-level altitude (Pl. VII/1). Animal burials, two dogs, were documented at the tumular site of [174] Debrecen - Mâtai telekhalom18, which is quite relevant to advocate transhumance of at least some individuals buried in the LCA II tumuli of the Alfold19. Though it must be noted, that the estimated travelled distance during this seasonal mobility is severely restricted by a recent study, which draws upon modern ethnographic parallels20, a restriction that is elegantly questioned by more detailed observations of similar source21. Skull burials are found alongside com- plete inhumations at the plane funerary site of [647] Szentes - Nagyhegy-Kovâcshalom in graves 2 and 322. The number of incineration increases by the EBA I, they mostly occur as single plane burials and inhumations are encountered in almost all tumu- lar burial grounds (Pl. III/6). Incinerations in burial mounds are documented at the sites of [262] Gornea - Bulfecea23 and [409] Moldova Veche - Humca/Sotrov/Ostrovul Decebal/Ostrovul Mare24. Furthermore, two tumular burial sites of Transylvania con- tained disarticulated individuals at [495] Petreștii de Sus - Pă Grădini25 and [556] Săndulești - Dealul Suliheghi and Dealul Căcăniș26. Incinerations tend to be present in the Alfold and southeastern Transylvania during the EBA I, while tumular sites are very common in areas with hills, mostly of inner Transylvania (Pl. VII/2). Most of the burials of LCA II burial mounds are in contracted position (Pl. IV/1) though particularities do occur, as well. A single instance of pithos burial at [685] Tiszaeszlâr - Potyhalom27, a stretched burial at [180] Debrecen - Pipâsok28 and 14 Zoltai 1928, 48, 52; Kalicz 1968, 20-21, no. 18. 15 Dumitrașcu 1972. 16 Bejinariu 2005, 61, 63, no. 12. 17 Roman 1976, 32. 18 Zoltai 1926, 8; Kalicz 1968, 20, no. 17. 19 Gerling et alii 2012a, 1106-1109; Gerling et alii 2012b, 173-174; Dani 2014. 20 Horvâth 2014, 14-15, 19. 21 Dani 2014. 22 Banner 1956, 89-90. 23 Dragomir 1981, 463-464. 24 Roman 1976, 32, Pl. 8/19a-d. 25 Lazarovici, Kalmar-Maxim 1988, 998, no. 1. 26 Lazarovici, Meșter 1995, 87-89, Pl. 5. 27 Csallâny 1958, 89, no. 3; Ecsedy 1979, 15, no. 3. 28 Zoltai 1911, 36. 14 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi incinerations in pit at [181] Debrecen - Szântay-halom29 and in urn at [411] Moldova Veche - Kalinovăț30 are documented in burial mounds. A unique feature, to plane burial sites of the LCA II, are the stone cists (Pl. IV/1), which were documented at [424] Nandru - Peștera curată/Peștera de Jos/Peștera Mare31 and [564] Sânmartin - vatra satului32. In the latest Copper Age, areas with low features are dominated by burial mounds, while the slightly higher regions of inner Transylvania by other types of funerary constructions and more varied body treatment practices (Pl. VIII/1). During the EBA I contracted burials still remain the main type of body treatment in burial mounds (Pl. IV/2), though in one instance a stone cists is recorded at the site of [556] Săndulești - Dealul Suliheghi and Dealul Căcăniș33. Plane funerary sites dur- ing the mentioned period show a balanced variety in terms of body treatment both in burial grounds and single burials, though incinerations in urn are the most commonly encountered practices (Pl. IV/2), mostly in the regions of the Alfold and the western slopes of the Apuseni (Pl. VIII/2). Cist burials are rare in plane burial grounds, but nevertheless present at the sites of [155] Crizbav - Pe deal4 and [727] Turia - Județ/ Vârmegye35. A very important aspect is the placement in the environment of these funerary sites. The archeco-zones have been defined for the ECB and represent a combination of variations of geomorphology, hydrology, lithology, climate, flora and fauna36. The regional distribution of these sites takes shape if compared against these archeco- zones. LCA II tumuli are mostly located in the archeco-zones E1 and E2 and to some extent in the flood-plains of the Tisa/Tisza (Pl. IX/1). Both archeco-zones are slightly higher located than the neighbouring regions and are exposed less to risks of floods, have sandier soils and in this period have a vegetation that is specific to steppes or wooded steppes. Similar conclusions were reached by other studies, as well37. During the EBA I tumular burial grounds are mostly located in archeco-zones C1 and C2 (Pl. IX/2), which can be defined as a region with a subalpine climate, with a flora of dense woods, that offers a chance for mild winters. For each of the above described periods two main groups of burial habits and choices in funerary sites can be recognised. One is specific for the tumulus bearers regardless of periods and the other for groups with plane funerary sites, that in the EBA I are described as mostly with incinerations. The individuals buried in these graves tell a very interesting story. The macroscopic analysis of the buried human remains, based on the Penrose data, shows that the individuals of the LCA II were not “local” based on the traits of their preserved skeletons, but they also did not signifi- cantly influence or change the composition of the ECB populations38. This was not the 29 Zoltai 1928, 48, 52; Kalicz 1968, 20-21, no. 18. 30 Roman 1976, 32. 31 Roska 1942, 200, no. 97, Fig. 241. 32 Szekely 2002, 2006. 33 Lazarovici, Meșter 1995, 87-89, Pl. 5. 34 Vasiliev, Seres 1967, 425, 428. 35 Szekely 1983, 63. 36 Daroczi 2012b, 44-45; Daroczi 2012a, 41. 37 Gerling et alii 2012a, 1099. 38 Zoffman 2004, 131. Anamorphosis in archaeology 15 case for eastern Romania, where through the same method significant connections were shown to exist with the populations raising burial mounds to the north39. It was suggested that the decline in rainfall on the north Pontic steppes and transhumance could have been the motive for the immigration40. The phenomenon of the climate becoming slightly dryer was also seen in the Tisza lowland in the ear- lier part of the Subboreal and with ~ 3-5°C colder during the warmest month of the year41, though wetter than in southwestern Transylvania, and also becoming wetter all around from the begging of the 3rd millennium BCE42. This could have been the rea- son why the earliest mounds appeared in the northern part of the ECB, and only later during the EBA I in the southern, hilly parts of Transylvania. This suggests two main ‘waves’ of penetration of the Carpathian arch at slightly different periods, as opposed to the possibility that only one of these ways was used43: one through the passes of Slovakia and southeastern Ukraine, while the other slightly later on through the Iron Gates of the Danube. The results of a recently published research come to serve as evidence autoethnog- raphy, where in the LCA II burial mound of Sârretudvari - Orhalom two main stages of burials, both with several individuals, were recognised44. One might be dated to the LCA II and the other to the EBA I period45. The second wave of burials indicated isotopes of strontium and oxygen that are specific to an alpine environment, most likely the Apuseni mountains, that these individuals were exposed to, most likely in their childhood46. The different values of isotopes for the individuals from the Apuseni mountains are confirmed by a recent pilot study, which also suggests a reduced mobil- ity for them47. Opposed to these, the first wave of burials was characterised as “local”, based on the same type of isotope analysis48. Since individuals have spent their child- hoods in significantly different environments and were found buried later in mounds similar to their “childhood-environments”, albeit different in construction technique and burial practices, a strong case of selective “appropriation of idioms of a domi- nant culture” can be stated. The individuals of the second wave have adopted funerary site placements, slightly different body treatment practices of the “local” populations. Furthermore, the fact that they were buried in burial mounds that were built initially in the LCA II period suggests transculturation as these monuments were the domi- nant anthropogenic feature at the start of the EBA I of the Alfold49. Due to this newest research traits of a “contact zone” could be recognised in the ECB. These traits were not only specific to individual artefacts that are seldom in burial mounds of this period, but in choices of funerary site placements, appropria- tions of idioms and characteristics of other identities. Interactions between at least 39 Zoffman 2009, 495, Fig. 3. 40 Heyd 2011, 549; Gerling et alii 2012a, 1098-1099. 41 Daroczi 2012b, 38-39, 41, 43, Figs. 2, 6. 42 Daroczi 2015, Fig. 25. 43 Heyd 2011, 538-539. 44 Dani 2011, 29-33. 45 Szânto et alii 2006. 46 Gerling et alii 2012a, 1107-1108; Gerling et alii 2012b, 173. 47 Gerling, Ciugudean 2013, 191, 193, 195, Fig. 10. 48 Gerling et alii 2012a, 1105-1106; Gerling et alii 2012b, 172. 49 Heyd 2011, 546. 16 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi these two main groups of the Alfold mound-bearers and the eastern Apuseni mound- bearers, although diachronic, are nevertheless clear. At least further two such groups are recognisable. One is represented by the plane funerary sites of the LCA II, that are found mostly in regions with no tumular presence, and the other in the same category of sites mostly of the EBA I, characterised by incineration in the Alfold. Incineration might have developed locally in Transylvania as a separate body treatment practice, though in the region of the Alfold these practices might have also been representative of “non-locals” of the EBA I date. The final question that arises is that of the identities present in this period at this demographically and culturally very active social crucible. Judging from the funer- ary record “non-locals” appropriated “foreign” funerary habits without the significant alteration of these. By this standard, the individuals of the second wave of burials at Sârretudvari - Orhalom burial mound can be seen as taking up the identity, albeit somewhat altered, of the first wave of buried individuals. Further research that analy- ses origins of buried individuals based on their physical and genetic traits, but also over their diet in a dialectic with methods of landscape archaeology could help recog- nise and define phenomenological identities and “contact zones” of the ECB. List of LCA II and EBA I funerary sites of the Eastern Carpathian Basin50 [10] Almașu Mare - La Cruce, RO; [13] Ampoița - Dealul Dosciorului, RO; [29] Băcâia - Juca Manilie plot, RO; [35] Băile Herculane - Peștera Hoților, RO; [38] Balmazujvâros - Ârkusmajor-Kettoshalom, HU; [40] Balmazujvâros - Kărhozott-halom, HU; [41] Balșa - Dumbrăița, RO; [48] Bashalom - Nagyhalom, HU; [65] Berea/Foieni - Miriștea Csănyi-Pășunea Foienului/Fenyi legelo, RO; [83] Bodo - Movila lui Cardoș, RO; [86] Boghiș - Izvorul Porcului, Dealul Malu, Dealul Corhanului, RO; [88] Brad - Dealul Lia, RO; [97] Bucerdea, RO; [98] Budești - La stânci, RO; [99] Buj - Feketehalom, HU; [100] Călățea, RO; [103] Cămin - malul Crasnei, RO; [105] Câmpia Turzii - Gilmea pe Șes, RO; [123] Cetea - La Băi/La Pietn/Petriș/La Piciuata/ Ticuiata, RO; [125] Cetea - Prăgșorul Mic, RO; [126] Cetea - Vârf, RO; [128] Cib - Cheile Cibului-Picui, RO; [131] Cipău - zona gării, RO; [138] Cluj-Napoca - Făget-Valea Lingurarilor, RO; [140] Cluj- Napoca - Pădurea Tăuț-între Valea Sf. Ion și Valea Tăuț, Valea Racilor, RO; [148] Colțești, RO; [154] Craiva - Piatra Craivii, RO; [155] Crizbav - Pe deal, RO; [157] Csâszârszâllâs - Nevtelenhalom, HU; [159] Cucerdea - Podei/Dealul Podei-Via lui Turcu, RO; [165] Debrecen - Bajnokhalom, HU; [166] Debrecen - Basahalom, HU; [167] Debrecen - Dinnyeshalom, HU; [168] Debrecen - Dunahalom, HU; [169] Debrecen - Fenehalom, HU; [170] Debrecen - Halăszlaponyag, HU; [171] Debrecen - Heverolaponyag/Kephalom, HU; [172] Debrecen - Lăszlo-halom, HU; [173] Debrecen - Ludashalom, HU; [174] Debrecen - Mătai telekhalom, HU; [178] Debrecen - Ormoshalom, HU; [179] Debrecen - Papegyhăza, HU; [180] Debrecen 50 Catalogue numbers after Daroczi 2015. Anamorphosis in archaeology 17 - Pipăsok, HU; [181] Debrecen - Szăntay-halom, HU; [186] Derekegyhâz - Ibolyăs- domb, HU; [197] Devavânya - Barce-halom, HU; [199] Devavânya - Csordajărăs, HU; [203] Devavânya - Templomdomb, HU; [211] Domnin - Dealul Barcului, RO; [218] Egyek - Csipo-halom, HU; [223] Elep - Lelohely 25, HU; [231] Endrod - Szujokereszi/Lelohely 38, HU; [243] Gâborjân - Csapszekpart, HU; [245] Gălășeni - Peștera de la Gălășeni/Peșteroaia, RO; [246] Galații Bistriței - Hrube, RO; [249] Gâvavencsello - Katohalom, HU; [251] Geoagiu de Sus - Cuciu, RO; [252] Geomal - Măgura, RO; [262] Gornea - Bufecea, RO; [269] Hajdunânâs - Tedej- Lyukas-halom, HU; [274] Hăpria - Capul Dosului, RO; [287] Hodmezovâsârhely - Gorzsa-Cukor-major, HU; [289] Hodmezovâsârhely - Gorzsa-Kovăcstanya, HU; [304] Hortobâgy - Pipăshalom II, HU; [307] Huseni - Dealul Culmea, RO; [317] Izbucu Topliței, RO; [318] Izvoarele - Gruiul Roșu, RO; [319] Izvoarele - La Cruce, RO; [320] Izvoarele - La Furci, RO; [321] Jabuka - Tri humke, SB; [324] Karcag - Bugyogoi-halom, HU; [328] Ketegyhâza, HU; [340] Kunhegyes - Nagyăllăs-halom, HU; [354] Letavertes - Peremartoni Nagy Moric Kastely, HU; [357] Livezile - Baia, RO; [358] Livezile - Cărpiniș, RO; [359] Livezile - Dealul Sârbului, RO; [363] Lunca Ampoiței, RO; [364] Lunca Meteșeului, RO; [366] Magyarcsanâd - Bokeny, HU; [371] Mako - Voroskereszt, HU; [380] Masivul Pădurea Craiului - Peștera 3, RO; [387] Medieșul Aurit - Șuculeu-La Leșu, RO; [390] Merești - Almăser Hohle, RO; [394] Meteș - Dealul Toaca-La Meteșel, RO; [395] Meteș - Pleașa înaltă, RO; [402] Micești - Țiclă, Pe Costi, RO; [406] Mokrin - Aradjanska humka, SB; [409] Moldova Veche - Humca/Ostrov/Ostrovul Decebal/Ostorvul Mare, RO; [411] Moldova Veche - Kalinovăț, RO; [418] Nagyhegyes - Elep-Mikelapos, RO; [419] Nagykâllo - Nagykorhăny, HU; [424] Nandru - Peștera Curată/Peștera de Jos/ Peștera Mare, RO; [428] Novi Knezevac - Japina Koliba, SB; [432] Ny^rkârâsz - Garahalom, HU; [455] Oros - Belterulet, HU; [456] Oros - Nyujes-Nevtelen-halom, HU; [462] Otomani - Cetate, RO; [465] Padej - Barnahat humka, SB; [466] Pancevo - Vojlovica humka, SB; [485] Perlez - Batka C, SB; [486] Perlez - Vuna, SB; [494] Petreștii de Jos - La Moara Spartă, RO; [495] Petreștii de Sus - Pă Grădini, RO; [498] Pișcolt - Nisipărie/Homokosbănya, RO; [505] Poiana Aiudului - Cheile Aiudului-Bogza Poienarilor, RO; [507] Poiana Aiudului - Cheile Aiudului - Țâcul Mare, RO; [526] Puspokladâny - Kincsesdomb, HU; [532] Râmeț - Curmătura, RO; [533] Răscruci - Dealul Prunilor and Dealul Prodăi and Dealul Crișenilor, RO; [534] Răscruci - Gâlmee, RO; [538] Reci - Telek, RO; [539] Ribicioara - Peștera Cizmei, RO; [540] Rimetea, RO; [542] Roșia - Peștera Vacii - La Țarină, RO; [553] Sălciua de Jos - Crucea Sârbului, RO; [554] Sălciua de Jos - Vârtop, RO; [556] Săndulești - Dealul Suliheghi and Dealul Căcăniș, RO; [564] Sânmartin - vatra satului, RO; [581] Sârretudvari - Balăzshalom, HU; [582] Sârretudvari - Orhalom, HU; [588] Sfântu Gheorghe - vis-ă-vis the Veres Mill, RO; [594] Silvașu de Jos - Dealu Țapului, RO; [597] Șimleu Silvaniei - Brijigă, Coasta Vântului, Corlata, Cuzupei, Dealul Husasău, RO; [599] Șimleu Silvaniei - Observator, RO; [602] Șincai - Cetatea Păgânilor, RO; [605] Skorenovac, SB; [609] Srpski Krstur - Slatinska humka, SB; [617] Șuncuiuș - Peștera Izbândișului/Gyozelem Barlang, RO; [629] Szarvas - Bolza mansion, HU; [640] Szentes - Besenyohalom, HU; [647] Szentes - Nagyhegy-Kovăcshalom, HU; [650] Szepespuszta - Szabo Miklos halmai, 18 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi HU; [653] Tămășasa - La trei țâțe, RO; [665] Tășnad - Sere, RO; [671] Țelna - Dealul Chicerii, RO; [672] Țelna - Rupturi, RO; [673] Țelna - Sălășele, RO; [679] Tiszacsege - Homokbânya, HU; [685] Tiszaeszlar - Potyhalom, HU; [701] Tiszaroff - Nagyhalom, HU; [713] Tiszavasvari - Deâkhalmi dulo, HU; [715] Tiszavasvari - Gyepâros, HU; [722] Totești - Movile, RO; [723] Troaș, RO; [725] Tureni - La Furci/Acăstăi, RO; [727] Turia - Județ/Vârmegye, RO; [731] Uivar - Gomila, RO; [735] Uljma - Itebejac humka, SB; [740] Vadu Crișului - Peștera cu Apă/Vizes-barlang, RO; [744] Valea lui Mihai - zona gării C. 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Zoltai, Kutatomunkâk es kirândulâsok, Jelentes Debrecen Szabad Kirâlyi Vâros Muzeumânak es Kozmuvelodesi Konyvtârânak 1925. Evi Mukodeserol es Âllapotârol, 20, 1926, 6-12. Zoltai 1928 L. Zoltai, A tocovolgyi Lâszlo es Szântay halmok megâsâsa, Jelen- tes Debrecen Szabad Kirâlyi Vâros Muzeumânak es Kozmuvelodesi Konyvtârânak 1927. Evi Mukodeserol es Âllapotârol, 22, 1928, 47-53. Tibor-Tamas Daroczi csibike3@yahoo.com 22 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi H N v FI a 11 b T R I l ~ ' a Y ca b ii l as a a Ș td A £ O b I T 1 E U orthwest Southwest central southeast o . Bl Jigodin ^0^., . < Ap > | | m b Globular a Amphora Glii q I q 11 111 I i GLlllllVUUa IU: orthwest southwest central southeast Transylvania Gyula- ȘoimuȘ early Copăceni Roșia T . y Livezile i h c \ —i / 1 H o" U Transylvania sout west south n southeast north west east 1 vciiirtvvua ni rt? / । uoieiaz । vciiiflvvua southeast north west east Banat Tisza/Tisa Lowland central north Sânpetru German-Pancevo Mureș I a Nagyrev early Nynseg Somogyvâr- 1 _ * \ v 1 o 2 u > i / / / \ \ / u \ e>\ ra> o / 1 l iKostolac H \ . Pit-Grave Kurgan D C Coțofeni Baden ' 1 B TTT A O 1 1 sou iu west sou iu central north Banat Tisza/Tisa Lowland Pl. I. Chronological table of LCA I-II and EBA I-II periods of the Eastern Carpathian Basin. Anamorphosis in archaeology 23 Pl. II. 1. Individual cultural change (noetic perception and noetic embodiment); 2. Cultural change mechanism and phenomenological identities. 24 Tibor-Tamas Daroczi Pl. III. 1-6. Statistics of LCA II and EBA I burial sites of the Eastern Carpathian Basin. Anamorphosis in archaeology 25 Pl. IV. 1-3. Statistics of LCA II and EBA I burial sites of the Eastern Carpathian Basin. 26 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi 2 Pl. V. 1. Grouping and types of LCA II burials; 2. Grouping and types of EBA I burials. Anamorphosis in archaeology 27 4>n ridge lila ne buna! grbuni plane gingie burial le burial in cavel(2) le buriWon^hill t^p (1) prst tSrrace (i ive (4H 2 Pl. VI. 1. Grouping, types and micro-locations of LCA II burials; 2. Grouping, types and micro-locations of EBA I burials. 28 Tibor-Tamâs Daroczi 2 Pl. VII. 1. Grouping and types of LCA II burials with body treatment; 2. Grouping and types of EBA I burials with body treatment. Anamorphosis in archaeology 29 • plane burial ground unknown (2) ☆ ■ plane burial ground with contracted burial (5) △ △ plane burial ground with contraeted, stretched and skull burial (1) ® 0 plane burial ground with incineration in urn (1) O ■ plane single burial with contracted burial (4) 0 plane single burial with contracted burial in cist (2) △ tumular burial ground unknown (4) ■ tumular burial ground contracted burial (52) tumular burial ground with contracted & animal burial (1) tumular burial with contracted and incineration in pit (1) tumular burial ground with contracted & pithos burial (1) tumular burial ground with contracted & stretched burial (1) tumular burial ground with incineration in urn (1) tumular burial ground with stretched burial (1) tumular contracted single burial (3) 1 plane burial ground unknown (3) ■ plane contracted single burial (6) tumular burial ground with contracted burial (43) ■ plane burial ground with contracted burial (3) A plane contracted single burial in cist (1) △ plane burial with contracted in cist (1) ♦ plane single burial with incineration in pit (2) 0 plane burial ground with incineration in pit (1) + plane single burial with incineration in urn (11) ‘O plane burial ground with incineration in urn (3) tumular burial ground unknown (4) △ tumular burial ground with contracted burial in cist (1) Q tumular burial ground with incineration in pit (1) O tumular burial ground with incineration in urn (1) ■ tumular with contracted single burial (3) 2 Pl. VIII. 1. Grouping and types of LCA II burials with detailed body treatment; 2. Grouping and types of EBA I burials with detailed body treatment. 30 Tibor-Tamas Daroczi 2 Pl. IX. 1. LCA II burial types and their distribution in archeco-zones; 2. EBA I burial types and their distribution in archeco-zones. Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 31-46 FAUNAL DETERMINATIONS FROM THE DACIAN FORTRESS IN JIGODIN DIANA BINDEA Abstract: The archaeological excavations in Jigodin were performed on the spot called “Câmpul Morii” during 1980-1988 and 1998-2006. The analysed faunal material does not con- sist of numerous items. I have determined 254 bone remains belonging to species commonly encountered in Dacian settlements (Table 1). Several fragments were found in three complexes (Fig. 1). The blacksmith’s dwelling has revealed the most numerous fauna remains from cattle, caprovid and swine. The bone material from the other two dwellings is practically insignificant. Domestic species represent 99.56% of all remains considering the number of items and 97.29% considering the minimum number of individuals from the entire determined lot. Wild species only feature sporadically. A single fragment was attributed to a red deer. Similarly, domestic fowl are represented by a single hen tibia. Domestic cattle form the majority based on the num- ber of remains, with a frequency of 45.69%. Domestic swine came second, with a percentage of 28.44%. Caprovid, represented by both genera (sheep and goat) reach 15.95%. Horse remains represent 6.03% of the identified material and dog remains represent 3.01%. From the per- spective of the minimum number of individuals, swine were the most numerous, with 37.84%, followed by small horned animals, with 27.03% and very closely by large horned animals, with 24.32%. Keywords: archaeozoology; bones; La Tene; Dacian; Jigodin. Rezumat: Săpăturile arheologice de la Jigodin au fost efectute în punctul „Câmpul Morii” între anii 1980-1988 și 1998-2006. Materialul faunistic analizat este redus numeric. Au fost determinate 254 resturi osoase aparținând unor specii întâlnite în mod obișnuit în așezările dacice (Tabel 1). Câteva fragmente provin din trei complexe (Fig. 1). Locuința „fierarului” a furnizat cele mai multe resturi faunistice provenite de la bovine, ovicaprine și suine. Materialul osos din celelalte două locuințe este practic neglijabil. Speciile domestice reprezintă 99.56% după numărul de resturi și 97.29% după numărul minim de indivizi din totalitatea materialului determinat. Speciile sălbatice apar sporadic. Un singur fragment a fost atribuit cerbului. La fel și păsările domestice care sunt prezente printr-o tibie atribuită găinii. Bovinele domestice sunt majoritare sub raportul numărului de resturi, frecvența acestora fiind de 45.69%. Cu un pro- centaj de 28.44% suinele domestice ocupă locul secund. Ovicaprinele, reprezentate prin ambele genuri (oaie și capră), înregistrează 15.95%. Calului îi revine 6.03% din materialul identificat, iar câinelui 3.01%. Din punct de vedere al numărului minim de indivizi ponderea o dețin porci- nele, cu 37.84%, urmate de cornutele mici, 27.03% și foarte aproape de cornutele mari, 24.32%. Cuvinte cheie: arheozoologie; oase; La Tene; dacic; Jigodin. The Dacian settlement in Jigodin is located in Harghita County, on the right bank of River Olt, in the eastern part of that branch of Harghita Mountains that delimi- tates Ciucului Depression. Archaeological excavations were performed on the spot of “Câmpul Morii”1. The analysed faunal material was uncovered during archaeological 1 Crișan 2000, 45-48. 32 Diana Bindea excavations performed between 1980-19882 and 1998-20 063. The Dacian fortress “Jigodin I”, which provided the archaeozoological material analysed here, is dated to the 1st century BC - the 1st century AD4. The lot of bones is not very numerous. I have determined 254 bone remains from species commonly encountered in the Dacian settlements. Species Culture layer Blacksmiths’ dwelling trench 17-18 1984 Dwelling trench 12 1984 Dwell- ing trench 1 1998 Total NR NR NR NR NR % MNI % Bos taurus 102 3 1 106 45.69 9 24.32 Sus scrofa domesticus 59 6 1 66 28.44 14 37.84 Ovis aries / Capra hircus 31 5 1 37 15.95 10 27.03 Equus caballus 13 1 14 6.03 1 2.7 Canis. familiaris 7 7 3.01 1 2.7 Gallus gallus domestica 1 1 0.44 1 2.7 Domestic species 213 15 1 2 231 99.56 36 97.29 Cervus elaphus 1 1 0.44 1 2.7 Wild species 1 1 0.44 1 2.7 Total determined remains 214 15 1 2 232 100 37 100 Ribs of large-size animals 8 3 11 Ribs of small-aver- age-size animals 6 5 11 Total 228 23 1 2 254 37 Table 1. Material distribution according to species5. □ culture layer ■ blacksmith’s dwelling, trench 17-18, 1984 ■ dwelling, trench 12, 1984 □ dwelling, trench 1, 1998 Fig. 1. Distribution of the faunal material according to complexes / culture layer. 2 The team was coordinated by dr. Petre Roman. 3 The team was coordinated by dr. Viorica Crișan, whom I thank for the faunal material she has entrusted me for archaeozoological analysis. 4 Crișan, Gheorghiu, Popescu 2004, 117. 5 NR = number of faunal remains; MNI = minimum number of individuals. Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 33 The majority of bone remains were discovered inside the culture layer. Several fragments were found in three complexes (Tabel 1; Fig. 1). The “blacksmith’s” dwell- ing has revealed the most numerous faunal remains from cattle, caprovid and swine. The bone material from the other two dwellings is in fact insignificant. I. Presentation of the material from the culture layer 1. Bos taurus (cattle) In the culture layer 102 bone remains from domestic cattle have been identified. The distribution of these fragments according to anatomical elements is balanced. The large number of teeth and their strong chipping irrelevantly increase this ana- tomical category. The minimum number of estimated individuals is 6, one in each age group category6: under 1 year; 1-1% years; 1%-2 years; 3-3% years; 4-4% years; 4%-5 years. Such a distribution suggests the fact that the population exploited domestic cattle both for meat and secondary products, while some of the animals also ensured reproduction. On the basis of an entire metacarpus I was able to estimate the gender and size of an adult individual. The indicators calculated (cf. Matolcsi index, 1970)7 on the basis of the sampled metric data show a female individual measuring 113.6 cm in height at the shoulders. One proximal metapodium fragment was mostly burnt to black. 2. Sus scrofa domesticus (swine) Domestic swine, holding a significant proportion in the culture layer and consist- ing of 59 bone remains, are mostly represented by jaw fragments and isolated teeth. The jaw and maxilla with in situ dentition are the main indicators of the age when the animals had been sacrificed (through tooth eruption and wear) and have allowed for the estimation of a highest number of individuals as compared to cattle. The 10 esti- mated swine individuals were sacrificed under 1 year (3 individuals at 2-3 months, 7-8 months and 9-12 months, respectively), at 1%-2 years (3 individuals), at 2-2% years (2 individuals), at 2%-3 years (1 individual) and at 3%-4 years (1 individual, probably male). Also, on the basis of the morphology of the canine or isolated teeth I have noted a possible preponderance of male individuals. Swine metapodia have provided extra pieces of information. Thus, one entire metacarpus IV has indicated a height at the shoulders of 70.66 cm (cf. Teichert index, 1990)8. Another metacarpus III had been processed, through polishing, on the cra- nial facet, stronger towards the proximal extremity, where four transversal cuts have also been performed. Another metapodium, from an individual sacrificed at less than 2 years of age (nonepiphyseal distal) has been polished in the proximal half of the diaphysis. 6 Silver 1963, 252-253. 7 Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999, 79. 8 Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999, 86. 34 Diana Bindea 3. Ovis aries / Capra hircus (caprovid) The faunal material belonging to caprovid, though less numerous (31 fragments), is well represented from the perspective of the minimum number of individuals. The 6 individuals were sacrificed at the following ages: 6 months - 1 year (1 individual), 1-1% years (1 individual), 1%-2 years (1 individual), and over 3 years (3 individuals). The species could be identified in the case of bones pertaining to adult individuals. Thus two entire metacarpal bones belonged to sheep (2 individuals), and two welded bones, cubitus and radius, were attribute to a goat9. The two entire Ovis aries metacarpal bones have provided two values for the size of the sheep in Jigodin: 54.91 cm and 65.13 cm (cf. Teichert index, 1975)10. One distal radius fragment displayed traces of burning. 4. Equus caballus (horse) 13 faunal remains discovered in the culture layer have been attributed to this species and they apparently belonged to the same individual, dead older than 3% years. 5. Canis familiaris (dog) Remains from the skull and neck area of a dog (the first two atypical vertebrae - atlas and axis) were also found. The body of the axis is ossified and osteophytes, measuring ca. 5 mm, had developed on the inner side of the caudal articular surface (Pl. I/2). Such osteophytes feature preponderantly in senile individuals and indicate a sub-pathological state with possible symptoms that would have had a negative impact on the animal’s mobility. The skull is fragmentarily preserved, consisting of fragments from the parietal, temporal and occipital regions. The following measurements11 could be taken of the discovered item: Greatest breadth of the foramen magnum = 17.8 mm Greatest breadth of the occipital condyles = 35.5 mm Height of the foramen magnum = 17.4 mm Height of the occipital triangle = 42.5 mm Greatest neurocranium breadth (Greatest breadth of the braincase) = 61.1 mm Greatest mastoid breadth (Greatest breadth of the occipital triangle) = 66.2 mm Skull height = 50 mm I have also attributed to dogs three rib fragments that can be determined (with the proximal extremity present), with the costal tuberosity detached from the articu- lar head. 6. Gallus gallus domestica (domestic hen) Birds are represented in the faunal sample by an entire tibia attributed to a domestic hen. The item had the following metric values: maximal length 114.9 mm; proximal width 16.8 mm; diaphysis minimal width 8 mm and distal width 11.4 mm. 9 Boessneck, Muller, Teichert 1964. 10 Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999, 97. 11 Driesch 1976, 42-45. Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 35 7. Cervus elaphus (red deer) The only bone fragment from a wild animal identified in the archaeozoogical sample is a proximal radius from a deer that was older than 18 month at the time it was hunted. One notes two other bone fragments with traces of human intervention, that could not be identified specifically, discovered inside the culture layer. The diaphysis of a long bone from an average-size animal (of the caprovid type) show polished areas (item length - 54.2 mm) and another fragment, probably from the diaphysis of a large animal, was burned, with calcined areas. II. Presentation of the material from the dwellings 1. Dwelling - trench 17-18 (1984) This complex, also called “the blacksmith’s dwelling”, has revealed 23 faunal remains attributed to domestic species (Tabel 1). The number of individuals estimated for each species inside this dwelling is large by comparison to the number of corre- sponding remains. Cattle are represented by 3 fragments from a juvenile individual (one very small metacarpus) and an adult. Swine are represented by 6 fragments from 3 individuals sacrificed at 1-1% years, 2-2% years (female) and one mature individual. From the latter I have identified one mandibular fragment with sub-pathological modifications (Pl. I/1). In the alveoli the fragment preserves the premolars and molar 3 with unequal, oblique wear down to the level of the roots that are partially uncovered on the inner side. The bone tissue on the outer side, by cuspid 3, has been destroyed, resulting in a deep excavation. One possible cause is periodontitis accompanied by a tooth abscess that had prevented mastication, leading to pathological deformities and wear. I have attributed to caprovid 5 remains from 3 individuals: one juvenile, aged 4-5 months, one sheep and one goat older than 1 year. A single fragment was attributed to a horse. 2. Dwelling - trench 12 (1984) Only two bone fragments were found in this dwelling: one distal nonepiphyseal swine metapodium and a diaphysis remain from a large size animal (undetermined species). 3. Dwelling - trench 1 (1998) Two remains have been determined, belonging to two species (besides several unidentified flakes): one fragmentary cattle coxa and one isolated inferior molar 3 from an adult caprovid. III. Synthesis of archaeozoolgical data. Conclusions Domestic species represent 99.56% according to the number of remains and 97.29% according to the minimum number of individuals out of the entire determined 36 Diana Bindea material. Wild species feature sporadically. A single fragment was attributed to red deer. Similarly, domestic birds are present in the analysed lot through a tibia attrib- uted to a hen. Domestic cattle are majoritarian from the perspective of the number of remains and their frequency is 45.69%. With a percentage of 28.44% domestic swine held the second place. Caprovid represented by both genera (sheep and goat) repre- sent 15.95%. Horse bone remains represent 6.03% of the identified material and dog bone remains represent 3.01%. From the perspective of the minimum number of indi- viduals, swine hold the highest percentage, 37.84%, followed by small horned animals 27.03% and very closely by large horned animals 24.32%. This distribution reveals the fact that the local communities were oriented towards animal husbandry, while hunting was negligible. The species are those com- mon in the Dacian settlements from south-eastern Transylvania and their proportion, according to the number of identified remains, is also very similar (Figs. 2-3). Thus, by comparing the lot under discussion here with the archaeozoological samples analysed from the neighbouring sites of Merești12 (dating: the end of the 1st century BC - the 1st century AD; faunal sample - 659 determined bones) and Covasna13 (dating: the 1st century BC - the 1st century AD; faunal sample - 879 determined bones) one notes very small differences among the percentages of domestic mammals used for food. Furthermore, according to the minimum number of individuals, swine held the first position on all three sites under consideration. Fig. 2. Proportion of domestic mammals in Dacian settlements from south-eastern Transylvania (considering the number of remains). One notes differences among the proportions of hunting in the three settlements. Thus, while hunting almost did not exist in Jigodin, in Covasna wild species represent 5.01% and in Merești 12.45%. 12 Bindea 1999, 83. 13 Bindea 2005, 182. Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 37 Equus caballus Ovis aries / Capra hircus Sus scrofa domesticus Bos taurus ■ Covasna (NR 879) ■ Merești (NR 659) □ Jigodin (NR 254) Fig. 3. Proportion of domestic mammals in Dacian settlements from south- eastern Transylvania (considering the minimum number of individuals). Osteometric data14 (Annex) have provided information on the size of some of the items sacrificed in Jigodin. The height of a Bos taurus female has been estimated to 113.6 cm at the shoulders. This value is relatively high for cattle during the Dacian period that are at the lower limit of the variability interval even for the cattle raised by the Romans. It is important to mention the fact that archaeozoological analyses for the Roman period show an induced increase in the size of bovines, on average with 20 cm, leading to a significant increase in the meat they provided15. It was not pos- sible to estimate the female individuals from Covasna and Merești; the three values - 105 cm (Covasna), 117.2 cm (Covasna) and 123 cm (Merești) - correspond to a male individual and two castrated males. Two sizes have been estimated for the sheep in Jigodin: 54.91 cm and 65.13 cm. These values are at the extremes of the variability intervals established for the settle- ments in Merești - 56.47-66.9 cm - and Covasna - 55.11-63.15 cm16. The only value estimated for the size of the swine in Jigodin is 70.66 cm. It matches the variability intervals from Covasna (66.74-77.1 cm) and Merești (66.74-74.25 cm)17. The indices used to calculate the height at withers, in the case of Jigodin, Merești and Covasna, were: for bovines, the indices of Matolcsi (1970)18; for sheep, the indices of Teichert (1975)19 and for pig, the indices of Teichert (1990)20. Dental-osseous pathology is rarely identified in archaeozoological samples. It is thus remarkable that four items with sub-pathological modifications have been identi- fied in all three Dacian sites from south-eastern Transylvania: Jigodin, Merești21 and 14 Driesch 1976. 15 Gudea 2007, 233. 16 Bindea 2008, 151-152. 17 Bindea 2008, 163. 18 Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999, 79. 19 Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999, 97. 20 Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999, 86. 21 Bindea 1999, 100. 38 Diana Bindea Covasna22. Furthermore, there were pigs with the mandible affected by periodontitis on all three sites. Such afflictions, but also other types of pathologies have been mostly stressed on a series of Bronze Age sites23. The archaeozoological analysis of the bone lot from Jigodin, thus quantitatively unsatisfying, has suggested several characteristics of food economy and has revealed similarities with contemporary populations from the vicinity. Bibliography Bindea 1999 D. Bindea, Studiu arheozoologic asupra așezării dacice de la Merești (jud. Harghita), Angustia, 4, 1999, 83-103. Bindea 2005 D. Bindea, Așezarea dacică de la Covasna. Studiu arheozoologic preliminar, Angustia, 9, 2005, 175-192. Bindea 2008 D. Bindea, Arheozoologia Transilvaniei în pre- și protoistorie, Cluj-Napoca 2008. Boessneck, Muller, Teichert 1964 J. Boessneck, H. Muller, M. Teichert, Osteologische Unterschei- nungsmerkmale zwischen Schaf (Ovis aries) und Ziege (Capra hircus), KuhnArchiv, 78, 1964, 1-129. Crișan 2000 Crișan, Gheorghiu, Popescu 2004 V. Crișan, Dacii din estul Transilvaniei, Sfântu Gheorghe 2000. V. Crișan, G. Gheorghiu, M. C. Popescu, Cercetările arheologice de la Miercurea Ciuc - Jigodin I. Campaniile 1998, 2000, Istros, XI, Brăila 2004, 111-145. Driesch 1976 A. von den Driesch, A Guide for the Measurements of Animal Bones from Archaeological sites, Peabody Museum Bulletin, 1, Harvard University, 1976, 1-137. Gudea 2007 Al. I. Gudea, Contribuții la istoria economică a Daciei romane. Studiu arheozoologic, Cluj-Napoca 2007. Haimovici, Hrisanidi 1969 S. Haimovici, Șt. Hrisanidi, Studiul unor afecțiuni osteo-dentare ale resturilor subfosile de mamifere descoperite prin săpături pe teri- toriul României, în stațiuni aparținând unor culturi și civilizații din epoca metalelor, Analele Științifice ale Universității „Al. I. Cuza” Iași, N. S., II, a., tome XV, fasc. I, 1969, 215-224, 12 plates. Silver 1963 I. A. Silver, The ageing of domestic animals. In: D. R. Brothwell, E. Higgs (eds.), Science in Archaeology, Bristol 1963, 250-268. Udrescu, Bejenaru, Hrișcu 1999 M. Șt. Udrescu, L. Bejenaru, C. Hrișcu, Introducere în arheozo- ologie, Iași 1999. Diana Bindea National History Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca diana_bindea@yahoo.com 22 Bindea 2005, 176. 23 Haimovici, Hrisanidi 1969, 216-223. Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 39 Pl. I. Sus scrofa domesticus, mandible with periodontitis. 1. Dorsal view. 2. Lingual view. 3. Lateral view. 40 Diana Bindea Pl. II. Canis familiaris (dog), axis with osteophytes (caudal view). Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 41 Annex. Osteometric data (mm) Cervus elaphus Canis famil- iaris Equus ca- ballus Ovis aries / Capra hircus 21.9 18.5 32.4 31.3 31.2 31.7 18.2 to cq rq Sus scrofa domesticus 64.8 to 114 97.8 33.7 49.5 31.5 CN cS d9S to to oq to to to to 58.3 17.4 IO 16.3 20 26.5 Oi 2 12.9 47.8 14.5 38.7 15.7 116 45.8 69 35.8 14.3 16.5 Bos taurus 46.8 48.2 81.6 34.1 47.9 134.5 51.4 34.7 47.8 84.9 37.5 39.8 Maxila L C alv. L dp2-dp4 L p2-p4 L M1-M3 Mandible LS L C alv. & a & HO L P-M 1 3 to ș pT pT pT pT pT Hm P2 Hm M1 L M-M 1 3 L M 3 Scapula BG SLC Humerus SD APDdf 42 Diana Bindea Cervus elaphus 56.5 53.6 32.7 Canis famil- iaris Equus ca- ballus Ovis aries / Capra hircus 00 oo oo tb o oo 22.2O 15.4O O tq oo’ o Oi oo ol’OS O OO oo O io io oo tq OO to O to tq tb oo îq to tb oo 133.2O O to oo 16.9O o tq to o Oi oi 16.2O oS'Zl 10.1O OO OO 27.3O 23.9O 112.3O 20.1O 14.9O 12.5O o Oi O tq tb oo O O Oi O ) Sus scrofa domesticus to OO oi oo tb to OO tb to tb to oo to o Oi tb to 00 OO to to oo to tq tb to IO oi oo to oo oo to OO OO 00 oi 00 tb to oo io oi Bos taurus 5 OO to oo tq oo oo oo 00 to oi tq to o to 00 tb oo IO tq oi tb 188.4 tq tb io iq to 00 oo oo oo oo iq io oo oo 28.29 15.28 r0 M H M APDd Radius a A PP APDp M APDd Cubitus o Pl, M Q o o Q CO Metacarpus 0 a PP APDp Q cn APDdf M APDd Index 1 (Bp x 100 / GL) Index 2 (SD x 100 / GL) Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 43 Cervus elaphus Canis famil- iaris Equus ca- ballus 55* 47 Ovis aries / Capra hircus 651.5° o 549.1O 21.9* 18.6 16.3* Sus scrofa domesticus 45.5 19.5 13.2 13.6 10.6 17.1 12.5 69.9 14.6 11.2 14.6 70.7 17.8 14.3 OS 22.2 25.4 Bos taurus 32.2 34 40.9 28.92 1136 55.5 41.4 S’OS 36.3 58.6 Index 3 (Bd x 100 / GL) Withers height Metacarpus IV GL BP SD Bd Withers height Pelvis LA Femur DC SD APDdf Tibia BP SD APDdf Bd BFd APDd Calcaneus GB Astragalus GLl 44 Diana Bindea Cervus elaphus Canis famil- iaris 27.3 Equus ca- ballus 5 38.6 57 47.8 41.2 Ovis aries / Capra hircus Sus scrofa domesticus 15.5 13.1 45 Bos taurus to IO 29.4 37.3 38.1 32.5 25.1 54.4 22.9 19.8 22.6 18.1 27.3 2 GLm Dl Dm Metatarsus BP APDp APDd Metatarsus III BP SD Metapodiu Bd APDd Phalanx I GL BP BFp DP SD Bd Phalanx III MBS LF BF Atlas K Faunal determinations from the Dacian fortress in Jigodin 45 premolar row; L P1-P4 / L P2-P4 — Length of the lower premolar row; L M1-M3 - Length of the upper molar row; L M1-M3 - Length of the lower molar row; L M3 - Length of the upper 3rd molar; L M3 - Length of the lower 3rd molar; LA - Length of the acetabulum; LF - Length of the Facies articularis; LO - Length of the olecranon; LS - Length of the symphysis; MBS - Middle breadth of the sole; SBV - Smallest breadth of the vertebra; SD - Smallest breadth; SDO - Smallest depth of the olecranon; SLC - Smallest length of the Collum scapulae. Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 47-68 EIN GEBET FUR DIE NYMPHEN AUS GERMISARA* IOAN PISO Resume: Lors des fouilles systematiques entreprises en 1986-1987 par Adriana et Eugen Pescaru dans les thermes de Germisara ont ete trouves trois morceaux d’une stele en calcaire portant une inscription presque illisible ă cause des depots. Ce n’est qu’apres le nettoyage qu’on a pu distinguer les 32 lignes de l’inscription. Il s’agit d’une priere adressee ă la nymphe ou aux nymphes des eaux thermales de Germisara par C. Sentius Iustinus, centurion de la legio V Macedonica. Les lignes 1-16 et 31-32 sont en latin, les lignes 17-30 en grec. La priere contient les lignes 1-30 et est compose en hexametres parfois imparfaits. Le texte a ete combine ă l’aide de morceaux d’reuvres litteraires et religieuses pour la plupart perdues. On fait mention d’autres divinites aussi, comme Asklepios, Artemis et Hypnos. Un element incitant est l’epi- thete Odrysta, portee par la nymphe. Mots-cle: Nymphae; Odrysta; Asklepios; Artemis; Hypnos; centurio; numerus peditum sin- gularium Britannicianorum; Germisara; Cigmău; territorium. Rezumat: În cursul săpăturilor sistematice efectuate în anii 1986-1987 de către Adriana și Eugen Pescaru în termele din Germisara au fost găsite trei fragmente ale unei stele de calcar purtând o inscripție aproape ilizibilă din cauza depunerilor. De-abia după curățirea piesei au putut fi citite cele 32 de rânduri ale inscripției. Avem de-a face cu o rugăciune adresată nimfei sau nimfelor băilor termale din Germisara de către C. Sentius Iustinus, centurion al legiunii V Macedonica. Rândurile 1-16 și 31-32 sunt în limba latină, iar rândurile 17-30 în limba greacă. Rugăciunea cuprinde rândurile 1-30 și este compusă în hexametri uneori incorecți. Textul a fost combinat din elemente din opere literare și religioase pierdute între timp în cea mai mare parte. Sunt amintite și alte divinități, ca Asklepios, Artemis și Hypnos. Un element incitant este epitetul Odrysta, purtat de nimfă. Cuvinte cheie: Nymphae; Odrysta; Asklepios; Artemis; Hypnos; centurio; numerus peditum singularium Britannicianorum; Germisara; Cigmău; territorium. Germisara, heute Geoagiu, liegt in der Năhe des reichen Mureștal und gehorte laut den epigraphischen Texten zum Territorium der colonia Sarmizegetusa1. Der * Eine kritische Durchlesung des Manuskriptes und wertvolle Ratschlăge verdanke ich Johannes Nolle. Besonderer Dank gebuhrt den Kollegen Adriana und Eugen Pescaru aus Deva, sowie der heutigen Direk- tion des Museums von Deva, die mir den Stein (Inv. 37338) zur Publikation uberlassen haben. Jahrelang konnte ich mit dem Stein nichts anfangen, denn das Inschriftsfeld war infolge der Ausfăllungen des Ther- malwassers mit einer Schicht Kalksinter uberdeckt. Dass heute die Inschrift im GroBen und Ganzen wieder lesbar ist, verdanke ich dem Sachverstand und der Arbeit des Restaurators des Museums von Cluj, Sabin Grapini. Leider wurde 2011 der Restaurierungsprozess von der damaligen Direktion des Museums in Cluj eingestellt, so dass einige Stellen noch schwierig lesbar sind. 1 Ein Amtstrăger von Sarmizegetusa, ein gewisser Aurel(ius) lulianus, [... col(oniat) S]armiz(etegusae) met[rop(olis)] (AE 1967, 415 = IDR III/3, 249), liegt in Germisara, das heiBt auf seinem eigenen Grund, begraben. Das ist aber ein Hinweis dafur, dass sich dieser Grund innerhalb des Territoriums von Sarmizegetusa befand; siehe denselben Gedankengang fur Noricum bei G. Alfoldy, Noricum, London - Boston 1974, 97. Aufgrund des Epithetons metropolis ist diese Inschrift in die Zeit ab Severus Alexander zu datieren. Auch andere Amtstrăger von Sarmizegetusa und einer aus Apulum erscheinen in Inschriften aus Germisara. Fur die Zugehorigkeit von Germisara zu Sarmizegetusa siehe schon Th. Mommsen, CIL 48 Ioan Piso Name Germisara (^ep^^Zepa2, Germisera3, Germigera4) wurde von W. Tomaschek als „Warmwasserort“ gedeutet5. Diesen Namen verdankte die Ortschaft den Thermalbădern6. Germisara hatte aber auch eine militărische Bedeutung. In unmit- telbarer Năhe, bei Cigmău7, war der numerus peditum singularium Britannicianorum stationiert8. Die pedites Britanniciani waren aus den pedites singulares der Garde des britannischen Statthalters aufgestellt und im Zusammenhang mit den dakischen Kriegen nach Obermoesien gebracht. Seit 106 befanden sie sich in Dakien. 146 heiBt die Truppe numerus peditum singularium Britannicianorum9, 179 vexillatio peditum singularium Britannicianorum10, und kurz darauf, unter Septimius Severus, erscheint sie als numerus organisiert11. Unter Britannicianus ist nicht unbedingt Britannicus, sondern eine Person zu verstehen, die zu Britannien eine Beziehung hatte12, in unse- rem Fall Soldaten die aus Truppen aus Britannien stammen13. Wie weiter ersichtlich, werden manchmal Britannicus und Britannicianus miteinander verwechselt. Eine Ara an die Nymphen wurde von einem T. Fabius Aquileiensis, trib(unus) n(umeri) s(ingularium) B(ritannicianorum), unter Septimius Severus geweiht14. Das heiBt, dass der numerus im Augenblick der Weihung des Denkmals einer cohors milliaria gleichgesetzt war und dass ihr Befehlshaber eben die zweite Stufe der militia equest- ris bekleidete. Im romischen Dakien waren drei wichtige Kurorte bekannt: Aquae (XbaTa bei Ptolemaeus15, beim heutigen Călan)16, Băile Herculane (Herkulesbad im Banat, III, S. 225; C. Patsch, RE VII/1 (1910) 1263-1264; N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 97; neulich I. Piso, EphEp 5, 1995, 78-79 = I. Piso, Nordgrenze, 288-289. 2 Ptol. 3, 8, 4; siehe D. Detschew, Sprachreste, 103. Wie unten ersichtlich, sind die Formen rEppîZr/pa, ZeppîZEpYa und Zcpp^Ypa korrumpiert. 3 Tab. Peut. 8, 1. 4 Geogr. Rav. 4,7. 5 W. Tomaschek, Die alten Thraker, Wien 1893, 88; fur -sara siehe noch D. Detschew, Sprachreste, 422; mit W. Tomaschek ubereinstimmend N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 88, Anm. 7; I. I. Russu, Die Sprache der Thrako-Daker, Bukarest 1969, 139; siehe noch I. Duridanov, Thrakisch - Dakisch - Pelasgisch, in M. Ofitsch - Ch. Zinko (Hrsg.), Studia Onomastica et Indogermanica. Festschrft fur F Lochner von Hut- tenbach, Graz 1995, 45-57, bes. 47; D. Dana, S. Nemeti, Classica et Christiana 9/1, 2014, 113-114. Die perfekte Parallele fur Germisara ist Deusara in den Westkarpaten (CIL III, S. 928-929 TabCer 2 = IDR I 32, TabCerII); siehe schon Th. Mommsen, CIL III, S. 921. 6 TIR, L 34, 60; das Wichtigste daruber bei N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 88-90; IDR III/1, S. 211-212, 227-228; I. A. Oltean, Dacia, 153-154, 189-190. 7 TIR, L 34, 47; siehe N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 92-96; IDR III/1, S. 211-212, 227-228; I. A. Oltean, Dacia, 155, 158. Hier wurden in den Jahren 2000-2002 von A. Pescaru und E. Pescaru Ausgrabungen durchgefuhrt (CCA 2000 (2001) 88; CCA 2001 (2002) 142-143; CCA 2002 (2003) 131-132). 8 I. Piso, D. Benea, ZPE 56, 1984, 292-293 = I. Piso, Nordgrenze, 138-139; C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia, 129-130. 9 W. Eck, A. Pangerl, ZPE 191, 2014, 169-272, Nr. 1. 10 RMD II 123 = AE 1987, 843. 11 Ep. Anh. 10. 12 Zum Beispiel, ist ein negotiator Britannicianus (CIL XIII 8164a = ILS 7522 = AE 1953, 269 = AE 2004, 967; CIL XIII 8793 = AE 1973, 370; AE 1975, 651 = AE 1982, 724; AE 1983, 722) jemand, der mit Britannien Handel treibt. 13 Vgl. den numerus exploratorum Germanicianorum von Orăștioara de Sus; siehe C. C. Petolescu, Auxi- lia, 131, mit der Literatur. 14 Ep. Anh. 10. 15 Ptol. 3, 8, 4. 16 TIR, L 34, 29-30; IDR III/3, S. 20. Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 49 vielleicht Ad Mediam17) und Germisara. Jede dieser Heilquellen unterstand einer spezifischen Heilgottheit oder identifizierte sich mit dieser. Welche Gottheit fur die Thermalquelle in Aquae zustandig war, ist unbekannt. In Herkulesbad galt als Hauptheilgottheit Hercules invictus18 und in Germisara eine oder mehrere Nymphen19. In den allermeisten Fallen befanden sich die Quellen unter dem Schutz der Nymphen und waren dadurch heilig: nullus enim fons non sacer20. Dreizehn Denkmaler wurden in Germisara den Nymphen21 und eines einer ein- zigen Nymphe geweiht22: [Hanc ti]bi marmoreo caesam de monte d[icavi], / regina undarum, Nympha, decus nemoru[m, / vo]to damnasti perfecta quem prece Bassus / moenitae propter moenia Germisarae („Diese aus marmornem Berge herausgehau- ene Ara (oder eher Statue) habe ich Dir, Nymphe, Konigin der Wellen, Zierde der Walder, geweiht, den Du nach der Erfullung seiner Bitte dazu gebracht hast, sein Gelubde zu erfullen, ich Bassus bei den Mauern des befestigten Germisara“). Unter den moenia moenitae Germisarae durfte das Kastell von Cigmău zu verstehen sein, das anscheinend denselben Namen wie die Thermalbader trug23. Es ist auffallig, dass hier nur eine einzige Nymphe erwahnt wird, was fur die folgende Diskussion von Bedeutung sein kann. Bezeichnend ist auch, dass die Nymphen von Germisara Epitheta wie Augustae24, salutiferae25, sanctae Augustae26 oder sanctissimae27 tragen und dass Widmungen an sie pro salute Imperatoris seitens der Statthalter gemacht wurden28. Deren Bedeutung in Dakien kann vielleicht mit jener der Dea Nympha Brigantia in Britannien29 verglichen werden. Neben den Nymphen werden in zwei oder drei Fallen Aesculapius und Hygia30 und einmal Hygia31 allein erwahnt. Es ist klar, dass man in medizinischen Angelegenheiten nicht auf die erstrangigen Spezialisten verzichten konnte32. Auch Artemis/Diana konnte bestimmte medizinische Funktionen innehaben33 und zwischen 17 TIR, L 34, 24; IDR III/1, S. 76. 18 Siehe IDR III/1, 57-68. Uber die Beziehung des Hercules zum Thermalwasser siehe neulich A. Buonopane, M. F. Petraccia, in Cura, preghiera e benessere, 222-223. 19 Uber die Beziehung der Nymphen zu den Heilquellen siehe J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 5, 8-10; M. F. Petraccia, M. Tramunto, in Aquae salutiferae, 175-179; A. Buonopane, M. F. Petraccia, in Cura, preghiera e benessere, 222-223; W. Speyer, E. EnB, RAC 26, 2015, 11; fur die Nymphen aus Germisara siehe N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 90-91; I. Ghinescu, EphNap 8, 1998, 124-132; I. Nemeti, AMN 36, 1999, 136-138, 141. 20 Serv., Aen. VII 84. 21 Ep. Anh. 2-14. 22 Ep. Anh. 1. 23 Siehe schon Th. Mommsen, CIL III, S. 225; N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 92. 24 Ep. Anh. 2. 25 Ep. Anh. 4. 26 Ep. Anh. 5. 27 Ep. Anh. 6-8. 28 Ep. Anh. 2 29 CIL VII 875 = ILS 9317 = RIB I 2066 (Brampton). 30 Ep. Anh. 14-16. 31 Ep. Anh. 17. 32 Uber den gemeinsamen Kult des Asklepios und der Nymphen siehe H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1551-1552; neulich A. Buonopane, M. F. Petraccia, in Cura, preghiera e benessere, 221-222, 224-225; eine wichtige epigraphische Quelle dazu bei F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrees des cites grecques, Paris 1962, Nr. 152; daruber J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 205. 33 Ep. Anh. 5, 18. 50 Ioan Piso Abb. 1. Der Plan der Thermen von Germisara (nach A. Rusu, E. Pescaru, in Politique edilitaire, 205, Abb. 3). ihr und den Nymphen von Germisara bestand auch dadurch eine enge Beziehung, dass sich die Quellen in einer gebirgigen und bewaldeten Gegend befanden34. Gerade diese Beziehung wird durch die folgende Widmung zum Ausdruck gebracht35: Nymphi[s] 34 Siehe auch R. Hosek, in Limes IX, 316-317; I. Ghinescu, EphNap 8, 1998, 132; eine verschiedene Ansicht bei J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 107-110. 35 Ep. Anh. 5. Diana wurde im Rumanischen zu zână (Fee) (DLR 19, 2010, 117) und Sancta Diana zu Sânziana (DELR 9497). Die Sanctae Dianae (Sânziene) sind im rumanischen Volksglauben zu Beschutzerinnen der Ernte geworden. Am 24 Juni, wenn die Sânziene gefeiert werden, bringt man Kornahren in die Kirchen und die Ackerfelder werden geweiht. Dianaticus (jemand, der von Diana Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 51 sanctis / August(is) simul et / tibi, sancta Deana, / fontiq(ue) vestro („Den heiligen Nymphen Augustae und zugleich Dir, heilige Diana, und Eurer Quelle“). In den achtziger Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts wurden die romischen Thermen aus Germisara von Adriana und Eugen Pescaru vom Museum Deva ausgegraben36. Den eigentlichen Ausgrabungen waren Bauarbeiten vorausgegangen, bei denen zwolf Goldplattchen von den Arbeitern entdeckt und sofort gestohlen wurden. Sie konnten aber wiederbeschafft werden und befinden sich jetzt im Museum von Deva37. Der von den beiden Archaologen rekonstruierte Plan der Thermen ist ziemlich kompli- ziert (Abb. 1)38. Ihr Hauptteil besteht aus einer Hohle mit einer oberen Offnung von 18 x 12 m und 7 m tief. Die Quelle entsprang vom Boden und das Wasser war hinauf mit Hilfe eines Rollensystems gebracht, woher es durch Kanale in mehrere Becken floss. Man hat auch die Fundamente mehrerer Heiligtumer erkannt. Von den 12 Goldplattchen (Abb. 2) sind 7 beschriftet39. Unter diesen sind drei ausdrucklich den Nymphen (Abb. 2/2, 4 und 5)40, eines der Diana (Abb. 2/6)41 und eines der Hygia42 geweiht. Unter den nichtbeschrifteten stellt eines die drei Nymphen, den Chariten ahnlich, in einem Tanz dar (Abb. 2/3)43. Einen Kommentar verdient folgender Text44: Nymf/is Dece/balus Lu/ci(i) posuit (Abb. 5/5). In diesem Decebalus Luci (filius) haben wir einen Daker peregrinen Status zu sehen. Er konnte eine Art Bindeglied zwischen dem dakischen Kult der Thermalquelle und dem neuen romi- schen Nymphenkult bilden45. Aus dem, was wir bisher wissen, ergibt sich, dass die Thermalquelle aus Germisara unter dem Schutz einer bzw. mehrerer Nymphen stand und dass mit ihnen die Heilgotter Aesculapius und Hygia sowie Artemis/Diana verbunden werden konnten. besessen ist) bildete die Grundlage fur das rumanische Wort zănatec, „albern”, derjenige, der an widersin- nige Sachen glaubt (DLR 19, 2010, 79); ein ahnlicher Begriff war im Altertum nymphaticus (vup^OXnnToț), „von Nymphen besessen“; siehe fur diesen H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1553. 36 A. Rusu, E. Pescaru, in D. Alicu, H. Boegli (Hrsg.), Politi^ue edilitaire dans les provinces de l’Empire Romain, II6™ - V” siecles apres J. C., Cluj-Napoca 1993, 201-215; E. Pescaru, A. Rusu-Pescaru, Sargetia 26/1, 1995-1996, 325-339; A. Rusu Pescaru, E. Pescaru, in Studii’ de istorie antică. Omagiu profesorului Ioan Glodariu, Cluj-Napoca 2001, 439-447. 37 I. Piso, A. Rusu, RMI 59/1, 1990, 10-14, Nr. 1-7; A. Rusu, E. Pescaru, in D. Alicu, H. Boegli (Hrsg.), Politique edilitaire dans les provinces de l’Empire Romain, IPme - Vm siecles apres J. C., Cluj-Napoca 1993, 201-215, Abb. 16-23; R. Ardevan, S. Cociș, in Graecia, Roma, Barbaricum, 317-318, Nr. 1-3; dazu noch C. Ciongradi, AMN 50, 2013, 125-156 (langer und nichtssagender Aufsatz). Die letzten drei Plattchen, unter denen zwei beschriftet und ein anepigraphisches, wurden unlangst im Privatbesitz gefunden. Aus Quellen der Polizei weiB man, dass sie nicht aus Abrud, sondern ebenfalls aus Germisara stammen; anders C. Ciongradi, a. a. O. 38 Siehe E. Pescaru, A. Rusu-Pescaru, Sargetia 26/1, 1995-1996, p. 336, Abb. 5; A. Rusu-Pescaru, D. Alicu, Templele romane din Dacia I, Deva 2000, 65-75, Abb. XXI. 39 Ep. Anh. 11-145, 17-18; R. Ardevan, S. Cociș, in Graecia, Roma, Barbaricum, 315-318, Nr. 1, 3; C. Ciongradi, AMN 50, 2013, 144-146, Nr. 9-11. 40 Ep. Anh. 11-13. 41 Ep. Anh. 18. 42 Ep. Anh. 17. 43 E. Pescaru, Sargetia 21-24, 1988-1991, 663-667, fig. 2; uber die Beziehung zwischen den Nymphen und den Charites siehe H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1546, 1548. 44 Ep. Anh. 13. 45 I. Piso, A. Rusu, RMI 59/1, 1990, 12 = ILD 325; siehe auch I. Ghinescu, EphNap 8, 1998, 134-135; S. Nemeti, Sincretismul religios în Dacia romană, Cluj-Napoca 2005, 197-198; D. Dana, in Orbis antiquus, 438; ders., Onomasticon Thracicum, 116. 52 Ioan Piso Abb. 2. Sieben Goldplăttchen von Germisara (MCDR, Deva). Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 53 Somit ist es gerechtfertigt anzunehmen, dass unter den Heiligtumern, die neben der Thermalquelle identifiziert wurden, eines dem Aesculapius und der Hygia und ein anderes der Diana angehorte. Wahrend der erwahnten Ausgrabungen wurden auch drei Fragmente einer Stele aus Kalkstein entdeckt. Leider fehlt ein Stuck aus der Mitte des Inschriftfeldes. Insgesamt misst die Stele 160 x 60 x 15 cm. Sie ist zu schmal, um eine Statue zu tragen und wurde vermutlich allein zu dem Zweck errichtet, einen Text bekannt zu machen bzw. zu dedizieren. Das Inschriftsfeld war infolge der Ausfallungen des Thermalwassers mit einer Schicht Kalksinter uberdeckt (Abb. 3-4) und erst nach einem ersten Restaurierungsvorgang lesbar (Abb. 5-6). Abb. 3. Die Stele von Germisara, ursprunglicher Zustand, Detail. Abb. 4. Die Stele von Germisara, ursprunglicher Zustand, Detail. 54 Ioan Piso Abb. 5. Die Stele von Germisara, heutiger Zustand. Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 55 \ VM’IvNI 'A HlWMWlP EXU fW 'A/M ' *W oi OM SVIMTO«VW/Om71 CWRrW(JW.£ RV î CWK WWES1 M)lK^lIIAHH]iys SOLltMOV VAD/CU EXVOT 0[ ffîB E G 501 VrdVE WTAf PJ ORA WlWMKSlW^ 0/M WWIX PPAVMBIIVWCEW ^YENASVlIWiWi / aEWWfflWi QW T! (frn'?TNFAT’A WNOCI WOaTa \ M K NHWocoWom.3XAcK se==Sh rES» »S«SSS" oEl’SSF Abb. 6. Die Stele von Germisara, Zeichnung des Textes. 56 Ioan Piso Der Text umfasst 32 Zeilen. Davon sind die Z. 1-16 und 31-32 (die letzten) auf lateinisch und die Z. 17-30 auf griechisch verfaBt. Der lateinische und der grie- chische Text wurden von verschiedenen Handen geschrieben. Die Z. 1-30 enthalten ein Gebet an die Nymphe, wahrend die Z. 31-32 uns den Namen und die Stellung des Dedikanten bekannt machen. In diesen zwei letzten Zeilen wurde kein Metrum benutzt, denn jeder diesbezuglicher Versuch wegen der Einschaltung des Namens zunichte gemacht worden ware. Eben mit diesen zwei letzten Zeilen werden wir die Analyse des Textes beginnen. Der Name des Dedikanten ist leicht zu lesen: C(aius) Sentius Iustinus. Die Buchstaben sind, besonders in Z. 32, sehr schmal und zusammengepresst. Man hat auch versucht, eine bei der Beschriftung bereits vorhandene Beschadigung des Steines in der rechten unteren Ecke zu umgehen. Daraus erklart sich die ungewohnliche Abkurzung LG statt LEG fur leg(ionis). Der Dedikant war ein (centurio) l(e)g(ionis) / V Mac(edonicae). Es folgt agens per. Die nachsten Buchstaben sind schwierig zu lesen. Es gibt hier zwei Moglichkeiten. Man kann an eine Person denken, die als Mittel der Handlung erscheint. In solchen Fallen wurde man aber eher Ausdrucke wie curante, curam agente, instante oder Ăhnliches verwenden und nicht die Praposition per mit dem Namen im Akkusativ. Mir ist jedenfalls kein solcher Fall bekannt46. Die zweite Moglichkeit ist, dass per in Bezug auf einen Raum verwendet wird. Dafur gibt es Beispiele aus Tarraco: agens per Hispanias V c(um) p(rovincia) T(ingitana)47 und aus Cirta [vices agens per] Africam48. Wenn man die vier Buchstaben nach der Praposition genau ansieht, erkennt man, wenn auch nur schwer lesbar, die Buchstaben TERR. Dann lauten die letzten drei Worter per terr(itorium) Lucanum. In Z. 3 ist es von einem miles Brittannicus die Rede. Iustinus ernennt sich selber Brittannicus, nicht weil er aus Britannien gekommen ware49, sondern weil er den numerus Britannicianorum ver- tritt. In der Z. 13 der Inschrift erscheint er tatsachlich als praepositus, was man ins Griechische durch BpirravEiKâv ^y^twP (Z. 27-28) ubersetzt hat. Es war nicht unge- wohnlich, an die Spitze einer Auxiliareinheit einen Legionscenturio zu stellen, wenn diese Einheit weniger als 500 Mann betrug50. Das Problem besteht darin, dass unter Septimius Severus51und unter Caracalla52der numerus Britannicianorum von einem tribunus befehligt war, was eine Starke von 1000 Mann nahelegt. Wir wissen aber nicht, wie die Starke eines numerus im Laufe von Jahrzehnten variieren konnte53. 46 Einige wurden den in Sarmizegetusa Regia gefundenen Stempel Decebalus per Scorillo als Beispiel anfuhren (C. Daicoviciu, SCIV 6/1-2, 1955, 200-204, Abb. 8-9; AE 1977, 672). Ich bin aber, wie schon C. Daicoviciu, davon uberzeugt, dass wir es mit einem dakischen Text zu tun haben, wo per Sohn heiBt. 47 CIL II 4107 = RIT 97 = HEp 16, 548 (Tarraco). 48 CIL VIII 7068 = ILAlg II/1, 653 (Cirta). 49 Ein gewohnlicher Name wie C. Sentius Iustinus kann uber die Herkunft seines Tragers nichts aussagen. 50 A. v. Domaszewski, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres2, Koln-Graz 1967, 108; W. EnBlin, RE Suppl. VIII (1956) 548-552; E. Birley, The Roman Army. Papers 1929-1986, Amsterdam 1988, 221-231 und bes. 229-230; G. Cupcea, Professional Ranks in the Roman Army of Dacia, Oxford 2014, 87. 51 Ep. Anh. 10. 52 AE 2003, 1513. 53 Unter Caracalla wurde der numerus Palmyrenorum Porolissensium von einem romischen Ritter der dritten Militia befehligt, ILS 9472 = IG XII/II 1, 146: enapxoț EÎXnț ăpiOpov naXpupnvrâv nopoX.uoonv®v AvTrn(viviavrâv) befeligt. Unter demselben Kaiser stand aber derselbe numerus unter dem Kommando eines Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 57 Eines der Merkmale eines numerus war eben, dass seine Starke nicht fest war wie bei einer Ala oder einer Cohors. Als Aufgabe war dem C. Sentius Iustinus und der von ihm befehligten Truppe die Aufsicht uber ein territorium bestimmt worden. In Dakien sind schon ein territorium Sucidavense54 und ein territorium Arcobadarense55 belegt. Ein territorium Lucanum kannten wir bisher nicht und man kann sich fragen, warum es Lucanum und nicht Germisarense hieB. Der Einwand fallt, wenn wir uns klarma- chen, dass Germisara sich auf dem Gebiet einer colonia befand und deshalb keine militarische Aufsicht brauchte. Dann solite man das territorium Lucanum vielleicht im Goldschurfgebiet zwischen Germisara und Ampelum suchen, das ganz sicher mili- tarischer Aufsicht und Schutzes bedurfte56. Sicher bleiben der Name des Dedikanten, seine Centurionen-Stellung und seine Aufgabe, die pedites Britanniciani zu befehligen. Der Frage, ob er auch der Dichter des Gebetes war, werden wir erst spater nachgehen. Ganz offensichtlich wollte der Autor fur sein Gebet Hexameter verwenden, doch sind diese nicht immer vollig gelungen. In der Z. 19 ist der Vers heptametrisch: a KZpZouotv ȘpoToi avSpeg 0epa^e^a xpn°“gevoi nep. Ebenso heptametrisch ist die Z. 22, wenn wir ihr das erste Wort der Z. 23 hinzufugen: ZouTpofctv xpn°Toîuiv UYaZZo^evoi XapiTqpia / SrâKav. Die Z. 27-28 bilden ein Heptameter: ei oug Teiveig, BpiTTaveiKrâv / ^Y^T^P TovSe âvs0nKev und die Z. 29-30 bilden ein Pentameter: unvov ZagnpoTUTou eni Kav|8^8ou âp/^g. Die Quantitat der Silben wurde weder im Lateinischen, noch im Griechischen streng eingehalten. Das kann nicht nur mit der Ungeschicklichkeit des Dichters erklart werden, sondern hat auch damit zu tun, dass in der Umgangssprache die Quantitat schon weitgehend verschwunden war. Die betreffenden Stellen wurden im endgultigen Text (S. ...) markiert und bedurfen keines weiteren Kommentars. Der griechische Text ist keine Ubersetzung, sondern eine Fortsetzung des lateinischen. Man kann dem Dichter vorwerfen, dass er abschnittsweise in kleinen Partien denkt, die selten miteinander verbunden sind und am Ende keine geschlossene Einheit dar- stellen. Grunde dafur werden am Ende diskutiert. (1) Sunt Getici fontes divina nympha creati. „Die getischen Quellen wurden von der gottlichen Nymphe geschaffen“. Im Allgemeinen verwendeten die Autoren den Begriff „dakisch“ fur Siebenburgen und das Banat und „getisch“ fur die wallachische Ebene und die Dobroudja57. Hier ist „getisch“ eher archaisierend und poetisch zu verstehen58. Es geht in den ersten Zeilen um eine einzige Nymphe, was im Widerspruch zu den vug^ai repgiuapâv aus Centurio der legio V Macedonica, AE 1980, 755: n(umerus) Pal(myrenorum) sagit(tariorum) - - - cura agente T(ito) Fl(avio) Saturn[ino (centurione) le]g(ionis) V Mac(edonicae) p(iae) c(onstantis). 54 AE 1914, 122; IDR II 190. 55 AE 2007, 1190; grundlegend uber die territoria aus den Donauprovinzen S. Nemeti, Finding Arco- badara. Essay on the Geography and Administration of Roman Dacia, Cluj-Napoca 2014, 86-99; uber die territoria in der Provinz Dakien siehe noch ders., in Dacia Augusti provincia, 279-284. 56 Auf dieselbe Weise kontrollierte der numerus exploratorum Germanicianorum von Orăștioara de Sus aus das riesige Gebiet des Sebeș Gebirges, wo sich einst die Burgen der dakischen Konige befanden. Laut N. Gostar, Sargetia 3, 1956, 92-93, sollen die pedites Britanniciani die StraBe, die nach Suden, zu den dakischen Burgen des Șurianu Gebirges fuhrte, kontrolliert haben. 57 Siehe die Diskussion bei H. Daicoviciu, Dacia de la Burebista la cucerirea romană, Cluj 1972, 25-42. 58 Siehe auch Verg. Aen. 3, 35: Gradivumque patrem, Geticis qui praesidet arvis und ein herrliches Hexameter aus der colonia Sarmizegetusa (SEG 25, 1971, 823 = IDR III/2, 400 = CIGD 108): Ev0d8e XpuooKopav FeTiKq /Orâv âp^iKaXunTet. 58 Ioan Piso der Z. 17 steht. Rein technisch ware es kein Problem gewesen, den Ablativ nymphis statt nympha zu verwenden, denn der Fehler, namlich die kurze Silbe (-phă oder -phis), ware derselbe gewesen. Wir haben es eher mit zwei verschiedenen Traditionen zu tun: im lateinischen Text mit einer einzigen Nymphe, eigentlich der alten einheimischen Gottheit (daruber auch im Kommentar zur Z. 16), und im griechischen Text mit der griechisch-romischen Tradition, laut der die Nymphen zumeist eine Dreiergruppe bil- deten59. Aus dieser Beobachtung ergibt sich ganz von selbst die Frage, wie der Text zustande gekommen ist und ob er die Arbeit einer einzigen Person war. (2) cui formonsus ager vicinus Germisarae est. „Deren schones Gebiet Germisara benachbart ist“. Cui ist vor Konsonanten oft einsilbig60. Warum ager? Weil die Nymphen nicht nur die Herrinnen der Quellen, sondern auch der rings um gewachsenen Baume, eines Gartens oder einer grunen und gut bewasserten Wiese waren61. Das Adjektiv formonsus statt formosus, obwohl von Grammatikern verpont, wurde auch in anderen Gedichten benutzt62. In diesem Vers finden wir einen neuen Beleg fur den Ortsnamen Germisara, im Gegensatz zum Genitivus Pluralis repgioaprâv aus der Z. 17. Dieser deutet daraufhin, dass auch der lateinische Pluralis Germisarae, -arum moglich ware. Die Stellung des ager der Nymphe gegenuber Germisara scheint anzudeuten, dass fur Iustinus das eigentliche Germisara das Kastell von Cigmău war. (3) cui miles Brittannicus sollemnia annua ducit, (4) ex voto efferens solvitque vota priora (5) temporis excessi et rusum suscipit ipse, „Fur sie (fur die Nymphe) fuhrt der britannische Soldat die jahrlichen Feiern durch, er die aus seinem Gelubde herleitet und wahrend er die fruheren Gelubde der vergangenen Zeit erfullt, legt er selbst noch einmal eines ab“. Unter miles Brittannicus63 ist der numerus Britannicianorum als Ganzes zu verstehen (pars pro toto). Selbstverstandlich wurden die sakralen Handlungen im Namen der milites Britanniciani von dem kommandierenden Offizier durchgefuhrt. Herausgestellt wird hier die obligatorische Alternanz der wohlbekannten zwei Akte der Gelubde: votum nuncupare und votum solvere64. Bezeichnend ist auch das enge Verhaltnis zwischen einer militarischen Einheit und dem benachbarten Heiligtum. Es ist daher nicht verwunderlich, dass die Nymphen aus Germisara mit dem Kaiserkult verbunden waren65. Hervorzuheben ist auch die altlateinische Form rusum statt rur- sum („wiederum“, „von neuem“). (6) cui cristatus apex procumbit vortice summo. „Vor der sich (vor der Nymphe) die mit einem Buschel versehene Helmspitze dort beugt, wo der Strudel am starksten ist“. Hier ist cristatus apex als pars pro toto zu verstehen: nicht nur der Helm, sondern 59 Siehe I. Ghinescu, EphNap 8, 1998, 130; J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 121-198; W. Speyer, E. EnB, RAC 26, 2015, 6. 60 Siehe M. Leumann, Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, Munchen 1977, 478. 61 Orph. Hymn. 51: noXuavOsîț,---, EumSeiț,-siapoOspnsîț; siehe H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1538. 62 Siehe Thes. l. L. VI 1110-1111. 63 Fur Brittannicus statt Britannicus siehe Thes. l. L. II 2195. 64 Siehe, zum Beispiel, W. Eisenhut, RE Suppl. XIV (1974) 964-973. 65 Ep. Anh. 2; siehe fur dieses Verhaltnis R. Hosek, in Limes IX, 316-319. Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 59 auch der Soldat, der ihn tragt. Gemeint ist aber nicht jedweder Militar, sondern der Befehlshaber, der im Namen seiner Einheit der Gottin gegenuber Ehrfurcht bezeugte. Angespielt ist also auf die crista transversa des romischen Centurio66. Durch vortex (archaisch fur vertex) summus versteht man nicht „Scheitel“, son- dern die Stelle, an der das Thermalwasser entsprang, und damit der Ort der Epiphanie der Gottheit. Dabei verschwimmen die Gottheit und das Element miteinander67. Es folgen Stellen, die nicht mehr wiederzugewinnen sind: (7) Hinc undas mile[s] convenas videre solens (8) unde et pu[...ae?]quor inde salutis (9) excipiunt - - - (10) virtus - - - (11) [- - -] Die Lesung mile[s] ist unsicher. Der Sinn scheint folgender zu sein: „Der Soldat (?) pflegte von hier aus die sich vereinigenden Wellen68 zu betrachten, woher sie zuruck- getrieben ...aequor - ins Freie kommen“. Man bemerkt sofort, dass die vorletzte Silbe von videre kurz und nicht lang ist. Das Pradikat excipiunt konnte mit salutis [vota] in Beziehung stehen. Es durfte auf einen Ort hingewiesen werden, wo man Gelubde ablegte und erfullte. Mit virtus (Z. 10) konnte die Heilkraft des Wassers gemeint sein. Ende der Z. 12 kann man - - -que voverat portam lesen: „und eine Tur gelobt hatte“. Wie wir weiter sehen werden, hat die Tur in einem nymphaeum eine gewisse Bedeutung. In der zweiten Halfte der Z. 13 liest man [- - -] praepositus hunc tibi [- - -]. Die letzten Worter sind unklar. Es geht jedenfalls um ein Geschenk, das der praepositus, das heiBt C. Sentius lustinus, der Nymphe macht. Worum es geht, wird im Folgenden deutlich. Problematisch ist die zweite Halfte der Z. 14. Zuerst hatte ich cingeris (recin- geris?) Vite Comati oder Utte Comati gelesen und dachte an einen Peregrinus, der Vitus (Bithus?)69 Comati70 oder Uttus71 Comati geheiBen hatte. Er soll als Priester bekranzt worden sein. Eine solche Deutung hatte aber den Gesamttext unverstand- lich gemacht, so dass ich mich fur folgende Losung entschied: „Du bist mit reicher Weinrebe umkranzt“, wobei das Subjekt die Nymphe, beziehungsweise ihr Bild ist. Vitis, is heiBt „Weinrebe“ und comatus, a, um heiBt nicht nur „behaart“, sondern, wie Catullus 4, 11 bezeugt, auch „belaubt“72. Man wurde den Ablativus viti comata erwar- 66 Siehe M. Junkelmann, Die Legionen des Augustus. Der romische Soldat im archăologischen Experi- ment, Mainz am Rhein 1986, 171-174, Taf. 34-36, 50; M. C. Bishop, J. C. N. Coulston, Roman Military Equipmentfrom the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome2, Oxford 2006, 173, 177, Taf. V. 67 Siehe H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1534. 68 Fur aquae convenae siehe Thes. l. L. IV 820. 69 Fur den thrakischen Personennamen Bithus, Vithus, Vitus siehe D. Detschew, Sprachreste 65-68; D. Dana, Onomasticon Thracicum, 40-58. Vitu- erscheint auch im Keltischen, K. H. Schmidt, Die Kom- position, 298. 70 Die Kog^Tai waren dakische Adlige niederen Ranges (Dio 68, 9, 1); siehe D. Detschew, Sprachreste, 252. Jedoch sind die Namen Comatus, Comato, Comatius im keltischen Kontext verbreitet, siehe OPEL II 69-70; zum Namen siehe J. Whatmough, The Dialects ofAncient Gaul (DAG), Ann Arbor 1949-1951, 244; K. H. Schmidt, Die Komposition, 175-176; E. Evans, Gaulish Personal Names, Oxford 1967, 185. 71 Utta, Utto, Uttu, im keltischen Raum verbreitet, OPEL IV 188. 72 Zu vergleichen mit Tavu^uXXoț EĂavq von Hom. Od. 13, 102; fur Kranze als Opfergaben fur die Nymphen siehe Varro, Ling. 6, 22. 60 Ioan Piso ten, aber den Ablativus vite finden wir auch bei Martialis 8, 51, 12 und comati konnte hier der III. Deklination angehoren. Die Idee setzt sich in Z. 15 fort: ... o nata dono circumdata uvis („von Trauben umgeben“). Gemeint ist wahrscheinlich die Statue der Nymphe. Eine solche Statue wurde in der ăgyptischen Hermoupolis folgendermaBen geehrt: Kaupa S’ap’eK Znvou Bokxou nopa Kai cTe^avov coi / ek OTa^uZpg------73 („Die Sommerhitze bringt dir aus der Butte des Bacchus Trank und Traubenkranz“). Weinrebe und Wein sind die Attribute des Dionysos. Zu diesem sind die Beziehungen der Nymphen doppelt. Zum einen gab es eine alte Kameradschaft zwischen ihnen und den Satyren; damit gehorten auch sie zur Gefolgschaft des Dionysos. Zum anderen, wurde Dionysos als Kind von Hermes an die Nymphen ubergeben, damit sie ihn beschutzen und erziehen74. Am Spannendsten ist Z. 16: Te precor, Odrysta, donum terrena(?) recondas. Der Ablativus terrena ist nicht ganz sicher, denn gerade hier ist der Stein beschădigt. Terrena durfte in der Volkssprache Boden bedeuten; daraus wird das rumănische țărână hergeleitet75. Die ubrigen Elemente sind sicher. Dann durfte die Ubersetzung folgendermaBen lauten: „Ich flehe Dich an, Odrysta, das Geschenk in den Boden zu befestigen (oder im Boden befestigt zu behalten)“. Wenn es um eine Statue, wie weiter ersichtlich, oder um die Stele mit dem Text geht, scheint der Satz verstăndlich zu sein. Was bedeutet aber Odrysta? Es ist hervorzuheben, dass am Stein Odrysta und nicht etwa Odrysia zu lesen ist. Das T kann als sicher gelten. Da das Gebet an die Nymphe adressiert ist (siehe tibi in Z. 13), wurde es heissen, dass Odrysta der dakische Name oder das dakische Epitheton der Nymphe ist. Man kennt die OSpucai (Sing. OSpbcn? oder OSpuchnO, einen thrakischen Stamm am Hebros. Ich fuhre D. Detschew an: „Unter Berufung auf Dru-geri teilt Jokl ERL 13, 285 OSpbcai in o-dru-s und deutet demnach den Namen als „Waldbewohner“, indem er o- als Prăposition auffaBt“76. Es handelt sich um eine indogermanische Wurzel, die in grie- chisch 5pug, Sopu, Spupog, deutsch Flie-der, Holun-der, Wachol-der, englisch tree usw. vorkommt77. Man muss auch davon ausgehen, dass dakisch und thrakisch eng ver- wandt waren78. Ein thrakischer Import nach Germisara ist in unserem Fall nicht nachzuweisen und auch nicht notig, da alles darauf hindeutet, dass die indogerma- nische Wurzel auch im Dakischen verwendet wurde79. Das Gebet beginnt, wie wir bereits gesehen haben, mit der Feststellung, dass es sich bei den Quellen um geti- sches Wasser handelt (Getici fontes, Z. 1). Wir haben es also mit einer Art dakischen Apuag zu tun, wobei auch die innige Beziehung zwischen Nymphe und Baum oder Wald zum Ausdruck kommt. Es ist jedenfalls das erste Mal, dass der Name oder das Epitheton einer dakischen Gottheit in einer Inschrift vorkommt. Die Schwierigkeit, 73 E. Bernand, Inscriptions metriques de l’Egypte greco-romaine. Recherches sur la poesie epigramma- tique des Grecs en Egypte, Paris 1969, 342-356, Nr. 86-87; J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 191-193; zum Weinopfer fur die Nymphen siehe F. T. van Staten, Hiera Kala, 91-92. 74 Siehe dazu J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 92-96, mit literarischen und skulpturellen Belegen; A.-Fr. Jaccottet, Choisir Dionysos I, bes. 190-192, II, bes. 290-291, Nr. 174. 75 W. Meyer-Lubke, Romanisches Etymologisches WOrterbuch, Heidelberg 1935, 718. 76 D. Detschew, Sprachreste, 336-338. 77 Siehe J. Pokorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch I, Bern-Munchen 1959, 214-215. 78 Fur die Geschichte dieses Problems und fur den aktuellen Stand der Forschung siehe das wichtige Buch von D. Dana, Onomasticon Thracicum, XII-XLIV. 79 Fur den Toponym Drubeta (Drobeta) siehe D. Detschew, Sprachreste, 158. Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 61 auf die mich Dan Dana aufmerksam gemacht hat, ist, dass das Suffix -ta, wie im grie- chischen -Tng, fur mănnliche Namen verwendet wird. (17) Nup^ai rEppinaprâv unvmSEig y«P âne^uva[v]. „Denn die Nymphen von Germisara sind von Natur her schlafbringend80“. Der Schlaf, den die Nymphen von Germisara bringen sollen, bezieht sich auf die incubatio (âY^pnoig), eine Praxis die den Menschen mit der Gottheit durch den Traum in Verbindung bringt und ihm Hinweise auf eine wirksame Therapie seiner Krankheit gibt81. Generell wurden dem Wasser, das aus den Tiefen der Erde kam, mantische Făhigkeiten zuerkannt82. Der Orakelpriester von Klaros musste, bevor er seine Orakel gab, aus einer heiligen Quelle trinken83. Dieselbe Idee finden wir, wenn auch weniger klar ausgedruckt, in der Z. 18: Nppa Tonov npovom 0eou ĂnKXprnEiE Srâpa. Der zweite Buchstabe des ersten Wortes ist zwar beschădigt, muss aber ein n sein. Somit ist das erste Wort vppa („Schicksalsfaden“) und nicht vâpa („Flussigkeit“ oder „Quelle“) zu lesen. Die etwas freie Ubersetzung, falls ich den Satz richtig verstanden habe, lautet folgendermaBen: „Ein solches Geschick zăhlt durch die Vorsorge des Gottes zu den Geschenken des Asklepios“. Der Gott (0Eog) ist wahrscheinlich Asklepios selbst; benutzt ist die Form ĂGKAnnÎEiE statt AaKZnmEia84. (19) : A KZpZouniv PpoToi avSpEț 0Epa^E^a xPnnhpEvo^ nEp. („Das ruhmen die sterbli- chen Menschen, wenn sie sich der Behandlung bedienen“). Bemerken wir das Wort PpoTog (fur ppoTog, sogar popTog = mortalis), das besonders bei Homer, aber auch bei den athenischen Klassikern vorkommt85. Die Z. 19 kann man mit den Z. 20-23 verbinden: (19) A KZpZouoiv PpoToi avSpEg 0Epa^E^a xPnnhpEvo^ nE[p] (20) âZ0ovTEg KuZZoi op0ono8ouvTEg 8ai iKavov (21) Eu^âpEvoi nâZiv pZ0ov navaKep Srâpa ^EpovTEg (22) ZouTpoîniv xprotoioiv «Ya^^opEvoi xapirppia (23) SrâKav Kpnarâ 0upa [^Ep]ovTEg noTipov u8mp. Man findet hier folgende ungewohnliche Formen: Z. 20: 8a^ statt 8p86; Z. 21: navaKep statt navaKEi; Z. 22: den homerischen Dativus ZouTpoiniv /pnoToiniv. AouTpov („Bad“, „Waschwasser“) kann auch als poetisches Wort gelten87, das Adjektivum XpnnTog (nutzlich) aber nicht. Endlich, aus xapKOTppia (Z. 22) scheint das o gefallen zu sein. Ubersetzung (Z. 20): „Nachdem sie (die PpoToi avSpEg) krumm (durch Gicht gekrummt oder gelăhmt) gekommen sind, gehen sie jetzt ganz (hinreichend) gerade“. Die Stelle erinnert uns an die Quellen, die am Ătna entspringen und die lahmen 80 Dieser Sinn von nnvrâSnț, Eț bei Theophr. 9, 11, 5: Trâv yâp OTpu/vwv o pev nnvrâSnț, 6 Se paviKoț. Unter aTpv/voț versteht man ein Kraut, „der Nachtschatten“, wovon eine Sorte Schlaf, eine andere Raserei verursacht. 81 J. Pley, RE IX/2 (1916) 1256-1262. 82 Siehe L. Bloch, RoschLex III, 1897-1909, 514-515; H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1552; J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 11-20; W. Speyer, E. EnB, RAC 26, 2015, 7, 11-14; uber die ovE^pou aiTpaiț siehe K. Preisendanz, RE XVIII/1 (1939) 446-448. 83 Tac. Ann. II 54; die Erklărung zu dieser Praxis bei M. Ninck, Die Bedeutung des Wassers im Kult und Leben der Alten. Eine symbolgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Leipzig 1921, 83. 84 Siehe Thes. G. l. II 22190-2191. 85 Ein schones Beispiel aus Homer (II 19, 1-2): Hop pev KpoKonenXoț ân’ DKEavoîo podrnv / rnpw0’ tv’ â0avdToioi qiomț ^epoi pSe ppoToîoiv. 86 Thes. G. l. III 851: 8a^ = 8p. 87 Bei Homer XoETpd, râv, G. Autenrieth - A. Kaegi 203; LfgrE II 1991, 1709; fur XovTpov siehe St. Busch, Versus balnearum 29. 62 Ioan Piso FuBe einer Kranken geheilt haben; diese hat den Nymphen ihren Stock als Andenken zuruckgelassen (vikicpaig 8’eZeine ȘaKTpov)88. Z. 21: „Nachdem/Weil sie ein Gelubde getan hatten, kamen sie nochmals um der Heilerin Geschenke zu bringen“. Unter navaKen ist hier wieder eine einzige Nymphe zu verstehen. Z. 22: das Medium aȚaM-o^ai wird mit dem Dativus wie bei Homer, Hesiod und Herodot89 verwendet: Aompoiatv xpnaToîmv âYaXXoLicvoi xapiT^pia / SrâKav - (Z. 22/23) „Hocherfreut uber die nutzlichen Badern gaben sie Dankgeschenke“90. Aus den hel- lenistischen Epigrammen wissen wir, dass die Geschenke an die Nymphen haupt- sachlich aus Milch, Ol, Fruchten, Wein, Raucherwerk und Blumen bestehen91. Die Trauben wurden schon erwahnt. Z. 23: Kn^a^a 0upa [^Ep]ovTEg nori^ov uSrap - „indem sie durch das Gartentor Trinkwasser brachten“. Reines Wasser war auf allen Stufen des Rituals oder der medi- zinischen Behandlung notig zur Waschung, zum Opfer92 und zum Trinken vor der incubatio93. Da das Thermalwasser von Germisara nicht trinkbar war, musste man Quellwasser von auBen bringen. Warum hat man auf die Kn^a^a 0upa („Gartentor“) bestanden? Zahlreiche Garten (K^noi) sind aus der Literatur neben den Nymphenhohlen gut bekannt94. Blumen und alte Baume, zum Beispiel Pappeln (av/Eipoi95) fehlen dar- aus nie. Schon bei Homer besitzen die Nymphen und ihre nachste Umgebung ihre charakteristischen Zuge96. Der Garten neben der Hohle der Nymphen in Ithaka besaB zwei Tore97: das nordliche (npog Șopeao) konnte von Menschen betreten werden, das sudliche (npog vorou) nur von Gottern. Solche Tore spielten die Rolle der ikonostasis in der heutigen ostlichen Kirche, namlich den heiligen von dem weltlichen Bereich zu trennen. Auch die hellenistische sowie die spatere Literatur sind voll Beschreibungen solcher Nymphengarten und bei Pollux, der unter den spaten Antoninen tatig war, finden wir sogar die Kn^a^a 0upa98. Die Lesung ist also sicher. Die Z. 24-26 beziehen sich auf Artemis und auf den Abzug der Nymphenverehrer: (24) 'ApTE^i Se nn KuvaYeTEi Kapn^aia Srâpa^ (25) [Li]Kpo[v] Eu^a^Evoi aneSraKav rag te eoprag (26) aqpavY[i] 0umag Kai enav^Z0av o[S]ov eaurâv. Als Dativ von Artemis ist hier ApTE^i statt Apre^iSi verwendet, wie zum Beispiel in einer Inschrift aus Apulum99. nn ist hier enklitisch und Se nn100 wurde benutzt, um 88 Anth. Pal. 6, 203, 5-11. 89 G. Autenrieth - A. Kaegi 2. 90 XapicT^pia (Srâpa) statt xap^EVTa (Srâpa); fur /apiar^pia siehe Thes. G. l. IX 1343-1344. 91 J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 193, 230. 92 Aus Varro (bei Schol. Dan. eclog. 7, 21) wissen wir, dass den Nymphen aqua et lacte geopfert wurde; siehe H. Herter, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1556. 93 Siehe J. Pley, RE IX/2 (1916) 1261; A. Buonopane, M. F. Petraccia, in Cura, preghiera e benessere, 217-218. Laut Varro (Plin., NH 31, 12), wurden denjenigen, die aus einem gewissen FluB aus Kilikien Wasser tranken, die Gefuhle feiner (sensus subtiliores fieri). 94 Siehe J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 27-28. 95 Siehe, zum Beispiel, Hom., Od. 9, 140-141; 17, 208; siehe J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 26-27, 75. 96 J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 20-21, 122-123. 97 Hom., Od. 13, 109-112; siehe J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 24-25. 98 Pollux, 1, 76, 9, 13. 99 AE 1983, 807 = IDR III/5, 51. 100 Siehe G. Autenrieth - A. Kaegi, 268. Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 63 den zweiten FuB zu bilden; Sâ solite aber lang sein101. Das Femininum KuvaYâTiț ist dorisch, statt KuvnYâTig. In diesem Vers solite aber die Silbe va lang sein. Kapn^oiog, a, ov konnte ein noch unbelegtes Adjektiv zu Kapnog sein. Von Fruchtengaben fur die Nymphen war oben die Rede. Moglich, aber nicht wahrscheinlich, konnte auch eine zweite Deutung sein. Kapn^oiov ist ein aus Asien stammendes Gewurzholz102. Der erste Teil des Satzes (Z. 24/25) lieBe sich folgendermaBen ubersetzen: „Artemis aber, der Jagerin, (brachten sie dar) Geschenke von Obst“. Tug te âopTug und 0umag werden vom selben ânâdwKav regiert. Anfang der Z. 26 treffen wir das seltene Wort oqpaY^, aYYoț103 = antrum, specus. Damit wird endlich auch das antrum oder specus Nympharum, die Hohle der Nymphen, erwahnt104. Der Dativus oqpaYYi wird hier mit vy und nicht mit YY geschrieben. „Nachdem sie lange Zeit gebetet hatten, hielten sie in der Hohle Festfeiern und Opfer ab und traten ihren Rukweg an“. Es ist bekannt, dass nach einem Orakelspruch ein zweites Opfer notwendig war105. Die fur die Nymphen ublichen Opfer waren eine Ziege oder ein Schaf106. Die Geschenke wurden in der Hohle deponiert. Dort werden sich auch die oben besprochenen Goldplattchen befunden haben107. Bisher hat sich C. Sentius Iustinus damit begnugt, das gesamte Vorgehen im Nympheum von auBen zu betrachten. Jetzt, in den Z. 27-30, erscheint er selber auf die Buhne, allerdings in der dritten Person: (27) Ei oug teivei^, BpvrravEiKâv (28) ^YBT^P tovSe avE0nK8v (29) ^nvov Za^npoTUTou âni Kav- (30) 8^8ou âpx^ț. „Wenn Du (O, Nymphe) das Ohr dahin richtest, hat der Befehlshaber der Britannen diesen Hypnos unter der Regierung (der Statthalterschaft) des Candidus aufgestellt“. Gebet und Musik, das sollte die Nymphe, die irgendwo in der Hohle oder in der Quelle gut versteckt war, horen. ^Y0TWP (Befehlshaber) ist wieder ein von Homer bevorzugtes Wort108. Das Demonstrativpronomen tovSe zeigt, dass die Statue des Schlafgottes am selben Ort wie die Stele gestellt war - eher daneben als darauf. Es ist nicht mehr notwendig, auf die Rolle des Hypnos in der Inkubation hinzuweisen. Von Ovid wissen wir, dass Hypnos in einer Hohle lebte oder schlief109. Dann wird er in Germisara den passenden Ort gefunden haben. 101 Schwierig konnte man hier Sânn lesen, denn Sânaț hat den Dativ Singular SânEi und den Nominativ Plural Sâna; siehe G. Autenrieth - A. Kaegi 82; LfgrE II 249-251. Vorsicht ist aber geboten, denn den Nymphen schenkte man auch Trinkbecher; siehe W. Speyer, E. EnB, RAC 26, 2015, 15. 102 Thes. G. l. V 977. Das Adjektiv war bisher nicht bekannt. Vgl. Orph. Hymn. 51, 1: Nup^râv, 0v^^ava ăprnpaTa--. 103 Thes. G. l. VII 197-198. 104 Siehe die Beschreibung des Nvp^râv âvxpov bei Longus, Daphnis et Chloe 1, 4; dazu noch Quintus Smyrnaios, Posthom. 6, 468-492 und Porphir., De antro nymph. 12. 105 J. Pley, RE IX/2 (1916) 1262. 106 Die gewohnlichen Opfer waren eine Ziege oder ein Schaf, F. T. van Staten, Hiera Kala, 91-92; M. True et alii, ThesCRA I, Los Angeles 2004, 15-16, Nr. 97-98; J. Larson, Greek Nymphs, 230. 107 Nachdem man im Amphiaraosorakel geheilt worden war, musste man in die Quelle Gold oder Silber werfen; siehe J. Pley, RE IX/2 (1916) 1262. Was eine solche Hohle enthalten konnte, geht aus der Inschrift des Pantalkes von Pharsalos (SEG 1923, I 247-248) hervor; siehe Larson, Greek Nymphs, 16-18, mit Anm. 48. 108 LfgrE II 891-892. 109 Ovid., Met. 11, 592-615. 64 Ioan Piso Dieser Candidus ist mit L. Vespronius Candidus Sallustius Sabinianus zu identi- fizieren, der die drei Dakien ungefahr in den Jahren 183-185 verwaltete110. Er ist auch sonst nicht unbekannt. Laut Historia Augusta beteiligte er sich 193 als vetus consularis an der Delegation des Senates, die versuchte, die Soldaten des Septimius Severus von einem Einfall nach Norditalien abzuhalten. Dazu bemerkt noch der Epitomator uber Vespronius Candidus: vetus consularis, olim militibus invisus ob durum et sordidum imperium111. Die Soldaten, die ihn hassten, konnten nur jene aus dem dakischen Heer gewesen sein, die Septimius Severus nach Italien begleiteten und sich zehn Jahre fru- her unter seinem Kommando befunden hatten. Dank den Z. 29-30 ist uns das Datum der Weihung von Germisara bekannt: die Jahre zwischen 183-185. Sollten wir den C. Sentius Iustinus auch als den Autor des Gebetes sehen? Nicht unbedingt. Versuchen wir jetzt das, was wir bisher ermitteln konnten, zusammenzufassen. Obwohl die Wurzeln des Nymphenkultus von Germisara, mitsamt den Quellen, loka- len Ursprungs sind112, werden wir im Gebet einzig und allein mit griechisch-romi- schen Traditionen konfrontiert. In Germisara treffen wir auf ein auch von anderen Militarstationen her bekanntes Naheverhaltnis zwischen einer romischen Einheit und einem benachbarten wichtigen Heiligtum. Bemerkenswert ist, dass man in Germisara imstande war, lateinische und griechische Dichtungen fur ein Publikum zu schrei- ben, das offensichtlich fahig war, bis zu einem gewissen Punkt die Feinheiten eines Hexameters zu verstehen. Ganz uberraschend ist die Fulle von verschiedenartigen Elementen, die in diesem Gebet angesammelt sind. Man findet in ihm archaische lateinische Worter, Ausdrucke und Verbindungen aus Homer und Hesiod, dorische Formen, aber auch zeitgenossische Phrasen, die nicht immer auf die glucklichste Weise zusammengeschmiedet sind. Soll der Centurio Iustinus all diese sprachli- che Kompetenz in sich vereint haben? Soll er in seinem Kastell von Cigmău eine Fachbibliothek besessen haben, die ihm das Schmieden solcher Verse ermoglichte? Man sollte eher in eine andere Richtung suchen. Obwohl der Text von Germisara bisher als Gebet angesehen war, ist es nicht einfach, ihn einer bestimmten Kategorie zuzuteilen. Ein Hymnus scheint er nicht zu sein, denn ein solcher hat einen allgemeinen Charakter. Darin sollte keine einzige Person eine hervorragende Rolle spielen, wahrend unser Text stark personalisiert ist. AuBerdem wird ein Hymnus von einem Chor gesungen113. Ein eigentliches Bittgebet ist es auch nicht114, denn Iustinus erscheint nicht als Bittsteller, obwohl er in der Zeile 16 das Verbum precor verwendet115 und in den Zeilen 21 und 25 von den eu^â^evoi die Rede ist. Dass auch er sich von den Nymphen Gesundheit erhoffte, ist selbstverstand- lich. Um ein votum geht es auch nicht116, denn die eigentlichen annua vota werden 110 Siehe die Quellen und Literatur uber ihn bei I. Piso, Fasti provinciae Daciae. Die senatorischen Amtstrager, Bonn 1993, 141-144. 111 HA, Vita Iuliani 5, 5-6. 112 Siehe auch F. Heichelheim, RE XVII/2 (1931) 1591: „Indessen gehort auch einheimischer Ursprung bei Nymphenverehrern in vielen lateinischen Provinzen nicht zu Seltenheiten“. 113 Hor., Carmen saec. 1-8; siehe Fr. Hickson Hahn, in Companion to Roman Religion, 235-248. 114 Fur die Merkmale eines „petitionary prayer“ siehe Fr. V. Hickson, Roman Prayer Language, 4-11. 115 Fur precor und verwandte Ausdrucke siehe Fr. V. Hickson, Roman Prayer Language, 16. 116 Fur votum siehe ebenfalls Fr. V. Hickson, Roman Prayer Language, 91-105. Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 65 in den Zeilen 3-5 erwahnt. Es geht also vielleicht um eine Huldigung, die mit der Weihung einer Statue gepaart ist und Elemente eines Gebetes enthalt. Der vorliegende Text ist nicht das erste Gedicht, das wir aus Germisara kennen. Das Distichon des Bassus117 weist viele Ahnlichkeiten mit dem Gedicht des lustinus auf. Beinahe konnte man vermuten, dass daran derselbe Texturheber gearbeitet hat. Die Inschrift des M. Aurelius ^eodotus118 enthalt ebenfalls vier Daktylen und einen Spondeus. Ist das ein Zufall? Eher ist es zu vermuten, dass bei solchen rituell-kultischen Vorgangen die Dichtung und die Musik eine wichtige Rolle spielten. Da die Nymphen mit den Grazien manche Ahnlichkeiten aufweisen, durften in ihrem Kult eine betont kunstlerische Vorgangsweise gefordert gewesen sein119. Die Einheit von Dichtung und Musik ist im Altertum als Axiom zu betrachten. Ob nur die Dichtung oder auch die Musik original sein musste, kann man nicht wissen. Leider sind wir uber die Musik im Altertum, die das Niveau der Dichtung erreicht haben durfte, sehr schlecht informiert120. Dank der Heilquellen ist Germisara zu einem mondenen Kurort geworden. Damals wie auch heute zieht so ein Ort nicht nur Kranke, sondern auch allerlei Elemente an, die dort hofften, finanziellen Gewinn und ihr Gluck zu machen. Darunter durfte man Steinmetze und allerlei kleine Kunstler, Verkaufer von den verschiedensten Gaben fur die Nymphen, Bettler, Gauner und nicht zuletzt professionelle Dichter und Musiker zahlen. Diese standen den heilsuchenden Kunden mit Alben zur Verfugung, die eine groBe Mannigfaltigkeit von Texten enthielten. Daraus bastelten sie fur jedermanns Geschmack und Mittel mehr oder weniger gelungene Werke. Einige Elemente des Gebetes erlauben die Annahme, dass solche Alben auch bezeichnende Werke der klas- sischen und der hellenistischen Dichtkunst enthalten haben, die inzwischen verloren gegangen sind121. Das Verdienst des C. Sentius Iustinus ist nicht, dass er das Gebet selbst gedichtet hatte, sondern dass er auf die Idee gekommen ist, ihn auf dem Stein zu verewigen. Dafur hat er einen oder auch mehrere „Dichter“ gefunden, die aus Versatzstucken mehr oder weniger gut sakrale Poesie geschaffen haben. Dieses Poem konfrontiert uns nicht nur mit einer personlichen religiosen Handlung, sondern auch mit einem Zeitphanomen. Wenn in einem so unbedeuten- den Nest wie Germisara die Anspruche so hoch waren, dass man den dort verehrten Gottern gleichermaBen mit lateinischen und griechischen Versen aufwarten musste, kann man sich vorstellen, welche Anspruche an die Dedikanten auf dem Kapitol oder an der ara Augusti von Sarmizegetusa gestellt waren. Man soll nicht vergessen, dass wir uns im 2. Jhdt. n. Chr. befinden, in einer Zeit der Rennaissance der griechischen Kultur und der alten religiosen Traditionen. Die Weihung von Germisara macht deut- lich, dass die Bewegung der sogenannten zweiten Sophistik weiter uber die Stadte hinaus sogar in den landlichen Raum hineinwirkte. 117 Ep. Anh. 1. 118 Ep. Anh. 5. 119 Fur die Beziehung der Nymphen zu Musik und Dichtung siehe Fr. Fless, K. Moede, in Companion to Roman Religion, 252-262; W. Speyer, E. EnB, RAC 26, 2015, 13; siehe noch St. Busch, Versus balnea- rum 131-152. 120 Siehe W. A. Johnson, BASP 37, 2000, 17-36, der ein Inventar der musikalischen Noten aus dem Altertum aufgestellt hat und neue Quellen aus Agypten publizierte. 121 Siehe eine Liste von verlorenen Werken uber die Nymphen bei W. Speyer, E. EnB, RAC 26, 2015, 2-3. 66 Ioan Piso Der Text: Sunt Getici fontes divina nympha creati, cui formonsus ager vicinus Germisarae est, cui miles Brittannicus sollemnia annua ducit ex voto efferens solvitque vota priora 5 temporis excessi et rusum suscipit ipse, cui cristatus apex procumbit vortice summo. Hinc undas miles(?) convenas videre solens, unde et pu[..........ae?]quor inde salutis excipiunt - - - 10 virtus - - - - - -que voverat portam - - - praepositus hunc tibi - - - - - - re cingeris vite comati 15 - - -o nata dono circumdata uvis; te precor Odrysta donum terrena(?) recondas. Nu^^ai rep^ioaprâv unvraSeig Y“P ânEq>uva[vp v^a tocov npovom 0eou AcK^n^eie Srâpa a KĂpZouoiv PpoTOi avSpeg 0epa^e^a xpnoâ^evo^ ne[p] 20 eZ0ovTeg KuZZoi op0ono8ouvTeg Sal ÎKavov, eu^â^evoi nâZiv ^Z0ov navaKsp Srâpa ^epovTeg, ZouTpoîoiv xpn°Toîoiv aYaZZo^evoi xapiT^pia SrâKav, Kn^a^a 0vpa [9Ep]ovTeg non^ov uSrap^ ’ApTe^i 6e nn KuvaYETei Kapn^oia Srâpa 25 [^i]Kpo[v] eu^â^evoi aneSraKav Tâg Te eopTag G^pavY[i| 0umag Kai enav^Z0av o[8]ov eauTrâv. Ei oug Teiveig, BpiTTavciKâv ^Y^t^P TovSe âve0nKev ^nvov Za^npoTâTou eni Kav- 30 8^8ou âp/^g. C(aius) Sentius Iustinus (centurio) l(e)g(ionis) VMac(edonicae) agens per terr(itorium) Lucanum. Epigraphischer Anhang 1. - CIL III 1395; CLE 864; IDR III/3, 239: [Hanc ti]bi marmoreo caesam de monte d[icavi] / regina undarum Nympha decus nemoru[m / vo]to damnasti perfecta quem prece Bassus / moenitae propter moenia Germisarae. 2. - AE 1971, 386 bis; IDR III/3, 241: Nymphis Aug(ustis) / pro salute Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) Titi / Ael(ii) Hadr(iani) Anto/5nini Aug(usti) Pii p(atris) p(atriae) / M(arcus) Statius Pris/cus leg(atus) Aug(usti) p[r(o) pr(aetore)] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). Ein Gebet fur die Nymphen aus Germisara 67 3. - CIL III 7882; IDR III/3, 240: Nymphis / M(arcus) Stati[u]s / Priscus / lega- tus /5 Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 4. - CIL III 1397; IDR III/3, 242: Nymphis salutife/ris sacrum / M(arcus) Lucilius Lucili/anus Aug(ustalis) col(oniae) pro /5 salute sua et / L(ucii) Antisti(i) One/simi Aug(ustalis) col(oniae) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 5. - AE 1992, 1484; ILD 326: Nymphi[s] sanctis / August(is) simul et / tibi sancta Deana / fontiq(ue) vestro / retulit sua vo/ta libens salu|ti ter refirmatus / aquis Germis(arensibus) / M(arcus) Aur(elius) Theodo/tus v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) Imp(eratore) / Comm(odo) [Fe]lice c(onsule) VI VIII Kal(endas) / Comm(odas). 6. - CIL III 1396; IDR III/3, 243: Nymphis / sanctissimis / P(ublius) Aelius Marce/ llinus signifer /5 et quaestor n(umeri) Brit(annicianorum) / mortis periculo li-/ber(atus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) / Imp(eratore) Comm(odo) Aug(usto) / Felice V et Glabrione /10 II co(n)s(ulibus). 7. - AE 1993, 1341; ILD 319122: Nymphis / sanctissi/mis M(arcus) Aur(elius) / Mossianus /5 opt(io) p(rimi) p(ili) leg(ionis) / XIII Gem(inae) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 8. - AE 1992, 1485; ILD 327: Nym[phis] / sanc[tissimis] / C(aius) Siro[n(ius) - - -] / IIIIvirali[s mu]/5nicipi(i) Aur(elii) A[pul(ensis)] / pro salute s[ua] / et suoru[m] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) [m(erito)]. 9. - AE 1992, 1496; ILD 328: Nymphis / sacr(um) / L(ucius) Livius Mar/cellus IIvi/ral(is) col(oniae) pro / fili(i)s ex vi/so l(ibens) m(erito). 10. - AE 1992, 1487; ILD 329: Nymphis / T(itus) Fab(ius) Aqui/leiensis / trib(unus) n(umeri) s(ingularium) B(ritannicianorum). 11. - AE 1992, 1481; ILD 323: Nymp(his) / Baebius / Ingen(uus). 12. - AE 1992, 1482; ILD 324: Nymph/is Lici(nia) / Cale. 13. - AE 1992, 1483; ILD 325: Nymf/is Dece/balus Lu/ci(i) posuit. 14. - IDR III/3, 230: Aesculapio / --. 15. - IDR III/3, 231: Numini / Aesculapio / et Hygiae / Aurelius /5 Chrestus / v(otum) l(ibens) s(olvit) m(erito). 16. - AE 1944, 59; IDR III/3, 232: Aesculapio / et Hygiae / sacrum / P(ublius) Furius /5 Saturninus / leg(atus) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore). 17. - AE 1992, 1480; ILD 322: (H)ygiae / Corne/l(ia) Mar/cellina. 18. - AE 1992, 1479; ILD 321: Dia(nae) / Corne/lia Mar/cellina. Abkurzungen Aquae salutiferae M. Bassani, M. Bressan, Fr. Ghedini (Hrsg.), Aquae salutiferae. Il termalismo tra antico e contemporaneo. Atti del convegno inter- nazionale Montegrotto Terme, 6-8 settembre 2012, Padova 2013. G. Autenrieth - A. Kaegi Autenrieths Schulworterbuch zu den homerischen Gedichten (zehnte verbesserte Auflage besorgt von A. Kaegi), Leipzig-Berlin 1904. St. Busch, Versus Versus Balnearum. Die antike Dichtung uber Bdder und Baden im Balnearum romischen Reich, Stuttgart-Leipzig 1999. 122 Die bisherige Lesung war in den Zeilen 4-6 falsch: Nymphis / sanctissi/mis M(arcus) Aur(elius) / Mosianus /5 opti(o) I leg(ionis) / XIII Gem(inae) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 68 Ioan Piso Companion to Roman Religion Cura, preghiera e benessere J. Rupke (Hrsg.), A Companion to Roman Religion, Oxford 2007. M. Annibaletto, M. Bassani, Fr. Ghedini (Hrsg.), Cura, preghiera e benessere. Le stazioni curative termominerali nell’Italia Romana, Padova 2014 (Antenor Quaderni 31). Dacia Augusti provincia E. S. Teodor, O. Țentea (Hrsg.), Dacia Augusti provincia. Crearea provinciei (Tagung Bukarest, 13.-14. Oktober 2006), Bukarest, 2006. D. Dana, Onomasticon Thracicum D. Dana, Onomasticon Thracicum. Repertoire des noms indigenes de Thrace, Macedoine orientale, Mesies, Dacie et Bithynie, Athen 2014 (MeXETppaTa 70). DELR Al. Ciorănescu, Dicționarul etimologic al limbii române (Hrsg. T. S. Mehedinți, M. Popescu Marin), București 2007. D. Detschew, Sprachreste DLR Graecia, Roma, Barbaricum Fr. V. Hickson, Roman Prayer Language A.-Fr. Jaccottet, Choisir Dionysos J. Larson, Greek Nymphs LfgrE Limes IX D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste2, Wien 1976. Dicționarul limbii române, București 2010. Vl. Iliescu et alii (Hrsg.), Graecia, Roma, Barbaricum. In memo- riam Vasile Lica, Galați 2014. Fr. V. Hickson, Roman Prayer Language. Livy and the Aeneid of Virgil, Stuttgart 1993. A.-Fr. Jaccottet, Choisir Dionysos. Les associations dionysiaques ou la face cachee du dionysisme I-II, Zurich 2003. J. Larson, Greek Nymphs. Myth, Cult, Lore, Oxford 2001. Lexikon des fruhgriechischen Epos, Gottingen 1979. D. M. Pippidi (Hrsg.), Actes du IXe Congres international d’etudes sur les frontieres romaines (Mamaia, 6-13 septembre 1972), Bukar- est - Koln 1974. I. A. Oltean, Dacia I. A. Oltean, Dacia. Landscape, Colonisation and Romanisation, Oxford 2007. Orbis antiquus L. Ruscu, C. Ciongradi, R. Ardevan, Cr. Roman, Cr. Găzdac (Hrsg.), Orbis antiquus. Studia in honorem Ioannis Pisonis, Cluj-Napoca 2004. C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia Daciae. Contribuție la istoria militară a Daciei romane, Bukarest 2002. I. Piso, Nordgrenze I. Piso, An der Nordgrenze des Romischen Reiches Ausgewahlte Studien (1972-2003), Stuttgart 2005 (Habes 41). Politique edilitaire D. Alicu, H. Boegli (ed.), Politique edilitaire dans les provinces de l’Empire Romain, IIeme - IVeme siecles apres J. C. Colloque rouma- no-suisse, Deva 21-26 octobre 1991, Cluj-Napoca 1993. K. H. Schmidt, Die Komposition F. T. van Staten, Hiera Kala K. H. Schmidt, Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen, Tubingen 1957. F. T. van Staten, Hiera Kala. Images of Animal Sacrifices in Archaic and Classical Greece, Leiden - New York - Koln 1995. Ioan Piso Babeș-Bolyai Universitat, Cluj-Napoca piso_ioan@yahoo.com Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 69-72 FRAGMENT EINES MILITĂRDIPLOMS AUS DER ZEIT NEROS VIELLEICHT AUS DEM JAHR 59 (?) WERNER ECK, ANDREAS PANGERL Abstract: A fragmentary Roman military diploma dated in the first part to the year 59 is published here. It is one of the earliest diplomas known so far, copied after an imperial constitu- tion issued by Nero in that year. Keywords: Roman military diploma; Nero; civitas Romana; C. Fonteius Capito. Rezumat: Este publicat un fragment de diplomă militară romană, care ar putea data din prima parte a anului 59. Este una dintre cele mai timpurii diplome militare cunoscute până acum, copiată după o constituție imperial emisă de Nero în acel an. Cuvinte cheie: diplomă militară romană; Nero; civitas Romana; C. Fonteius Capito. Die erste bekannte kaiserliche Burgerrechtskonstitution, die durch ein Militardiplom bezeugt ist, stammt aus dem Jahr 52 n.Chr., also noch aus der Zeit des Claudius. Doch bis zum Jahr 68, als unter Galba fur die Soldaten der legio I Adiutrix offensichtlich sehr zahlreiche Diplome ausgegeben wurden1, und bis zum Beginn der Regierung Vespasians sind nur sehr wenige weitere Dokumente dieser Art bezeugt. Sie stammen: aus einem Jahr vor 54: CIL XVI 2, aus dem Jahr 54: CIL XVI 3, aus dem Jahr 61: CIL XVI 4 und RMD III 202, aus dem Jahr 64: CIL XVI 5, aus dem Jahr 65: RMD II 79, sowie aus einem unbekannten Jahr zwischen 54 und 68: CIL XVI 6. Das lasst darauf schlieBen, dass die Ausgabe von Diplomen auf Bronze damals wohl noch relativ selten war und vielleicht unregelmaBig erfolgte, weshalb auch nur so wenige Exemplare uberliefert sind. Umso interessanter sind weitere Zeugnisse aus dieser fruhen Zeit. Eines kann hier vorgelegt werden, das freilich nur in einer sehr fragmentarischen Form erhalten blieb. Es handelt sich um ein Fragment aus tabella II, das in zwei anpassende Teile zer- brochen ist und auf dem nur relativ wenig Text steht. Auf der AuBenseite ist links ein kleiner Teil des markanten Rahmens, am rechten Rand auch ein Streifen deutlich zu sehen, auf dem einst die Siegel angebracht waren, die mit einer Metallkappe geschutzt wurden. Die Schrift ist auf beiden Seiten sehr klar und deutlich eingegraben. MaBe: Hohe 4,2 cm, Breite 10 cm, Dicke 1 mm, Schrift innen 6, auBen 6 mm. Gewicht: 28 Gramm. 1 CIL XVI 7-9 und RMD III 136. 70 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Abb. 1. Abb. 2. Folgender Text ist lesbar: Aufîenseite: C IVLI C LICINI Innenseite: [---] AVT SIQVI CAELIBES E[SSENT CVM IIS QVAS] POSTEA DVXISSENT D[VMTAXAT SINGVLIS] SINGVLAS A D I[--- ] [--- FO]NTEIO [--- COS] [---] Das Fragment weist mit einigen auBeren Merkmalen auf die Fruhzeit der Ausgabe von Diplomen hin. Das zeigt zum einen der markante Rahmen, ferner die sehr klare Schrift, vor allem die auf der Innenseite. Damals war es offensichtlich noch Fragment eines Militărdiploms aus der Zeit Neros vielleicht aus dem Jahr 59 (?) 71 fur die Produzenten der Diplome klar, dass die Innenseite die rechtlich relevante dar- stellte, weshalb sie auch gut lesbar sein musste. Entsprechend wurde die schriftliche Form auf der Innenseite gestaltet. Spater anderte sich das deutlich. Zu prufen ist, ob andere Hinweise diese Vermutung stutzen konnen. Von der Konsulatsangabe ist ein kleiner Teil zu lesen. Die Lesung TEIO ist sicher; hinzukommt noch vor dem T am oberen Rand ein Rest eines Buchstabens, der von einem I oder einem N stammen kann. Unter den bekannten Konsuln findet sich diese Buchstabenfolge nur bei den Namen Ateius, Fonteius und Insteius2. Doch der als Suffektkonsul bekannte C. Ateius Capito amtierte, als noch keine Diplome aus- gegeben wurden; ein M. Insteius Bithynicus bekleidete das Amt im Jahr 162, also in einer Zeit, die fur diese Art von Diplom viel zu spat ist. Dagegen findet sich der Name Fonteius mehrmals innerhalb des Zeitraums, in den das Diplom gehoren konnte3. Wir kennen folgende Senatoren: M. Fonteius Agrippa, suffectus im Mai/Juni 58, C. Fonteius Capito, ordinarius von Januar bis Juni 59, und einen (Fonteius) Capito, ordinarius in den ersten Monaten 674. Alle drei Konsuln amtierten also unter Nero, in einer Zeit, in die das Diplom nach den auBeren Kriterien bestens passt. Ein zwingendes Argument, welcher dieser drei Senatoren in dem Diplom genannt war, gibt es nicht. Ein gewisses Gewicht aber hat wohl die Beobachtung, dass Fonteius in diesem Diplom an zweiter Stelle genannt ist; denn in dieser fruhen Zeit werden in den Diplomen normalerweise Tag, Monat und Konsuln des Publikationsdatums kontinuierlich hintereinander geschrieben; das muss auch hier der Fall gewesen sein, da nach a(nte d(iem) I[--] noch genugend Platz vorhanden ist, dass dort der Name des consul prior stand, der vielleicht erst am Anfang der folgenden Zeile endete, wo in der Lucke vor [C. Fo] noch Platz fur rund sieben Buchstaben vorhanden ist. Wenn diese Annahme zutrifft, dann kommt am ehesten der ordinarius des Jahres 59 in Betracht. Denn er erscheint in einer Reihe von Dokumenten an zweiter Stelle nach seinem Kollegen C. Vipstanus Apronianus, so jedenfalls in AE 1968, 35; 2002, 342; Fonteius ist hier also wohl als consul posterior genannt, was freilich kein absolutes Argument ist, da die Reihenfolge auch wechseln kann, selbst in so offiziellen Dokumenten wie den Diplomen. Auch Fonteius Agrippa, suffectus 58, sollte wohl an zweiter Stelle genannt worden sein, weil er neben einem ordi- narius amtierte. Dagegen steht der (Fonteius) Capito als ordinarius des Jahres 67 im einzigen Dokument, in dem er erscheint, an erster Stelle5. Man kann die Konstitution damit zwar vielleicht dem Jahr 59 zuweisen, doch bleibt das unsicher. Sicher ist aber, dass wir bisher aus keinem dieser drei Jahre eine Burgerrechtskonstitution bezeugt haben. Damit ist klar, dass das Fragment eine neue Konstitution bezeugt, und sicher unter Nero. Damit sind fur ihn insgesamt funf Konstitutionen bekannt. Weiteres lasst sich dem Text nicht entnehmen, auch nicht ob die Konstitution fur die Flotte oder fur Auxiliartruppen bestimmt war, obgleich eine Bestimmung fur 2 Siehe die Stichwortliste der PIR: http://pir.bbaw.de/stichwortliste/stichwortliste-suchmaske. 3 Abgesehen wird hier von dem Fonteius Capito, der zusammen mit Germanicus Konsul im Jahr 12 n.Chr. Konsul war, PIR2 F 470. 4 PIR2 F 466; 467; 471. 5 CIL X 5405 = InscrItal XIII 1, 15. 72 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl die letzteren wahrscheinlich ist. Lediglich fur Pratorianer kann sie nicht bestimmt gewesen sein. Auf der AuBenseite stehen die Gentilnomina zweier Zeugen: eines C. lulius und eines C. Licinius. Wahrend zahlreiche Gaii Iulii aus der Zeit bis 73/74 als Zeugen bekannt sind, fehlt unter ihnen bisher ein C. Licinius6. Der Text des Diploms lasst sich damit in folgender Form rekonstruieren: [Nero Claudius divi Claudi f(ilius) Germanici Caesaris n(epos) Ti(beri) Caesaris Au(gusti) pron(epos) divi Aug(usti) abn(epos) Caesar Aug(ustus) German(icus) pont(i- fex) max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) V? imp(erator) --- co(n)s(ul) III? equitib(us) et peditib(us)? qui milit(ant) in alis? --- et coh(ortibus)? --- quae appel- lantur --- et sunt in --- sub ---, qui quina et vicena stipendia aut plura meruerant, quorum nomina subscripta sunt, ipsis liberis posterisque eorum civitatem dedit et conubium cum uxoribus, quas tunc habuissent, cum est civitas iis data] aut, si qui caelibes e[ssent, cum iis quas] postea duxissent, d[umtaxat singuli] singulas a(nte) d(iem) I[---C(aio) Vipstano Aproniano(?), C(aio) Fo]nteio [Capitone co(n)s(ulibus)] etc. Werner Eck Universitat zu Koln, Historisches Institut-Alte Geschichte, 50923 Koln Werner.Eck@uni-koeln.de Andreas Pangerl OsterwaldstraBe 59, 80805 Munchen andreas@pangerl.com 6 Siehe RMD V, p. 936. Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 73-84 NEUE DIPLOMATA MILITARIA AUS DER ZEIT VON HADRIAN UND ANTONINUS PIUS WERNER ECK, ANDREAS PANGERL Abstract: Three fragmentary Roman military diplomas, one from the time of Hadrian, the two others from the time of Antoninus Pius, are published in this paper. The first diploma was copied after an imperial constitution issued for a single unit, the cohors I Lepidiana c. R., stationed in Moesia inferior or in Asia. The second diploma belonged to a veteran of an unknown unit, also stationed in Moesia inferior. The third diploma belongs to an imperial con- stitution issued by Antoninus Pius for the auxiliary units of Noricum in the year 157. Keywords: Roman military diplomas; Hadrian; Antoninus Pius; Moesia inferior; Asia; Noricum; civitas Romana. Rezumat: În acest articol sunt publicate trei fragmente de diplome militare romane, două din timpul împăratului Hadrian și una din timpul împăratului Antoninus Pius. Prima diplomă a fost copiată după o constituție imperială acordată unei singure trupe, cohors I Lepidiana c. R., care a staționat în Moesia inferior sau în Asia. A doua diplomă a aparținut unui veteran al unei trupe necunoscute din aceeași provincie, Moesia inferior. A trei diplomă a fost copiată după o constituție imperială acordată de Antoninus Pius trupelor auxiliare din provincial Noricum în anul 157. Cuvinte cheie: diplome militare romane; Hadrian; Antoninus Pius; Moesia inferior; Asia; Noricum; civitas Romana. 1. Eine Konstitution for eine einzige Kohorte aus der Provinz Moesia inferior oder Asia unter Hadrian Kleines Fragment aus der linken oberen Ecke einer tabella I (Abb. 1-2), die mit einer zweifachen flach eingravierten Linie umrahmt ist. Der Rand ist oben und links erhalten. Die Buchstaben vor allem der AuBenseite sind sehr sauber eingraviert worden. MaBe: Hohe 3,6 cm, Breite 3,2 cm, Dicke 0,5 mm; Buchstabenhohe innen 5 mm, auBen 4 mm; Gewicht 2,77 Gramm. Abb. 1-2. 74 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Folgendes ist zu lesen: Aufîenseite tabella I (Abb. 1): IMP CAESAR [DIVI TRAIANI PARTHICI FIL DIVI] NERVAE N[EPOS TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG] PONT MAX [TRIB POTEST --- COS III? --?] PEDITIB ET E[QVITIB QVI MILITAVER IN COH I] LEPIDIAN[A C R QVAE EST IN ---] Innenseite (Abb. 2): IMP CAE[SAR DIVI TRAIANI PARTHICI FIL DIVI] NERVA[E NEPOS TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG] PON M[AX TRIB POTEST --- COS III? --?] Das Diplom geht auf eine Konstitution zuruck, die von Hadrian ausgestellt wurde. Eine nahere Eingrenzung der Zeit scheint nicht moglich; da Hadrian aber bereits im Jahr 119 seinen dritten Konsulat bekleidete, darf man mit erheblicher Wahrscheinlichkeit cos. III erganzen. Ob in der Titulatur danach noch etwas stand, etwa p(ater) p(atriae) oder proco(n)s(ul) muss offen bleiben. Der Text beginnt nach der Kaisertitulatur mit peditib(us) et e[quitib(us)] wonach sich sogleich qui militaver(unt) angeschlossen haben muss. Dann aber bleibt, wenn man nicht beim gesamten Text nach equitib(us) mit extremer Abkurzung rechnen will - worauf auch nichts hindeutet - nur noch so wenig Platz, dass im verlorenen Teil von Zeile 4 nach in coh. auf keinen Fall noch die sonst ubliche Aussage qui appellan- tur gestanden haben kann. Das aber ware notig, wenn im Diplomtext nach der cohors I Lepidiana noch weitere Einheiten genannt gewesen waren. Somit muss mit der cohors I Lepidiana c. R. die einzige Einheit gemeint sein, die in dem Diplom uber- haupt genannt ist, weshalb der sonstige Hinweis auf die Benennung der Einheiten hier uberflussig war. Die Zahl der kaiserlichen Burgerrechtskonstitutionen, die nur fur eine einzige Auxiliareinheit erlassen wurden, ist nicht groB. Bisher kennen wir folgende Falle: Provinz Datum Einheit Beleg Macedonia 120 ped(itibus), qui mil(itaverunt) in coh(orte) I Fl(avia) Bessor(um) CIL XVI 67 Dacia superior 121 iis, qui militant in ala Ulpia contariorum mil(liaria) AE 2008, 1749, 1750, 1751, 1752; AE 2010, 1858 Cilicia 121 peditib(us) et equitib(us), qui militaverunt in cohort(e) IIII Gallor(um) RGZM 19 Dacia superior 123 equitib(us) et peditib(us), qui militaver(unt) in coh(orte) II Flavia Commagenor(um) et peditib(us) Britann(icianis) RGZM 22 Mauretania Caesariensis 128 pe[ditibus], qui militaveru[nt i]n coh(orte) I Fl(avia) Mus(ulamiorum) AE 2005, 1724 Neue Diplomata Militaria aus der Zeit von Hadrian und Antoninus Pius 75 Provinz Datum Einheit Beleg Lycia-Pamphylia 138 pedit(ibus) et equit(ibus), qui [milit(averunt) in coh(orte) I] Musulam(iorum)] RMD III 161 Moesia inferior oder Asia (siehe unten) Hadrian peditib(us) et e[quitib(us), qui militaver- unt in coh(orte) I] Lepidian[a c(ivium) R(omanorum)] das neue Diplom Pannonia superior 140 [pedit(ibus) et equi]t(ibus), qui milit(averunt) in coh(orte) I Ulpia [Pannonior(um) (milliaria)] AE 2005, 1718 Asia 148 pedit(ibus), q(ui) m(ilitaverunt) in coh(orte) I Raet(orum) RMD II 100 ? Pius [peditibus qui militaverunt in coh(orte) --]rum AE 2012, 1954 Lycia-Pamphylia 162 [equitibus et peditib]us, qui militaverunt [in cohorte prim]a Flavia Numidarum RMD I 67 = AE 2010,1457 Lycia-Pamphylia 165/166 [ped]itibus et equi[tibus, qui mili]taverunt in coh[orte I Flav(ia) Numida]rum RMD V 438 Lycia-Pamphylia 178 peditibu(s) et equitibu(s), qui militaverunt in cohorte I Flavia Numidar(um) CIL XVI 128 Die meisten Konstitutionen, die nur fur eine einzige Kohorte ausgestellt wur- den, waren, wie die Liste zeigt, fur Provinzen bestimmt, in denen auch nur eine ein- zige Auxiliareinheit stationiert war. Das gilt fur Macedonia, Cilicia, Asia und Lycia- Pamphylia; fur diese letzte Provinz sind sogar drei Diplome dieser Art bekannt, was angesichts der statistischen Wahrscheinlichkeit des Uberlebens von Diplomen sehr beachtlich ist. Denn notwendigerweise konnen von Konstitutionen, die nur fur die beschrankte Zahl von entlassenen Soldaten, zudem aus einer einzigen Einheit, ausge- geben wurden, nur wenige Exemplare die lange Zeit uberdauert haben. Neben diesen Provinzen mit nur einer Einheit sind mit Dacia superior, Mauretania Caesariensis und Pannonia superior allerdings auch Provinzen vertreten, in denen sehr viele auxi- lia stationiert waren. Auch dort konnte es geschehen, dass aus einem speziellen Grund eine Konstitution nur fur eine einzige ausgestellt wurde. Bei dieser Sachlage uberrascht das neue Diplom nicht weiter; allerdings stellt sich hier das Problem, in welcher Provinz die I Lepidiana zum Zeitpunkt der Ausstellung der Konstitution gestanden hat. Unter Hadrian ist sie wie schon unter Traian in Moesia inferior nachweisbar1, wo sie in den Diplomen nur bis zum Jahr 127 erscheint, allerdings in funf verschiedenen Konstitutionen. In den nach 127 bekann- ten drei Konstitutionen Hadrians fur diese Provinz wird sie allerdings nicht mehr angefuhrt2. So wurde auch schon vermutet, sie konnte nach 127 fur einige Jahre in die Provinz Asia versetzt worden sein3, wo ein optio dieser Einheit in Smyrna von seiner Frau bestattet wurde4. In Asia war normalerweise nur eine einzige Einheit stationiert, was, wenn man den Befund der oben prasentierten Liste berucksichtigt, durchaus 1 Siehe F. Matei-Popescu, The Roman Army in Moesia inferior, Bukarest, 2010, 218. Wir danken Florian Matei-Popescu, dass er uns auf die Moglichkeit, Asia als Provinz in Betracht zu ziehen, hingewiesen hat. 2 CIL XVI 78, 83; AE 2008, 1723; AE 2010, 1852; ZPE 198, 2016, 218. 3 Matei-Popescu (Anm. 1). 4 CIL III 12251 = ILS 2590. 76 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl dafur sprechen konnte, dass in das hier fragmentarisch uberlieferte Diplom man eben diese Provinz einsetzen konnte. Da freilich keine genauere Datierung erreicht werden kann, muss man es offen lassen, in welcher Provinz die Einheit zum Zeitpunkt des Erlasses der Konstitution gestanden hat: in Asia oder in Moesia inferior. Warum es, wenn diese Konstitution fur Moesia inferior bestimmt war, zu einem Erlass allein fur diese Kohorte gekommen ware, lasst sich wie in den Fallen von Pannonia supe- rior, Mauretania Caesariensis und Dacia superior nicht sagen. Gleiches gilt fur die Konstitution, die fur nur zwei Soldaten in Cappadocia, die allerdings zwei verschiede- nen Einheiten angehorten, erlassen wurde5. Am wahrscheinlichsten ist die Moglichkeit, dass bei einer Burgerrechtsverleihung fur alle oder die meisten der Auxiliareinheiten die Soldaten einer Einheit vergessen worden waren (was in der Provinz, aber genauso in Rom geschehen konnte), was dann nachgeholt wurde. Falls Asia die Provinz gewe- sen war, braucht man nicht weiter nach einem speziellen Grund zu fragen. Da nur wenig von dem Text erhalten ist, lasst sich nur Folgendes rekonstruieren: Imp(erator) Caesar [divi Traiani Parthici fil(ius) divi] Nervae n[epos Traianus Hadrianus Aug(ustus) pont(ifex) max(imus) [trib(unicia) potest(ate) --, consul III?--?] peditib(us) et e[quitib(us), qui militaver(unt) in coh(orte) I] Lepidian[a c(ivium) R(omanorum), quae est in Moesia inferiore?/Asia? sub ---] etc. 2. Eine Konstitution des Antoninus Pius for die Truppen von Moesia inferior Fragment aus der Mitte der linken Halfte von tabella I eines Diploms (Abb. 3-4). Links ist der Rand erhalten, wo auch zu sehen ist, dass die Tafel von einer nicht sehr tief eingegrabenen Doppellinie eingerahmt war. Eines der Bindungslocher ist noch erhalten. MaBe: Hohe 4 cm, Breite 3,1 cm, Dicke 0,75 mm; Buchstabenhohe auBen 4 mm, innen 4 mm; Gewicht 8 Gramm. Abb. 3. 5 W. Eck - A. Pangerl, Eine Burgerrechtskonstitution fur zwei Veteranen des kappadokischen Heeres. Zur Hăufigkeit von Burgerrechtskonstitutionen fur Auxiliarsoldaten, ZPE 150, 2004, 233-241. Neue Diplomata Militaria aus der Zeit von Hadrian und Antoninus Pius 77 Abb. 4. Folgendes ist zu lesen: Aufîenseite tabella I (Abb. 3): DIMISS HON[ESTA MISSIONE QVORVM NO] O[ O] MIN SVBSCR[IPTA SVNT CIVITATEM ROMA] NAM QVI EORV[M NON HABER DEDIT ET CO] NVB CVM VXO[RIB QVAS TVNC HABVISSENT] CVM EST CIVIT[AS IS DATA AVT CVM IS QVAS] [POSTE]A DVXI[SSENT DVMTAXAT SINGVLIS] Innenseite (Abb. 4): [IMP CAES DIVI HADR]IANI F DI[VI TRAIANI PARTHI] [CI NEP DIVI NERVAE] PRONEP T A[ELIVS HADRIA] [NVS ANTONINVS] AVG PIVS P[ONT MAX TRIBVN] [POTESTAT IMP] II CO[S P P] [EQV ET PED QVI MI]LIT IN AL V [QVAE APP I GALL] [ET PANNON ET I G]ALL ATECTO[RIGIANA ET I VES] [PASIANA DARDA]NO ET I FL G[AETVLOR ET II HIS] [PAN ARVAC ET COH]O[X]I I [BRACAR ET I] Zur Lesung der Innenseite: Zeile 4 und 8: In Zeile 4 steht nur uber der zweiten Haste der Ziffer ein Zahlstrich, der schrag von links nach rechts verlauft. Genau dies ist auch in Zeile 8 zu erkennen. Dort sind es offensichtlich ebenfalls Reste von Ziffern, die dort dann wohl Teil von [COH X]I I[BRACAR] sind. Zeile 7: Vor ET I FL G[AETVLOR] ist ein O zu erkennen und davor ein Rest einer kleiner schragen Fortsetzung, die man in den Zeilen 2 und 5 beim N erkennen kann; somit ist wohl NO zu lesen. ■ 78 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Das Diplom stammt aus der Zeit des Pius, nicht vor 142, da bereits auf die 2. imperatorische Akklamation verwiesen wird. Eine weitergehende Eingrenzung der Zeit ist noch dadurch gegeben, weil am Beginn der Privilegierungsformel vor den Namen der Einheiten nur die Zahl der Alen angefuhrt sein kann: in al(is) V, wah- rend die Zahl der Kohorten erst nach den Namen der Alen eingefugt wurde. Diese Veranderung in der Formei ist erst ab dem Ende des Jahres 153 bezeugt. Damit kann diese Konstitution nicht vor diesem Zeitpunkt ausgegeben worden sein. Die Konstitution, auf die das Diplom zuruckgeht, wurde fur die Provinz Moesia inferior ausgestellt. Das ergibt sich aus der Nennung der ala I Gallorum Atectorigiana, die mindestens seit domitianischer Zeit in dieser Provinz stationiert war6. Da diese Einheit identifiziert ist, lasst sich zumindest in der folgenden Zeile die ala I Flavia Gaetulorum erschlieBen, die ebenfalls zu den Alen in Niedermosien gehorte. In zahl- reichen Diplomen aus der Zeit des Pius sind in Moesia inferior funf Alen bezeugt; auBer den beiden genannten sind dies noch die ala I Vespasiana Dardanorum, die wohl vor der I Flavia Gaetulorum gestanden hat, und die I Gallorum et Pannoniorum sowie die II Hispanorum Aravacorum, von denen die eine fast immer als erste genannt ist, wahrend die andere an letzter Stelle der berittenen Einheiten erscheinen musste7. Allerdings kennen wir trotz der nunmehr sehr zahlreichen Diplome fur Moesia infe- rior aus den letzten Jahren des Pius von 153/154 bis 161 nur ein einziges, bei dem die Reihenfolge der Alen fast sicher ist: RMD I 50. Dort lautet die Reihenfolge: [q]ui militaver(unt) in al(is) V / [quae appel(lantur) I Ga]ll(orum) et Pann(oniorum) et I Gall(orum) Ate/[ctor(igiana) et II Hispan(orum)] Arvac(orum) et I Vespasia(na) Dar(danorum) / [et I Fl(avia) Gaet(ulorum)]8. Die Einheiten sind hier also anders angeordnet als in dem neuen Diplom; damit konnen beide Diplome jedenfalls nicht auf dieselbe Konstitution zuruckgehen. Auch mit den anderen Diplomen aus dem Zeitraum lasst sich keine Korrelation herstellen. Doch ob durch das Diplom eine neue Konstitution fur Moesia inferior bezeugt ist, muss offen bleiben. Die Teilrekonstruktion des Textes ergibt Folgendes: AuBenseite: [Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Hadriani f(ilius) divi Traiani Parthic(i) nep(os) divi Nervae pronep(os) T(itus) Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Aug(ustus) Pius pont(i- fex) max(imus), tribun(icia) potest(ate) --, imp(erator) II, co(n)s(ul) IV, p(ater) p(atriae) equitib(us) et peditib(us), qui militaver(unt) in al(is) V, quae appel(lantur) I Gall(orum) et Pann(oniorum) et I Gall(orum) Atector(igiana) et I Vespasia(na) Dar(danorum) et I Fl(avia) Gaet(ulorum) et II Hispan(orum) Arvac(orum) et coh(ortibus) XI --- et sunt in Moes(ia) infer(iore) sub --- leg(ato) quinq(ue) et vigint(i) stip(endiis)] dimiss(is) hon[esta missione, 6 O. Țentea - F. Matei-Popescu, AMN 39-40, 2002-2003, 268. 7 Siehe z.B. AE 2007, 1236. 8 Die funfte Einheit, die ala I Flavia Gaetulorum, wurde in RMD I 50 nicht rekonstruiert. Es muss sich jedoch in Analogie zu Diplomen aus der Zeit vor 153-154 um diese Einheit gehandelt haben. Neue Diplomata Militaria aus der Zeit von Hadrian und Antoninus Pius 79 quorum no]min(a) subscr[ipta sunt, civitatem Roma]nam, qui eoru[m non haber(ent) dedit et co]nub(ium) cum uxo[rib(us), quas tunc habuissent, cum est civit[as is data aut cum is, quas poste]a duxi[ssent dumtaxat singulis] etc. Innenseite: [Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Hadr]iani f(ilius) di[vi Traiani Parthici nep(os) divi Nervae] pronep(os) T(itus) A[elius Hadrianus Antoninus] Aug(ustus) Pius p[ont(i- fex) max(imus), tribun(icia) potestat(e) --, imp(erator)] II, co(n)[s(ul) IV, p(ater) p(atriae) equ(itibus) et ped(itibus), qui mi]lit(averunt) in al(is) V, [quae app(ellantur) I Gall(orum) et Pannon(iorum) et I G]all(orum) Atecto[rigiana et I Vespasiana Darda] no(rum) et I Fl(avia) G[aetulor(um) et II Hispan(orum) Arvac(orum) et coh(ortibus) X]I I [Bracar(orum) --- et sunt in Moes(ia) infer(iore) sub --- leg(ato) --] etc. 3. Eine Konstitution des Antoninus Pius fiir Noricum aus dem Jahr 157 Fragment aus der oberen Halfte der tabella I eines Diploms (Abb. 5-6). Der Rand ist nur oben erhalten, wo auch noch eine relativ breite, aber sehr einfache Doppellinie als Rahmen erkennbar ist. Die Oberflache ist an manchen Stellen etwas zerstort, ohne dass aber die Lesung wesentlich beeintrachtigt wurde. Sehr charakteristisch ausge- pragt ist das lange ausgezogene Schwanzchen des Q. MaBe: Hohe 6,2 cm, Breite 4,0 cm, Dicke 1 mm; Buchstabenhohe innen 4-5 mm, auBen 3-4 mm; Gewicht 20,32 Gramm. Abb. 5. 80 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Abb. 6. Folgendes ist zu lesen9: Aufîenseite tabella I (Abb. 5): [IMP CAES D]IVI HADRIANI F D[IVI TRAI] [ANI PARTH]IC NEP DIVI NERV[AE PRON T] [AELIVS HAD]RIANVS ANTONIN [AVG PIVS] [PONT MAX] TR POT XX IMP II CO[S IV P P] [EQVIT ET PE]DIT QVI MILIT IN A[LIS TRIBVS] [qVAE APP I] COMMAC « SAG E[T I AVG THR] [AC ET I PAN]NON TAMPIAN ET [COH VI I AST] [EQ ET V BRE]VCOR ET I10 FLAV B[RITTON ET II] [THRAC ET II] BATAV^ VEX C R [ET I AELIA] [BRITTON ET S]VNT IN NORICO S[VB --] [-- PR]OC QVINQ ET VIG[INTI STIPEND] [EMERITIS DI]MISS HONEST MI[SSION IN MAVR] [TING QVOR N]OMIN SVBSCRIPT [SVNT CIVIT] [--- O] O [---] Innenseite (Abb. 6): APP I COMM[AG]++++ ET I [AVG THRAC ET I PANN] TMP ET C O H V I I A S T [ET V BREVC ET I FL BR] (!) ET II THRAC ET II BAT « V[EX C R ET I AEL BRITT] ET SVNT IN NORICO S[VB ---] PROC XXV STIP EM +++[--- QVOR NOM] O SVBSCR SVNT CIV R[OM Q EOR NON HAB DEDIT] [-]+[--]+++[---]++[-]+[---] 9 Fur die ausfuhrliche Diskussion der Probleme der Lesung danken wir sehr Peter WeiB. 10 Die Zahl ist offensichtlich nachtraglich in ganz kleiner Form eingefugt worden. Neue Diplomata Militaria aus der Zeit von Hadrian und Antoninus Pius 81 Das Diplom geht auf eine Konstitution zuruck, die Antoninus Pius wahrend seiner 20. tribunizischen Gewalt erlassen hat, also zwischen dem 10. Dezember 156 und dem 9. Dezember 157. Praziser lasst sich das Datum nicht fassen, weil die genaue Zeitangabe mithilfe der Konsuln nicht erhalten ist. Der Erlass galt fur die Hilfstruppen der Provinz Noricum, die damals noch von einem Prasidialprokurator geleitet wurde; sein Name ist allerdings verloren. Ob in der Lucke vielleicht der Name des Ulpius Victor stand, der etwa in diesen Jahren die Provinz leitete11, lasst sich nur vermuten, aber nicht sichern. Noch wahrscheinlicher konnte Usenius Secundus sein, der jedenfalls im Jahr 158 als procurator provinciae Norici tatig war12. Die Konstitution wurde fur Veteranen von drei Alen und sechs Kohorten ausge- stellt. Die drei Alen lassen sich aus dem erhaltenen Text ermitteln, in Kombination mit AE 2012, 1080, einem Diplom, das um 158 ausgegeben worden sein muss: in alis III [quae appell(antur) I Commagenor(um)] (milliaria) sag(ittaria) et Aug(usta) [Thrac(um) et I Pannonior(um)] Tampian(a). Von den Kohorten sind die I Asturum, die V Breucorum, die Flavia Brittonum, die II Thracum und die II Batavorum aus dem erhaltenen Teil des Diploms zu entnehmen. Die 6. und letzte Kohorte musste wohl die I Aelia Brittonum sein, die ebenfalls in AE 2012, 1080 erscheint. Diese Konstitution des Jahres 157 wurde zu einer Zeit ausgestellt, als kurz vor- her Einheiten aus den beiden Pannoniae, aus Moesia inferior und aus Noricum in Mauretania Caesariensis und anschlieBend zumindest zum Teil auch in der Tingitana eingesetzt waren. Aus Noricum waren das eben die drei Alen, die auch in diesem Diplom erscheinen: [item I Co]mmag(enorum) (milliaria) sag(ittaria) et I Aug(usta) Thrac/[um et I Pann]on(iorum) Tampian(a), quae sunt in / [Norico]13. Dieser Bezug ist vielleicht deswegen von Bedeutung, weil sowohl in den Zeilen 12-13 der AuBenseite als auch in Zeile 5 der Innenseite die Formelteile stipendis emeritis dimissis honesta missione und quorum nomina nicht direkt aufeinander folgen konnen, vielmehr stand zwischen diesen beiden Formelteilen noch eine weitere Aussage. Dieses Phanomen hat man bisher nur in den Fallen, dass Truppen einer Provinz in einer anderen ein- gesetzt waren und wahrend der Zeit des Einsatzes Soldaten in den Veteranenstatus versetzt wurden. Dies kennt man gerade aus Diplomen, die Auxiliareinheiten, fast ausschlieBlich Alen, erwahnen, die in den Jahren zwischen ca. 149 und 156 zunachst in der Mauretania Caesariensis, dann auch in der Tingitana eingesetzt waren. Die Formel, die dabei - in der Langform meist auf der AuBenseite - erscheint, lautet z.B. in RGZM 32: dimis(sis) ho/[nest(a) mission(e) per Va]rium Clem/[entem pro- c(uratorem), cum ess(ent) in exp]edit(ione) M[aur(etaniae) Cae]/sar(iensis), quor(um) nomin(a) subscripta sunt, oder in AE 2006, 121314: dimissis hon[esta missione per Fla]/vium Flavianum [proc(u- ratorem) Mauretan(iae) Tingitan(ae)], / cum essent in exp[editione Mauretaniae Tin]/gitan(ae), quorum no[mina subscripta sunt...]. 11 PIR2 V 868. 12 Siehe CIL III 5166 aus dem Jahr 158; sein Name muss allerdings nach AE 2012, 1080 zu Usenius Secundus verbessert werden (so dann auch in PIR2 V 1016, wo noch Us(i)enus erscheint). 13 RGZM 32. Dazu W. Eck - A. Pangerl, Eine Konstitution aus dem Jahr 152(?) fur niedermosische und britannische Truppen, abgeordnet nach Mauretania Tingitana, mit einer Appendix von Paul Holder, ZPE 199, 2016, 187 ff. 14 Zur genaueren Erganzung siehe P. Holder in der in Anm. 13 genannten Arbeit. 82 Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl Ein so langer Einschub ist in den Lucken auBen und innen nicht unterzubrin- gen. Auf der AuBenseite fehlen etwa 12 Buchstaben: [EMERIT DI]MISS HONEST MI[SSION ---] [--- QVOR N]OMIN SVBSCRIPT [SVNT CIVIT]. Auf der Innenseite sind es ca. 10 fehlende Zeichen: PROC XXV STIP EM +++[--- QVOR NOM] SVBSCR SVNT CIV R[OM Q EOR NON HABER]. In der Lucke hat wohl auf beiden Seiten ein Hinweis gestanden, dass die AuBerdienststellung der Soldaten anderswo stattgefunden hat, ohne dass dort aber noch angegeben sein kann, wer diese durchgefuhrt hat, wie das in den eben zitier- ten Beispielen der Fall ist. Geht man also davon aus, dass die AuBerdienststellung in Mauretania Tingitana erfolgt war, wo wahrscheinlich die drei Alen (oder Teile von ihnen) zuletzt eingesetzt gewesen waren, dann bietet sich an, in der Lucke zu erganzen: in Maur Ting. Dies passt jedenfalls fur die AuBenseite perfekt. Auf der Innenseite ergibt sich allerdings ein Problem. Denn am Ende von Zeile 5 stehen Zeichen, die nicht klar lesbar sind. Erwarten musste man dort nach STIP EM noch DIM HON MISS. Ob man freilich die beiden vorletzten Zeichen als ein halbes D, das mit einem I verbunden ist, ansehen kann, worauf ein M folgte, ist unklar. Dann hatte man die normale Abfolge stipendis emeritis dimissis honesta missione (naturlich stark abgekurzt). Dann allerdings musste man annehmen, dass in der nachfolgenden Lucke auBer dem postulierten IN MAVR TING auch noch QVORVM NOMINA gefolgt ist. All das wurde nur in maximaler Verkurzung dort Platz finden15. Deshalb scheint es wahrscheinlicher, dass der Hinweis auf die Entlassung dort vergessen wurde, und die letzten Zeichen der Zeile 5 doch eher als IN M zu lesen und die letzte Passage so zu erganzen: in M[aur(etania) Ting(itana) quor(um) nom(ina)], womit die Zeile analog zu den vorausgehenden gefullt ware. Wie auch immer die Innenseite zu erganzen ist, auf der AuBenseite passt ein Hinweis auf die Entlassung in einer anderen Provinz, eben in Mauretania Tingitana, vom Umfang und von der allein bezeugten Sache her perfekt in die Lucke. Treffen diese Uberlegungen zu, dann ware damit eine neue Formei wahrschein- lich gemacht. Zu hoffen ist, dass ein vollstandiges Diplom die hier rekonstruierte Situation klaren kann. Damit ergibt sich folgende Rekonstruktion: AuBenseite: [Imp(erator) Caes(ar) d]ivi Hadriani f(ilius) d[ivi Traiani Parth]ic(i) nep(os) divi Nerv[ae pronepos T(itus) Aelius Had]rianus Antonin(us) [Aug(ustus) Pius pont(ifex) max(imus),] tr(ibunicia) pot(estate) XX, imp(erator) II, co(n)[s(ul) IV, p(ater) p(atriae) equit(ibus) et pe[dit(ibus), qui milit(averunt) in a[lis tribus, quae app(ellantur) (1) 15 Vielleicht in der Form DIM [H M IN MAVR TI QV NOM]. Neue Diplomata Militaria aus der Zeit von Hadrian und Antoninus Pius 83 I] Commag(enorum) (milliaria) sag(ittariorum) e[t (2) I Aug(usta) Thrac(um) et (3) I Pan]non(iorum) Tampian(a) et [coh(ortibus VI (1) I Ast(urum) eq(uitata) et (2) V Bre]ucor(um) et (3) I Flav(ia) B[ritton(um) et (4) II Thrac(um) et (5) II] Batav(orum) (milliaria) vex(illatio) c(ivium) R(omanorum) [et I Aelia Britton(um) et s]unt in Norico s[ub Usenio Secundo? pr]oc(uratore) quinq(ue) et vig[inti stipend(iis) emerit(is) di]miss(is) honest(a) mi[ssion(e) in Maur(etania) Ting(itana)?, quor(um) n]omin(a) subscript(a) [sunt, civitatem Romanam, qui ---] etc. Innenseite: [--- quae] app(ellantur) (1) I Comm[ag(enorum)] +++ et (2) I [Aug(usta) Thrac(um) et (3) I Pann(oniorum)] T(a)mp(ian(a) et coh(ortibus) VI (1) I Ast(urum) [et (2) V Breuc(orum) et (3) I Fl(avia) Br(ittonum)] et (4) II Thrac(um) et (5) II Bat(avorum) (milliaria) v[ex(illatio) c(ivium) R(omanorum) et (6) I Ael(ia) Britt(onum)] et sunt in Norico s[ub Usenio Secundo?] proc(uratore) XXV stip(en- diis) em(eritis) in M[aur(etania) Ting(itana)?, q(uorum) nom(ina)] subscr(ipta) sunt, civ(itatem) R[om(anam), q(ui) eor(um) non hab(erent), dedit---] etc. oder fur die letzten Zeilen: stip(endiis) em(eritis) dim(issis) [h(onesta) m(issione) in Maur(etania) Ting(itana)?, q(uorum) nom(ina)] subscr(ipta) sunt, civ(itatem) R[om(anam), q(ui) eor(um) non hab(erent), dedit---] etc. Werner Eck Universitat zu Koln, Historisches Institut-Alte Geschichte, 50923 Koln Werner.Eck@uni-koeln.de Andreas Pangerl OsterwaldstraBe 59, 80805 Munchen andreas@pangerl.com Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 85-92 (DII) MAIORES IN TEURNIA? ANMERKUNGEN ZU LUPA-8483 MANFRED HAINZMANN Abstract: For the votive formula of an inscription on an altar found in Teurnia one hun- dred years ago a third reading solution is being proposed. It is about a dedication to Dii Maiores, whose plural form makes its first appearance on Norican inscriptions. The consequences of the new reading are highly significant for the discovery spot and for other aspects. Keywords: Teurnia; dedicatory inscription; Dii Maiores; healing deities. Rezumat: Pentru formula votivă a unei inscripții de pe altarul descoperit la Teurnia cu o sută de ani în urmă este propusă o a treia soluție de lectură. Avem de-a face cu o dedicație către Dii Maiores, acest plural nefiind până acum cunoscut în Noricum. Consecințele noii lecturi pentru locul de descoperire și pentru alte aspecte sunt foarte semnificative. Cuvinte cheie: Teurnia; dedicație; Dii Maiores; divinități tămăduitoare. Bereits im Jahre 1916 veroffentlichte Rudolf Egger den als Spolie in der spatan- tiken Friedhofsmauer von Teurnia eingemauerten marmornen Weihealtar, auf dessen Schaft er eine Widmung an ATVNI zu erkennen glaubte1. Peter Scherrer misstraute als Erster diesem Befund und korrigierte das Votivformular zu MARTI2. Diese Lesart aufgreifend lieB Franz Glaser3 die nur zu zwei Drittel der OriginalgroBe erhaltene Ara gemeinsam mit anderen Gottersteinen fortan im Ausstellungsraum des Romermuseums Teurnia unter Weihungen fur MARS aufstellen, wo sie der Besucher noch heute vorfindet. Im Zuge der Erhebung der ortlichen Steindenkmaler fur die Datenbank ubi-erat-lupa4 stellte schlieBlich Ortolf Harl ein gut ausgeleuchtetes Foto ins Netz, mit dessen Hilfe Friederike Harl letztendlich zu einer verbesserten dritten Lesart gefunden hat, die neben dem Votivformular in Ansatzen auch einen Stifternamen enthalt: Maiorib(us) / [T]urboni / [-------] / [--] / [--] Dieser Text ist bislang nur unter der Lupa 8483 einzusehen. Da es sich um den ersten Beleg fur die Dii Maiores auf norischem Boden handelt, mochte ich hier die Gelegenheit ergreifen, einigen Fragen dieser Weihinschrift nachzugehen. Zunachst einige Bemerkungen zum stark abgewitterten und luckenhaften Buchstabenbestand: 1 Egger 1916, 45. 2 Scherrer 1984, 286, Nr. 16 (hier noch unter dem Lemma „Atunis?“) und Scherrer 1986, 148. 3 Glaser 1992, 49-50, Nr. 8. 4 http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/. 86 Manfred Hainzmann Abb. 1. Votivara aus Teurnia (© Lupa 8483). [Dis (vel) Dibus] (?) Maiorib(us) [T]urboni- [u]s +4?+ [et?] Tur[boni]- [us (vel) a ---] vv. 1-3: Fr. Harl hat hier den Text zweifellos korrekt wiedergegeben bzw. res- tituiert. Da mit Sicherheit von einem zweigliedrigen Stifterformular (Gentil- plus Beiname) ausgegangen werden darf, ist in Zeile 3 noch die Endsilbe -us hinzuzufugen, zumal sich in der Inschrift aus Grodig5 die gleiche Silbentrennung fur Turbon/us findet wie in unserem Zeugnis. vv. 3-5: Ab der dritten Zeile sind die Buchstabenreste nur mehr schemenhaft auszumachen. Eine vollstandige Restitution des Textes scheint hier kaum mehr mog- lich, obwohl man versucht ware, hinter den Gravuren in Zeile 4 einen zweiten Stifter namens [T]ur[boni-] zu erkennen. Der Vergleich mit den sieben ubrigen epigraphischen Evidenzen fur Dii Maiores (s. unten Tabelle 2 und die Verbreitungskarte) lasst Zweifel daruber aufkeimen, ob das Votivformular unseres Weihesteines nur aus dem erhaltenen Qualifikativ Maiorib(us) bestanden, nicht aber auch ein Gottheitsdeterminativ - dis vel dibus - aufgewiesen haben soll. Gerade weil hier eine Variante mit dem Qualifikativ sanctis als auch mit einem abschlieBenden sacrum auszuschlieBen ist, scheint mir diese Kurzversion eher unwahrscheinlich. Deshalb mochte ich eine Erganzung des Gottheitsdeterminativs direkt uber dem Altarschaft vorschlagen, wo auf der Vorderseite des verhaltnisma- Big breiten Abakus groBe Teile weggebrochen sind. Dabei kann auf eine Reihe von Beispielen fur eine solche Positionierung von Teilen des Votivformulars auf dem Oberteil einer Ara verwiesen werden6. Der/ Die Stifter Dass wir es hier mit einem gentilen Stifternamen mit Endung auf -ius und mit einem zweigliedrigen Namenformular zu tun haben, das legen schon die acht nori- schen Namenbelege fur Turbonii nahe7, die sich auf drei Municipalterritorien (Tabelle 2, Spalte 3) verteilen. 5 Siehe unten ILLPRON 1058. 6 Aus dem norischen Inschriftenfundus beispielsweise ILLPRON 0379 und ILLPRON 1255. 7 Kakoschke 2012, 197 (GN-437). (Dii) Maiores in Teurnia? Anmerkungen zu Lupa-8483 87 Tabelle 1: Turbonii in Noricum I.1 I.2 I.3 T(itus) Turbonius Blastus » Turbonia Fusca > T(itus) Turbonius Callistus (ager Solvensis) - Loffelbach ILLPRON 1285 II.4 [..] [T]urboni[us] Fuscinus (ager luvavensis) - Grodig ILLPRON 1058 III.5 Turbonia Nigrina (Flavia Solva) - Seggauberg ILLPRON 1356 IV.6 IV.7 IV.8 M(arcus) T[urbonius?] (---?) » Turbonia Suadra > Turbonius Successus (Flavia Solva) - Seggauberg ILLPRON 1411 Neuer Beleg V.9 [T]urboni[u]s [---] ( Teurnia) Lupa 8483 Erwahnenswert ist, dass auch Turbonius Fuscinus (Nr. II.4) in seiner Eigenschaft als Beneficiarier der 2. Italischen Legion eine Weihinschrift hinterlassen hat, mit Widmung an lupiter Optimus Maximus sowie alle ubrigen Gotter und Gottinnen. Dank der Konsulangabe steht auch das Jahr ihrer Aufstellung - 202 n. Chr. - fest. ILLPRON 1058, Grodig, luvavum (Noricum): [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [et] D(iis) D(eabusque) o(mnibus) / [- T]urboni-/ [us] Fuscinus / [b(ene)f(iciarius)] co(n)s(ularis) leg(ionis) / [II It(alicae)] p(iae) f(ide- lis) pro se / [et suis] v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) / [dom]inis nn(ostris) / [Severo] III et / [Antoni]no / [co(n)]s(ulibus). Solange das Namenformular der Teurnienser Gotterweihung nicht zur Ganze entziffert ist, muss offen bleiben, ob es sich hier um die Stiftung einer weiteren gleich- namigen Person oder um ein Mitglied der oben in Tabelle 1 genannten Familien han- delt. In beiden Fallen erhoht sich die Anzahl der Gesamtevidenzen fur das romische Gentiliz auf nunmehr neun Personen. Woraus Kakoschke die Erkenntnis gewinnt, es handle sich bei dem genannten Personenkreis (Nr. I.1-IV.8) um Einheimische, bleibt mir aufgrund der fehlenden Begriffsdefinition verborgen8. Fest steht, dass nur das Cognomen Suadra eindeutig als keltischsprachig9 gilt. Wen umschreiben die Dii Maiores? Mit den lediglich durch zwei lateinische Determinative - Gottheitsdeterminativ plus Qualifikativ - umschriebenen ‘Gotternamen’ verbanden die jeweiligen Stifter, daruber besteht kein Zweifel, konkrete Gottergestalten des mediterranen - also grie- chisch-romischen - Pantheons. Selbiges durfte auch auf die Dii Magni, Boni u.a. kol- lektive Attribute aus vergleichbaren lateinischen Gotterformularen zutreffen, fur die Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel den Terminus „theonymische Stellvertreter“ gepragt 8 Kakoschke 2012, 197 im Kommentar: „In allen Fallen sicher Einheimische (aus Noricum bzw. dem Raum Flavia Solva)“. 9 Delamarre 2007, 172. 88 Manfred Hainzmann hat10. Da wir den Dii Maiores an anderer Stelle eine umfassende Untersuchung11 wid- men, sei hier lediglich eine Ubersicht uber die bislang vorliegenden Votivformulare (Tabelle 2) fur die solcherart ,anonymen‘ Gottheiten gegeben sowie auf einen Aufsatz von Geza Alfoldy aus dem Jahre 1997 verwiesen, in welchem er das zur Diskussion ste- hende Gotterkollektiv einerseits mit den „romischen Hauptgottern“ gleichsetzt und zudem postuliert, dass die Dii Magni nicht mit den Dii Maiores identisch seien12. Dass ihm die Identifizierung mit den dahinter stehenden konkreten Gottheiten nicht gelang, ist allein auf die Tatsache zuruckzufuhren, dass die dakische Weihinschrift aus Sarmizegetusa (Nr. 1) noch unediert war. Eben dort finden sich mit Domnus und Domna (!) genau jene beiden Attribute, die zum einen auf ein zweigeschlecht- liches Gotterpaar hindeuten und zum anderen eine Benennung der Dii Maiores mit AZKAEniOZ / Asclepius, Aesculapius und der YrEIA / Hygia, Salus erlauben (Abb. 2)13. Das nachstehende Verzeichnis der bisher bekannten epigraphischen Zeugnisse fur Dii Maiores umfasst acht Monumentalinschriften. Die Votivformulare fur Domnus und Domna allein (vgl. Anm. 13) sind hier nicht berucksichtigt! Abb. 2. Verbreitungskarte Dii Maiores. 10 CFNor, Teil 1, Kap. 1 mit Anm. 6., mit einem weiteren Beispiel in Teil 1, Kap. 2. 11 Hainzmann, ms. 12 Alfoldy 1997, 229. 13 Vgl. die stadtromische Weihung CIL VI 17 an Aesculapio et Ygiae Dominis! Aus Gorsium (Tac) ken- nen wir eine Widmung an Dom(noJ Domn(a)e, die wir wohl gleichfalls mit den namlichen Heilgottheiten in Verbindung setzen ddrfen (RIU VI 1523b = EDCS-17800037). (Dii) Maiores in Teurnia? Anmerkungen zu Lupa-8483 89 1. AE 2010, 1383 = EDCS-59500075 (Sarmizegetusa / Burgort / Vârhely - Dacia): Dis Maiorib(us) / Domno et / Domnae / C(aius) Post(umius) Pansa ((centurio)) / leg(ionis) III Italic(ae) v(otum) s(olvit). 2. CIL III 14983 = Zovic, Kurilic 2015, 130 = EDCS-32700559 (Ivosevci / Burnum - Dalmatia): Maioribus / sa(crum vel -nctis?) v(otum) / s(olvit) i(bens) (!) m(erito). 3. ISM I 298 = AE 1984, 797 = EDCS-11800328 (Histria / Istros - Moesia inf.)14: Maioribus / sanctis Sul/picianus / Timocrati / ex voto po/suit pro se et / suos (!). 4. Lupa 8483 (St. Peter im Holz / Teurnia - Noricum): [Dis vel Dibus] (?) / Maiorib(us) / [T]urboni/[u]s +4?+ / [et?] Tur[boni]/[us (vel) a ---] / -. 5. CIL III 3468 = TitAq I 209 = EDCS-28600358 (Budapest / Aquincum - Pannonia inf.): Maioribus / sanctis L(ucius) Nae/vius Campanus / kast(rensis) (!) leg(ionis) IIII Fl(aviae) / pro salute sua et / suorum v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 6. ILJug I 279 = EDCS-10000350 (Novi Banovci / Burgenae - Pannonia inf.): Di[b]us / Maioribus / sacrum / Aur(elius) Valen/tinus pro se / et s(uis) mo(nitus) somn(io) / v(otum) l(ibens) p(osuit). 7. CIL III 3292 = CIL III 10274 = ILS 4011 = EDCS-28600275 (Popovac / Baan / Antiana - Pannonia inf.): Sacrum / Dis Magnis / Maioribus et / Sanctissimae / Sanctitati / v(oto) l(ibens) p(osuit) M(arcus) F(---) F(---). 8. CIL III 3939 (p. 1740) = ILS 4013 = AIJ 503 = EDCS-26600417 (Topusko / Ad Fines - Pannonia sup.): Dibus / Maioribus / Aurelius / Secundinus / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). Tabelle 2: Votivformulare fur Dii Maiores Dibus Maioribus 8 Dis Maiorib(us) Domno etDomnae (!) 1 sacrum Dis Magnis Maioribus et sanctissimae Sanctitati 7 Di[b]us Maioribus sacrum 6 [Dis (ve,) Dibus] (?) Maiorib(us) 4 Maioribus sa(crum/nctis?) 3 Maioribus sanctis 2 Maioribus sanctis 5 14 Fur eine Assoziation mit den Dii Manes bzw. Dii parentes - so die Deutung von Pippidi 1977, 108- 109, Nr. 10; ISM I 298 - besteht meines Erachtens kein Grund. 90 Manfred Hainzmann Im Ubrigen halten auch die norischen Weihinschriften fur die groBen griechi- schen Heilgottheiten einige Zeugnisse bereit - drei aus dem Virunenser und eines aus dem Iuvavenser Stadtterritorium: 1. ILLPRON 624 = CIL III 7472 = Lupa 4998 (Toeltschach / Virunum): [Aesculapio (vel) Apollini] et Hyg[iae] / [---]nia Nici[---] / [---]ia Troph[ime] (!) / 2. ILLPRON 1126 = CIL III 11758 (p. 2199) = Lupa 6592 (Grodig / Iuvavum): Asclepio / Aug(usto) / Q(uintus) Sabinius / Onesimus / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 3. ILLPRON 467 = Lupa 9018 (Sankt Peter am Wallersberg / Virunum): Asculepio (!) / Auc(usto) (!) sac(rum) / Vol(usius?) Ursus / vot(um) sol(vit) m(erito). 4. ILLPRON 436 = Lupa 5749 (Sankt Georgen am Weinberg / Virunum): Aesculapio / Aug(usto) sac(rum) / C(aius) Mar(ius) / Lucanius / Priscus dec(urio) et / IIvir iur(e) dic(undo) Cl(audio) Vir(uno) / et Cominia Q(uinti) f(ilia) / Celsinio cum Lucaniis / Maximiano Avet(o) / Spectato et Prisco / filis (!) ex voto posuer(unt) / l(aeti) l(ibentes) m(erito). In der erstgenannten, bruchstuckhaften Inschrift(tafel) aus Virunum fehlt leider der Name des Parhedros der Hygia. Angesichts der vielen Parallelen wurde man mei- nen, es kame dafur ohnehin nur Aesculapius in Betracht. Doch gilt es hier auf zwei Widmungen aus dem oberpannonischen Brigetio hinzuweisen, in welcher zum ersten und einzigen Mal Apollo als ihr Partner bezeugt ist: CIL III 3649 = RIU II 377 = EDCS-26600569 (Komarom / Komorn / Brigetio - Pannonia sup.): Apollini et Hygiae / Q(uintus) Ulp(ius) Felix Aug(ustalis) m(unicipii) / Brig(etionis) porticum / a portis II ad fon/tem Salutis a / solo inpendis (!) / suis fecit et / ad epulas privileg(io) colleg(ii) centon(ariorum) / haberi iussit praef(ecto) Iul(io) Sabino / q(uin)- q(uennale) Pr(a)esente et Extric(ato) co(n)s(ulibus) Noni(s) No(vembribus). RIU III 773 = AE 1944, 110 = EDCS-09900151 (Esztergom / Solva - Pannonia sup.): [Apollini et H]ygiae san[ctis]/[simis] Q(uintus) Ulpius [Felix] / [Aug(ustalis) mun(icipii) B]reg(etionis) temp[lum] / [impensis s]uis fecit [Imp(eratoribus)] / [Aur(elio) Anto]nino Aug(usto) II et Sept(imio) [. Selbst wenn wir es bei der Virunenser Inschrifttafel mit einer Gotterweihung aus Teurnia zu tun hatten, musste man Apollo in die engere Wahl ziehen, wird er doch dort von dem Stifterehepaar Lollius Trophimus und Lollia Probata uber eine identificatio Graeco-Romana vel indigena15 mit dem keltischen Heilgott Grannos 15 De Bernardo Stempel 2008 und 2014 sowie Hainzmann 2012 mit mehreren Beispielen fur dieses Modell der sog. interpretatio Romana. Vgl. ferner De Albentiis Hienz, De Bernardo Stempel 2013, 99-100. (Dii) Maiores in Teurnia? Anmerkungen zu Lupa-8483 91 geglichen16. Was aber gerade Teurnia als eine Art norisches Kurzentrum erschei- nen lăsst, sind die beiden hierorts entdeckten und aus Kleinasien importierten Oinophoren, eine davon mit den Reliefdarstellungen des Asklepios und der Hygieia (Abb. 3)17. Diese seltenen und wertvollen KultgefăBe18 scheinen mir ein untrugliches Indiz dafur, dass auch der/die hiesigen cultor/es Deorum Maiorum besagten Heilern ihre Reverenz erwiesen. Grundlage fur die ortliche Verehrung der genannten Heilgottheiten bildeten zweifellos die ortlichen Quellen, deren Wasser gewiss schon in vorromischer Zeit mit besonderen Heilkrăften in Verbindung gebracht wurde. Abb. 3. Oinophoros aus Teurnia (©Archiv: Landesmuseum Kărnten). Literaturverzeichnis Alfoldy 1997 G. Alfoldy, Die Grofien Gotter von Gorsium, ZPE, 115, 1997, 225-241. Delamarre 2007 X. Delamarre, Noms de personnes celtiques dans l’epigraphie clas- sique, Paris 2007. De Albentiis Hienz, De M. de Albentiis Hienz, P. de Bernardo Stempel, Towards a Typol- Bernardo Stempel 2014 ogy of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities: the Greek, Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo. In: W. Eck, P. Funke (Hrsg., i.Verb.m. M. Dohnicht, K. Hallof, M. Heil, M. G. Schmidt), Offentlichkeit - Monument - Text, XIV Congressus Internationalis Epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae Berolinae 2012, Berlin - Boston 2014, 570-573 (= CIL Auctarium series nova IV). 16 CFNor 91 = AE 1978, 595: [Nai]alem /[Gra]no () Apollini/Lol(lius) Trophi[m]us et Loll[ia Pro-] b[at]a / ex voto f[eceru]nt // N[avalem] / Grano (!) A[pollini] / Lo[l]lius Troph[imus] [et Lo]ll[ia Pro- bata / [ex] voto f[ecerunt]. Hainzmann, im Druck, mit ausfuhrlichem Kommentar zur keltisch-romischen Gottheit. 17 Glaser 1978, 70; Glaser 1992, 65-66. Fur den Hinweis auf diesen bedeutsamen Fund bin ich Frau Gostencnik zu Dank verpflichtet. 18 Fur Teurnia kommt ein funerărer Fundkontext mit Sicherheit nicht in Betracht. Die Tatsache, dass Oinophoren (auch) als Grabbeigaben auftauchen, erlaubt es nicht, eine Verwendung solcher GefăBe im Gotterkult kategorisch auszuschlieBen. 92 Manfred Hainzmann De Bernardo Stempel 2008 P. de Bernardo Stempel, Continuity, Translatio and Identificatio in Gallo-Roman Religion: The Case of Britain. In: R. Haeussler, A. C. King (Hrsg.), Continuity and Innovation in Religion in the Roman West, VIth International F.E.R.C.AN. Workshop London 2005, 2 Bde., Portsmouth / Rhode Island 2007-2008, 2. Teil, 67-82 (Supplementary series to the Journal of Roman Archaeology, 67). De Bernardo Stempel 2014 P. de Bernardo Stempel, Keltische Ăquivalente klassischer Epitheta und andere sprachliche und nicht-sprachliche Phănomene im Rah- men der sogenannten interpretatio Romana, Zeitschrift fur celtische Philologie, 61, 2014, 7-48. Egger 1916 R. Egger, Fruhchristliche Kirchenbauten im sudlichen Noricum, Wien 1916. Glaser 1978 F. Glaser, Eine Relief-Oinophoros aus Teurnia, Carinthia, I, 168, 1978, 67-72. Glaser 1992 F. Glaser, Teurnia. Romerstadt und Bischofssitz. Ein Fuhrer zu den Ausgrabungen und zum Museum in St. Peter in Holz sowie zu den Fundorten im Stadtgebiet von Teurnia, Klagenfurt 1992. Hainzmann 2012 M. Hainzmann, Interpretatio Romana vs. translatio Latina: Zu einzelnen Aspekten des theonymischen Interpretationsverfahrens bei Caesar und Tacitus, Mediterraneo Antico, 15, 1-2, 2012, 117-142. Hainzmann, im Druck M. Hainzmann, Apollini Granno: Explikatorisches Beinamenfor- mular oder GoUergleichung? Ein „Modelfall‘ . In K. Matijevic (Hrsg.), Kelto-Romische Gottheiten und ihre Verehrer. Akten des 14. F.E.R.C.AN.-Workshops, Trier, 12.-14. Oktober 2015, Pharos 39, Rahden, im Druck. Hainzmann, ms. Kakoschke 2012 M. Hainzmann, Dii maiores, ms. A. Kakoschke, Die Personennamen in der romischen Provinz Nori- cum, Hildesheim 2012. Pippidi 1977 D. M. Pippidi, Spicuiri epigrafice/ Glanures epigraphiques, StCl, 17, 1977, 101-111. Scherrer 1984 P. G. Scherrer, Der Kult der namentlich bezeugten Gottheiten im romerzeitlichen Noricum, Unpublizierte Wiener Dissertation. Scherrer 1986 P. G. Scherrer, Zu einigen altbekannten romischen Weihesteinen Kărntens, Carinthia, I, 176, 1986, 141-153. Zovic, Kurilic 2015 V. Zovic, A. Kurilic, The structure of votive inscriptions from Roman Liburnia, ArhVest, 66, 2015, 399-453. Manfred Hainzmann Institut fur Orientalische und Europaische Archaologie, Wien fercan@oeaw.ac.at Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 93-98 RELECTURE D’UNE INSCRIPTION GRECQUE CURSIVE SUR UN VASE TROUVE Ă BERZOVIA (SEG LVIII 736) DAN DANA Abstract: This notice concerns a Greek cursive inscription, incised on a vase found in the canabae of the fort at Berzovia, occupied during the reign of Trajan by the legio IV Flavia Felix. In 2008, the first editors read as the cognomen of the legionary soldier a very rare name, Auxilius. In reality, the rereading of the graffito reveals a banal onomastics of the soldier, whose name of Roman citizen was Valerius Maximus. It is however astonishing to find such kind of cursive script, normally present on papyri, on a ceramic support. It further testifies about the omnipresence of writing and epigraphic practices on perishable supports, especially in military milieu. Keywords: epigraphy, graffito, Hellenophones, onomastics, Roman Dacia. Rezumat: Această notiță privește o inscripție greacă cursivă, incizată pe un vas găsit în zona de canabae a castrului de la Berzovia, ocupat pe timpul domniei lui Traian de legio IV Flavia Felix. În 2008, primii editori au citit drept cognomen al legionarului un nume foarte rar, Auxilius. În realitate, recitirea acestui graffito ne face să cunoaștem onomastica banală a mili- tarului, al cărui nume de cetățean roman era Valerius Maximus. Prezența acestui fel de scriere cursivă, de obicei întâlnită pe papyri, pe un suport ceramic, poate stârni mirare. El dovedește însă omniprezența scrisului și a practicilor epigrafice pe suporturi perisabile, cu precădere în mediul militar. Cuvinte-cheie: Dacia romană; elenofoni; epigrafie; graffito; onomastică. En 2006, des morceaux d’un vase en terre cuite orangee (imitation locale d’un bol de terra sigilata, sans doute Drag. 37)1 ont ete decouverts de maniere fortuite dans la region des canabae, a env. 500 m de la porta praetoria du camp legionnaire de Berzovia2. Deux de ces fragments, deja brises a l’epoque antique, et qui ne sont pas jointifs, comportent un graffite en grec, qui avait ete grave avant cuisson (ante coctu- ram) sur l’anse du vase, dans la pâte molle; apres cuisson, cette pâte est devenue tres friable. Il convient d’insister des l’entree de jeu sur le caractere cursif de l’ecriture, ce qui explique la necessite de la relecture. Les deux editeurs ont en effet donne la lecture suivante: +[---]piog Au^iZiog. Cet anthroponyme fort rare, rencontre aussi bien comme gentilice et comme cognomen (OPEL I2 106), a ete repris tel quel dans les instruments de reference (SEG, AE, ILD), etant meme commente par un excellent connaisseur de 1 Ruscu, Flutur 2008, avec photo (Fig. 1) et dessin (Fig. 3); lecture reproduite dans AE 2008, 1169 et reprise dans SEG LVIII 736 et ILD II 875. Pour des renseignements sur la decouverte du vase et d’autres photos, je suis extremement reconnaissant a Alexandru Flutur (Timișoara). Les negociations destinees a faire entrer cet objet dans les collections du Musee National du Banat de Timișoara n’ont malheureusement pas abouti, le vase etant a present confisque par la police. Dimensions du vase (incomplet): diam. pied 12 cm; diam. bouche 26 cm; ht. 13.2 cm. 2 Jadis Jidovin, aujourd’hui rebaptise Berzovia (dep. de Caraș-Severin). Sur la forme de ce toponyme dace, voir a present Dana, Nemeti 2016, 68-77. Sur les fouilles recentes dans le camp legionnaire, voir Flutur 2006. 94 Dan Dana l’onomastique grecque et latine comme s’il s’agissait de la graphie grecque attendue du nom latin Auxilius3. Ce nom n’a pourtant pas lieu d’etre. Il se trouve que le ductus tres cursif4 du graffite (Fig. 1-3), du moins pour certaines lettres, a manifestement trompe les pre- miers editeurs. A la place des successions alpha ypsilon et lambda iota, on reconnaît en effet la meme lettre, a savoir un my cursif, tel qu’on le retrouve sur les papyrus d’epoque imperiale, avec le detail qu’au debut du cognomen on reconnaît apres my un petit alpha cursif. Certaines lettres, dont la hauteur oscille entre 0.5 et 0.8 cm, ont ete gravees en plusieurs temps, precisement comme sur un papyrus: alpha, my, xi, omikron (et sans doute beta, au debut de la l. 2). Le sigma est, comme attendu, lunaire. On note aussi l’elegance du xi, beaucoup plus grand (2.5 cm), qui assure au cognomen une certaine symetrie. Fig. 1. Photo du vase fragmentaire et du graffite (cliche Milan Șepețan). Fig. 2. Photo d’un fragment du vase (fin du gentilice et cognomen) (cliche Milan Șepețan). 3 Solin 2011, 145, prend cet exemple de Berzovia pour un gentilice employe en tant que cognomen. 4 Au sujet de l’ecriture (latine) cursive en Dacie romaine, voir Gudea, Cosma 1992 et Voloșciuc 2007. Pour un exemple recent de ductus cursif d’une marque de propriete en latin (lettres P, R, S et notamment D), sur un vase du camp auxiliaire d’Arcobara/Ilișua (Dacie Porolissensis), voir Dana, Gaiu, Zăgreanu 2012: Prisci dupl(icarii) (AE 2012, 1201 = ILD II 1021). Relecture d’une inscription grecque cursive sur un vase trouve ă Berzovia (SEG LVIII736) 95 Fig. 3. Fac-simile du graffite (Dan Dana). Sur la premiere ligne, on apergoit peut-etre le trace d’une lettre, sans doute un rho (ou un theta?). A la ligne suivante, la premiere lettre, plutot qu’un omikron mala- droit, est un beta cursif. Il convient donc de lire: P[---] (?) B[aZe]piog Md^og. La lecture B[aĂe]piog Mdgtaoc de cette marque de propriete nous fait ainsi connaître un legionnaire hellenophone, en service dans la legio IV Flavia Felix. Il porte une ono- mastique banale, typique des militaires dont l’acces a la citoyennete romaine etait recent5: quoi de plus banal pour un militaire que Valerius Maximus6? Qui plus est, dans l’even- tualite d’une attestation de la meme personne dans une inscription latine, qui aurait pu deviner que sous ce nom fort banal de Val. Maximus se cache un hellenophone7? Pour rester dans ce cadre, signalons un exercice d’ecriture sur une brique d’Apu- lum (decouverte dans le praetorium du gouverneur): il s’agit d’une liste bilingue (grec- latin) de noms, en ecriture cursive, sur laquelle on retrouve la paire Ma^ipog/Maximus (IDR III/6, 312 = CIGD 28). L’interet premier du graffite cursif fragmentaire de Berzovia est offert par son support, ceramique, ainsi par la langue grecque utilisee dans le milieu militaire d’une province latinophone. Cela indique que le potier, egalement graveur du graffite, ainsi que le proprietaire du vase, etaient des hellenophones. On connaît en effet un certain nombre de vases ou tessons inscrits en grec en Dacie romaine, la plupart presents dans le corpus regional CIGD8; en voici les exemples les plus pertinents: 5 Quelques exemples chez Dana 2011, 56-57. Le meme gentilice Valerius etait dejă envisage par les premiers editeurs (Ruscu, Flutur 2008, 108 n. 11). 6 Le praenomen reste pourtant inconnu, car il n’etait pas precise. Voici quelques homonymes en Dacie romaine: Val. Maximus, heritier d’un soldat ă Micia (CIL III 1381 = IDR III/3, 169); C. Val. Maximus, pegmarius, ă Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (IDR III/2, 321); Val. Maximus, veteran ă Potaissa (ILD I 511). 7 Pour les porteurs de cognomina latins attestes en graphie grecque en Dacie romaine, voir Ruscu, Flutur 2008, 109 et n. 26. 8 Un fragment de vase avec une inscription grecque fragmentaire, du IIe s. ap. J.-C., decouvert sur le 96 Dan Dana - a Porolissum, sur un pichet: nYP+[---]9; - a Arcobara/Ilișua, sur un vase decouvert en 1875: [—]ETio)v (plutot que ETIQN)10; - a Tibiscum, sur le fragment d’un pot: [---]nYP+11; - a Romula, ou les graffites grecs sur ceramique sont assez nombreux12, un vase qui porte le nom iranien raSaxn?13; - enfin, a Slăveni (dep. d’Olt), un nom inscrit en grec, [M]apTEivog, peut-etre proprietaire d’un atelier dans la region des fours de ceramique, pres des thermes du camp14. Sur d’autres supports dans la categorie instrumentum, citons, entre autres, deux exemples de Romula: un exercice d’ecriture sur la guerre de Troie15; une copie sur tuile, en ecriture cursive, du debut d’une lettre (officielle?), traduite en grec, dans la seconde moitie du IIe s.: ’Appiog Avravivog | unaTiKog AaKrâv | Kai unaTiKog AaZ^a|Trâv | 'EZouira nepTevaKi tș t i li (iraxaTra /aipciv ktZ.)16. Le vase inscrit de Berzovia constitue un temoignage precieux sur la presence d’hellenophones dans l’armee de la nouvelle province, que ce soit dans les troupes auxiliaires, ou bien, comme dans le cas present, dans une legion17. La legion IV Flavia Felix, stationnee en Dacie sous le regne de Trajan, dans l’armee d’occupation de la nouvelle province, allait partir de nouveau a Singidunum apres la disparition de l’Opti- mus Princeps18. On dispose de peu de donnees exactes sur ses sources de recrutement a cette epoque19, mais l’exemple qui nous interesse ici nous renseigne sur une recrue de l’Orient hellenophone. Cette recrue se cache certes sous une onomastique pure- ment latine (BaXcpioq Mâciaoq/Valerius Maximus), mais dont la banalite suffit a trahire l’acces recent a la citoyennete romaine, obligatoire pour un recrutement dans une legion. D’autres recrues vraisemblablement originaires de l’Orient grec sont connues dans cette legion grâce aux inscriptions de Singidunum: T. Aur. Atticus (IMS I 16), les contirunculi Aur. Demetrius et Aur. Eumenes (IMS I 28; les enfants du premier s’appellent Aur. Diogenia et Aur. Diogenianus), Ae(lius) Dionysius (IMS I 35), M. Aur. Glyconianus (AE 1997, 1303), Aur. Papia (IMS I 29), C. Val. Valens (IMS I 42; men- tionne avec sa femme Vale(ria) Elpis et sa fille Valeria Apphion). Entre 205-211 fut erigee la dedicace a Jupiter Optimus Maximus des Cilices, definis comme [co]ntirones [D]exro et Prisco co(n)s(ulibus) (IMS I 3), a savoir un contingent de cette legion site romain d’Ocnița (Ocnele Mari, dep. de Vâlcea), sera publie par Ion Tuțulescu et l’auteur de ces lignes. 9 Gudea, Cosma 1992, 219, n° 116 (dessin p. 245, Fig. 116); CIGD 66. 10 CIL III 8077,13 = CIGD 56. 11 Gudea, Cosma 1992, 213, n° 60 (dessin p. 237); CIGD 130. 12 IDR II 403 = CIGD 89; IDR II 406 = CIGD 90; IDR II 407 = CIGD 91; IDR II 408 = CIGD 92. 13 SEG XXVI 843 = CIGD 88 = ILD I 141. 14 Popilian 1976, 130 (n° 19) et 145 (dessin Pl. LXXX). 15 IDR II 390 = CIGD 85. 16 IDR II 391 = CIGD 86; voir en dernier lieu Mitthof 2015 (avec une meilleure edition et le commentaire). 17 Sur les hellenophones en Dacie romaine, voir quelques considerations dans Dana 2014, 93-94; Dana 2015, 117-119. Pour le melange demographique en Dacie romaine, cf. Mihailescu-Bîrliba 2011. 18 Sur cette legion en Dacie, voir Glodariu 1966, Benea 1983 et Piso 2000, 208-211; en Mesie Superieure, cf. M. Mirkovic (dans IMS, I, 1976, 28-30) et Le Bohec, Wolff 2000, 239-242. 19 Sur les origines indiquees pour des militaires de la legio IV Flavia Felix (tres peu originaires des provinces balkaniques, et aucun exemple connu de l’Orient grec), voir Forni 1953, 222-223; voir aussi Forni 1992, 45 et 96-97, sur les legionnaires originaires de l’Orient enroles sous les Flaviens et Trajan. Relecture d’une inscription grecque cursive sur un vase trouve ă Berzovia (SEG LVIII736) 97 regroupant les recrues originaires de la meme province et appartenant au meme dilec- tus, celui de l’an 19620. Enfin, des inscriptions en grec nous renseignent sur la presence d’hellenophones a Singidunum, sans que le milieu militaire soit ici concerne21. Encore plus important est de reconsiderer l’apport de ce document dans le domaine de l’« epigraphie mineure », qu’elle soit grecque ou latine. Si des supports perissables (papyrus, bois, tablettes de cire, parchemin, cuir) ont disparu a jamais, cet exemple d’ecriture tres cursive sur ceramique ante cocturam nous permet d’entrevoir l’omnipresence de l’ecrit dans le milieu militaire, en latin ou en grec, dans un contexte officiel ou bien prive, comme dans ce cas precis. Bibliographie Benea 1983 D. Benea, Din istoria militară a Moesiei Superior și a Daciei. Legi- unea a VlI-a Claudia și legiunea a IlII-a Flavia, Cluj-Napoca 1983. Dana 2011 D. Dana, L’impact de l’onomastique latine sur les onomastiques indigenes dans l’espace thrace. In: M. Dondin-Payre (ed.), Les noms de personnes dans l’Empire romain. Transformations, adaptation, evolution, Scripta Antiqua 36, Bordeaux 2011, 37-87. Dana 2014 D. Dana, « Orientaux » en Dacie romaine. Reedition d’une dedicace grecque dAcobara/Ilișua (SEG LVII 683 = AE, 2006,1131), Clas- sica et Christiana, 9, 2014, 85-95. Dana 2015 D. Dana, « Bonjour, madame! » sur le couvercle d’un miroir: nouvelle inscription grecque d’Ilișua sur instrumentum, RevBistriței, XXIX, 2015, 113-122. Dana, Gaiu, Zăgreanu 2012 D. Dana, C. Gaiu, R. Zăgreanu, Un nou duplicarius din ala I Tun- grorum Frontoniana atestat pe un vas descoperit în castrul roman de la Arcobara/Ilișua, RevBistriței, XXVI, 2012, 49-56. Dana, Nemeti 2016 D. Dana, S. Nemeti, Ptolemee et la toponymie de la Dacie (VI-IX), Classica et Christiana, 11, 2016, 67-93. Flutur 2006 A. Flutur, Castrul Berzobis din perspectiva cercetărilor recente. In: E. S. Teodor, O. Țentea (eds.), Dacia Augusti Provincia. Crearea provinciei, București 2006, 165-169. Forni 1953 G. Forni, Il reclutamento delle legioni da Augusto a Diocleziano, Milano - Roma 1953. Forni 1992 G. Forni, Esercito e marina di Roma antica. Raccolta di contributi, Mavors 5, Stuttgart 1992. Glodariu 1966 I. Glodariu, Legio IV Flavia Felix în Dacia, ActaMN, III, 1966, 429-435. Gudea, Cosma 1992 N. Gudea, C. Cosma, Contribuții la paleografia latină romană din Dacia II. Inscripții incizate sau zgâriate pe vase de la Porolissum și problema inscripțiilor pe vase din provinciile dacice, ActaMP, XVI, 1992, 201-247. Le Bohec, Wolff 2000 Y. Le Bohec, C. Wolff, Legiones Moesiae Superioris. In: Y. Le Bohec, C. Wolff (eds.), Les legions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire. Actes du Congres de Lyon (17-19 septembre 1998), I, Lyon 2000, 239-245. 20 IMS I 3 (avec la relecture et le commentaire de Speidel 1989). Pour ce type d’indication, voir Speidel 2007. 21 IMS I 70, 71 et 84. 98 Dan Dana Mihailescu-Bîrliba 2011 L. Mihailescu-Bîrliba, Ex toto orbe Romano: Immigration into Roman Dacia. With Prosopographical Observations on the Population of Dacia, Colloquia Antiqua 5, Louvain-Paris-Walpole (MA) 2011. Mitthof 2015 Fr. Mitthof, Arrius Antoninus an Helvius Pertinax. Beobachtungen zur Ziegelinschrift IDR II 391 aus Romula-Malva. In: L. Zerbini (ed.), Culti e religiosită nelle province danubiane. Atti del II Con- vegno Internazionale Ferrara 20-22 novembre 2013, Bologna 2015, 671-682. Piso 2000 I. Piso, Legiones Daciae. In: Y. Le Bohec, C. Wolff (eds.), Les legions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire. Actes du congres de Lyon (17-19 septembre 1998), I, Lyon 2000, 205-225 = Les legions dans la province de Dacie. In: An der Nordgrenze des Romischen Reiches. Ausgewahlte Studien (1972-2003), Stuttgart 2005, HABES 41, 401-428. Popilian 1976 Ruscu, Flutur 2008 G. Popilian, Ceramica romană din Oltenia, Craiova 1976. L. Ruscu, A. Flutur, Eine griechische Inschrift auf einem Gtfăss von Berzovia, AB, S. N., XVI, 2008, 107-111. Solin 2011 Speidel 1989 H. Solin, Analecta epigraphica, Arctos, XLV, 2011, 143-162. M. P. Speidel, Contirones and Geta dominus noster, ZAnt, XXXIX, 1989, 55-56 = Roman Army Studies, II, Stuttgart 1992, Mavors 8, 310-312. Speidel 2007 M. A. Speidel, Rekruten fur ferne Provinzen. Der Papyrus ChLA X 422 und die kaiserliche Rekrutierungszentrale, ZPE, 163, 2007, 281-295 = Heer und Herrschaft im Romischen Reich der Hohen Kai- serzeit, Stuttgart 2009, Mavors 16, 213-234. Voloșciuc 2007 A. Voloșciuc, Scrierea cursivă în Dacia romană, AB, S. N., XV, 2007, 57-68. Dan Dana CNRS/ANHIMA, Paris ddana_ddan@yahoo.com Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 99-108 CLASP-BUCKLE BELTS IN ROMAN DACIA LIVIU PETCULESCU Abstract: The clasp-buckle belts represent the last identified type of 3rd century AD broad belts. The three copper alloy plates of clasp-buckles known in Dacia were discovered at Sucidava, Porolissm and Ilișua. Even if their sizes present a certain degree of standardization, their func- tional features, i.e. the number and disposition of the T-shaped apertures and fixing rivets of studs and also their decoration are dissimilar. Consequently it is unlikely that all the army of the province was supplied with this type of buckles from a single manufacturing center. Anyway, if the cast pieces from Sucidava and Ilișua seem to have been produced in specialized workshops, the crude Porolissum buckle looks like an ad hoc improvisation locally made. The small num- ber of clasp-buckles recorded so far in the Empire is due to the relatively short period of time of being used in the Roman army simultaneously with the more fashionable rectangular and ring-buckles and additionally to the difficulty to identify the fragmentary examples. However, despite their rarity, this type of buckles is attested on a very large area: the Danube frontier, Germania Superior, Syria, Mauretania Tingitana. The discussion of Dacian examples offered the opportunity to deal with some general topics as the production, distribution and typology of clasp-buckles all over the Empire. Keywords: clasp-buckles; belts; typology; Dacia; 3rd century AD. Rezumat: Centiroanele cu catarame-copcă reprezintă ultimul tip identificat de centiroane late din secolul al III-lea p. Chr. Cele trei plăci de catarame-copcă din Dacia lucrate din aliaj de cupru au fost descoperite la Sucidava, Porolissum și Ilișua. Chiar dacă dimensiunile lor prezintă un oarecare grad de standardizare, caracteristicile lor funcționale, adică numărul și dispunerea orificiilor în formă de T și a niturilor sau butoanelor de fixare, ca și decorul lor, sunt diferite. Prin urmare este improbabil ca întreaga armată a provinciei să fi fost aprovizionată cu acest tip de catarame dintr-un singur centru de producție. Oricum, dacă piesele turnate de la Sucidava și Ilișua par a fi fost lucrate în ateliere specializate, catarama rudimentară de la Porolissum arată ca o improvizație ad hoc executată local. Numărul redus de catarame-copcă cunoscute în prezent în imperiu se datorează în primul rând faptului că ele au fost utilizate în armata romană într-o perioadă de timp relativ scurtă, concomitent cu mai frecventele catarame dreptunghiulare și ine- lare, dar și dificultăților de identificare a exemplarelor fragmentare. Totuși, în ciuda rarității sale, acest tip de catarame este atestat pe o arie foarte extinsă: frontiera danubiană, Germania Superior, Syria, Mauretania Tingitana. Discutarea exemplarelor din Dacia a oferit prilejul de a aborda și subiecte mai generale ca producția, răspândirea și tipologia cataramelor-copcă în întregul imperiu. Cuvinte cheie: catarame-copcă; centiroane; tipologie; Dacia; secolul al III-lea p. Chr. The clasp-buckle belts were identified in 1969 by H.-J. Ubl on the sculptural representations of Roman soldiers from Noricum and Pannonia and a few years later J. Oldenstein correctly assign two leather mounts from Niederbieber to the broad belts dated c. AD 180-2601. After more than two decades, Th. Fischer published a set of belt-mounts discovered in a cremation grave from Regensburg-Grossprufening and synthetized the characteristics of this particular type of belts2. 1 Ubl 1969, 240-243 = Ubl 2013, 133-134; Oldenstein 1976, 221, nos. 1070, 1072. 2 Fischer 1990, 78, 224, Pl. 108 B/1-3; Fischer 2012, 126; Fisher 2015, 38. 100 Liviu Petculescu The buckles of this type of 3rd century broad belt consisted of two large overlap- ping rectangular openwork plates attached to the ends of the leather belt by means of at least four rivets. The upper plates had T-shaped projections on the rear side match- ing the T-shaped apertures on the lower plates, the ensemble making a link between the ends of the belt. As the lower plates had one or two rows of two or three apertures, they were adjustable in two or three different positions. In one case, at Grossprufening, the buckle was found in association with an openwork circular mount3. Besides the ordinary clasp-buckle belts, there were some luxurious ones, the most exceptional being one example discovered at Abritus in Moesia Inferior, which was provided with a set of gilded-silver pieces: a fort-gate shaped buckle, openwork belt mount and strap terminal4. Thus it is certain that this belt type included among its metal fittings not only the outstanding buckles but, at least sometimes, also usual 3rd century openwork leather mounts and strap terminals. Out of all the clasp-buckles published so far, those from Niederbieber fort, Grossprufening and Dura Europos could be dated more precisely. Niederbieber fort was used between AD 185-192 and c. AD 260, but it is a reasonable assumption that the examples originating in this site were later than the foundation time, and those from Dura Europos, discovered near the agora, were probably deposited in the last years pre- ceding the destruction of the city in AD 255-2565. Also the grave from Grossprufening, containing a funeral assemblage composed of the belt mounts, some coarse pottery and a sigillata plate from Rheinzabern, was dated AD 180-2606. Therefore these buckles were undoubtedly utilized during the 3rd century AD, but the dates of their coming in and out of fashion cannot be specified. Significantly their chronology is consistent with that of sculptural representations and the general trend in the 3rd century AD to use broad belts. Synthetizing the data offered by the funerary monuments, Ubl already stated in 1969 that the clasp-buckle belt (Koppelschlosscingulum) was part of the equipment of the centurions, signiferi (and other principales) and private soldiers from legions, praetorian guard and auxiliary cohorts7. As on a sculpture from Putacevo in Dalmatia, dated towards the end of the 3rd century AD, this belt is worn by a horseman, he sug- gested its possible inclusion in the uniform of the cavalrymen from alae8. Besides, the presence of the clasp-buckles in Niederbieber fort garrisoned by numerus explora- torum Germanicianorum Divitiensium and numerus Brittonum9 attest the use of the respective belts also by the soldiers from the numeri. The depiction of two soldiers on a gravestone from Aquincum, one having a clasp- buckle belt and the other a ring-buckle belt certify the contemporary utilization of both types of belts in the Roman army10. In Roman Dacia I know three copper alloy plates of clasp-buckles, none of each being identified as such. 3 Fischer 1990, 224, no. 3, Fig. 108 B/3. 4 Radoslavova 2014, passim. 5 Niederbieber: Schonberger 1985, 477, E 29; Dura Europos: James 2004, 99-100, nos. 361-362, 364. 6 Fischer 1990, 78, 224, Pl. 108 B. 7 Ubl 1969, 241-242 = Ubl 2013, 133-134. 8 Ubl 1969, 241, n. 98 = Ubl 2013,133, n. 98. 9 Schonberger 1985, 477, E 29. 10 Ubl 1969, 241, nos. 73, 75 = Ubl 2013, 133, nos. 73, 75. Clasp-buckle belts in Roman Dacia 101 No. 1 was found in the Byzantine layer of the Roman fortress at Sucidava, but as Tudor already asserted, it is an older item brought by chance in a more recent context. Consequently there are no valid stratigraphic data for its chronology. Even if only a quarter of it survived, one can reliably restore the shape and size of the complete object, which had the length of about 5 Roman digiti and the width of almost 4 digiti. It is a cast copper alloy rectangular plate decorated with a central band of openwork ivy leaf motifs delimitated by two incisions. Along either side of the central openwork plate there is one row of three T-shaped apertures and another inci- sion runs at 3-4 mm distance from each of the horizontal borders. The vertical borders are decorated by angle-cuts made with a file. On the corners of the rear side there were large fungiform-headed studs with thick shanks among which one is still preserved. The closest parallels to the example from Sucidava originate in Lentia (Linz) and Dambach11. These cast silvered copper alloy mounts have identical rows of three T-shaped apertures, decoration, attaching studs and almost the same size. Other pieces from Grossprufening and Dura Europos, made of a thin sheet of copper alloy, also have two rows of three T-shaped apertures placed on each side of the central band of ivy leaf motifs but not the accompanying incisions and instead of studs they are provided with rivets12. Besides, at Volubilis a lead test-casting of a similarly decorated item was found13. Moreover, at Dura Europos it was discovered an undecorated plate with the usual two rows of three T-shaped apertures14. No. 2, originating in Porolissum or less probably Tihău, is a rectangular plate made of a thin sheet of copper alloy. As it is heavily distorted, it was not possible to measure its length accurately. However, its size is almost 5 x 3 digiti. In the front part of the piece there is one row of two T-shaped apertures along each side of the long axis. The back part is openwork decorated with a ring motif made of small circular piercings. The plate was attached to the leather belt by six rivets with flatted heads, among which three are still preserved. The washers of the rivets, one hexagonal and two rectangular, are quite irregularly shaped. The crude craftsmanship and the poor decoration of the plate suggest the fact that it is a cheap item. One parallel of piece no. 2 is met at Niederbieber15. This fragmentary rectangu- lar plate has in its front part two rows of two T-shaped apertures placed in the same position as on the item from Porolissum and in the back part an openwork decoration consisting of two lotus bud motifs inside a rectangle. Originally it also had six rivets, but two of them were lost together with the end of the back part of the object, where they were fixed. No. 3 was unearthed in the auxiliary fort at Ilișua, quartered by ala I Tungrorum Frontoniana16. Unfortunately it could not be dated due to the lack of any published information on the circumstances of its discovery. 11 Lentia: Ployer 2005, 993, Fig. 8; Dambach: Selke 2014, 275, nos. 1461, 1462, 1464, Pl. 41/1461, 1462, 1464. 12 Grossprufening: Fischer 1990, 224, Pl. 108 B; Dura Europos: James 2004, 100, no. 362, Fig. 46/362. 13 Boube-Piccot 1980, 158, no. 203, Pl. 52/364. 14 James 2004, 100, no. 364, Fig. 46/364. 15 Oldenstein 1976, 221, no. 1072, Pl. 81/1072. 16 Gudea 1997, 53-4; Protase, Gaiu, Marinescu, 1997, 77-8, Pl. VIII. 102 Liviu Petculescu Only the front part of the plate is preserved and so its length is unknown, but sig- nificantly it has the width of three digiti, virtually the same as no. 2. It is a rectangular item with openwork terminals of curvilinear design, making two adjoining identical ornaments composed of a central peltate motif and two lateral small ivy leaf piercings. In the front part of the rectangular plate there are two parallel slots perpendicular on each side of the central axis. Towards the middle of the piece a T-shaped aper- ture is centrally placed, flanked by two rectangular openings filled with curved strips. Between these ornaments and the borders there is a horizontal slot. As attested by the buckle from Abritus, in these slots there were some rivets for additional attachment to the leather belt17. Anyway, the pieces with a rich decoration or the T-shaped apertures positioned in the front part needed a firm fastening to the leather and in fact they had extra pairs of rivets or studs toward the middle of the horizontal borders. On a buckle plate having only one a central row of T-shaped apertures, similar to the item no. 3, where a supplementary fastening was even more necessary. On the horizontal borders, near the corners, the item from Ilișua has two disc-headed studs with thick shanks. A plate with only one row of centrally placed T-shaped apertures, flanked by two rectangular openings filled with ivy stalks motifs, originate in Niederbieber18. At vari- ance with no. 3 it has a fungiform-headed stud placed on the middle of the vertical border of the front part. The small number of recorded clasp-buckles in Dacia, as in the entire empire but for the military vicus at Dambach where 7 examples are recorded19, is due mainly to the relatively short period of time, the 3rd century, of its being used in the Roman army simultaneously with the more fashionable rectangular and ring-buckles. Moreover the fragmentary examples, especially of the upper plates, are difficult to identify. However despite their rarity, so far they are attested in Germania Superior (Niederbieber), the Danubian frontier provinces from Raetia (Dambach) to Dacia and Moesia Inferior, Syria (Dura Europos), Mauretania Tingitana (Volubilis). The explanation for the dif- fusion of this type of buckles on a very large area consists in the almost permanent transfer during the 3rd century of the vexillationes from one frontier to another, which also allowed the circulation of the military equipment items. The width of the Dacian examples presents a certain degree of standardization: the pieces from Porolissum and Ilișua, 3 digiti, and the one from Sucidava, 4 digiti. Yet their functional features i.e. the number and disposition of the T-shaped apertures and of the fixing rivets or studs, differ from one another. As also their decoration is dissimilar, it is unlikely that all the army of the province was supplied with this type of buckles from a single manufacturing center operating for a relatively short period of time. Anyway, if the cast nos. 1 and 3 seem to have been produced in specialized work- shops, the crude buckle from Porolissum looks like an ad hoc improvisation locally made. At Volubilis, a town surrounded by forts quartered by auxiliary units among which an ala, representing more than a third of the garrison of the entire province20, 17 Radoslavova 2014, 154, Fig. 4 b. 18 Oldenstein 1976, 221, no. 1070, Pl. 81/1070. 19 Selke 2014, 275, nos. 1459-1465, Pl. 41/ 1459-1465. 20 Euzennat 1967. Clasp-buckle belts in Roman Dacia 103 is attested the only workshop producing such items. Here, besides the lead test-casting of a standard item similar to Sucidava one, was found a richly decorated copper alloy plate of a buckle21, meaning that differently ornamented pieces were probably manu- factured in the same workshop according to customer’s demands or fashions. And in the same workshop may have been produced part of the big number of military equip- ment and horse harness objects found at Volubilis22. No. 3 originating in Ilișua fort attests that the clasp-buckles were worn by cav- alrymen of alae. Its rich decoration is in agreement with the higher status and pay of the owner, compared to the soldiers of all other auxiliary units. The clasp-buckles are remarkably diverse but the ordinary rectangular exam- ples can be divided into three variants according to the number and position of the T-shaped apertures of the lower plates. The pieces of the first variant have two rows of three T-shaped apertures disposed all along the horizontal borders. Among this vari- ant there is a group of standardized items characterized by their common ornamenta- tion consisting of a central band of openwork ivy leaf motifs, sometimes delimitated by two incisions. The pieces included in the second variant have two rows of T-shaped apertures disposed in the front part of the plate followed towards the central and back part by an openwork decoration. The third variant is made up of examples with only one row of centrally placed T-shaped apertures, flanked by two rectangular openings filled with different decorative motifs. The item from Sucidava and the parallels are representatives of the standardized group of variant 1, Porolissum and parallel of vari- ant 2, and Ilișua and parallel of variant 3. Besides, there is a category of luxurious belt mounts including buckles, difficult to be classified, spectacularly represented by the splendid Abritus set. The three items published in this paper attest the contemporary use during the 3rd century of all types of broad belts by the garrison of Roman Dacia. Moreover, the discussion of Dacian pieces offered also the opportunity to deal with more general topics as the production, distribution and typology of clasp-buckles all over the empire. CATALOGUE* The catalogue numbers correspond to the numbers of the illustrations of the pieces. All the measurements are made in mm and grams respectively. Abbreviations: L = length; W = width; T = thickness; Wt = weight. 1. Lower buckle-plate. Sucidava (Celei, Corabia Town, Olt county). Unearthed in the late Roman fortress during the excavations led by D. Tudor in 1942-1945. Copper alloy. Incomplete, only a corner representing approximately one quarter of the plate is left. After 21 Boube-Piccot 1980, no. 202-203, Pl. 52/202-203. 22 Boube-Piccot 1980, 91-186, nos. 67-324, mostly harness items; Boube-Piccot 1994, 244-50, index of the military equipment. * I am grateful to Horea Pop (Zalău) for the dimensions and photographs of the buckle from Porolis- sum, to Corneliu Gaiu (Bistrița) for the permission to use his unpublished drawing of the the piece from Ilișua and to Viktor Kumanov (Koln) for the bibliography concerning the example from Abritus. I am also indebted to Georgiana Ducman (București) for the drawings of the items and to Cristina Mitar (Deva), for computerizing the illustration of the paper. 104 Liviu Petculescu its first publishing two small fragments from the upper part were lost; they are represented in the illustration detached from the main body of the item. L: 51; W(initial): 45; W(actual): 41; T: 1-2; Wt: 19.8. The calculated dimensions of the entire plate: L: c. 90; W: c. 70; Wt: c. 75. Muzeul Național de Antichități-București (National Museum of Antiquities from Bucharest), inv. no. III 417. Transferred to Muzeul Național de Istorie a României - București (Museum of National History of Romania from Bucharest), inv. no. 16673; Tudor 1945-1947, 190-2, fig. 41/21; Amon 2004, 222, no. 33, Pl. 36/4. 2. Lower buckle-plate. Probable findspot Porolissum (Moigrad, Merșid parish, Sălaj county) where most of the items of the Wesselenyi-Teleki Collection originate. Yet a few pieces of the collection came from Tihău, another Roman fort in the region, but since the inventory of the collection was lost the exact findspot can no longer be stated. Copper alloy. Incomplete, fragments from the upper and lower parts are missing; distorted. Dimensions after H. Pop: L: c. 91.2; W: 54.6; T: 0.9; Wt: 27.06. Former Wesselenyi - Teleki Collection. Muzeul de Istorie și Artă - Zalău (History and Art Museum from Zalău), inv. no. cc179/1958; Gudea 1989, 641, no. 4, Pl. 205/4. 3. Lower buckle-plate. Ilișua (Uriu parish, Bistrița-Năsăud county). Unearthed in the fort during the archaeological excavations in 1978-1995. Copper alloy. Incomplete, only one end of the plate is left. Dimensions after the drawing: L: c. 34; W: c. 54; T: c. 2-2.5. Muzeul Județean Bistrița-Năsăud (County Museum from Bistrița-Năsăud); Protase, Gaiu, Marinescu 1997, Pl. 77/2. Bibliography Amon 2004 L. D. Amon, Armamentul și echipamentul armatei romane din Dacia sud-carpatică, Craiova 2004. Boube-Piccot 1980 C. Boube-Piccot Les bronzes antiques du Maroc III. Les chars et l’attelage, Etudes et Travaux d’Archeologie Marocaine VIII, Rabat 1980. Boube-Piccot 1994 C. Boube-Piccot 1994, Les bronzes antiques du Maroc IV. L’equipement militaire et l’armement, Paris 1994. Euzennat 1967 M. Euzennat, Le limes de Volubilis. In: Studien zu den Militargrenzen Roms. Vortrage des 6. Internationalen Limeskongresses in Sudde- utschland, Koln-Graz 1967. Fischer 1990 Th. Fischer, Das Umland des romischen Regensburg, Munchner Beitrage zur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte 42, Munchen 1990. Fischer 2012 Th. Fischer, Die Armee der Caesaren. Archaologie und Geschichte, Regensburg 2012. Fischer 2015 Fischer, Prunkgurtel vom Typ Grossprifening. In: XXIII. Limes Congress 2015. Abstracts of Lectures and Posters, 38, Ingolstadt 2015. Gudea 1989 N. Gudea, Porolissum. Un complex arheologic daco-roman la mar- ginea de nord a Imperiului roman. I, Acta Musei Porolissensis XIII, 1989. Gudea 1997 N. Gudea, Der Dakische Limes. Materialien zu seiner Geschichte, JRGZ, 44, 1997, 1-113. James 2004 S. James, The Excavations at Dura Europos conducted by Yale Uni- versity and the French Academie of Inscriptions and Letters 1928 to 1937. Final Report VII. The Arms and Armour and other Mili- tary Equipment, London 2004. Clasp-buckle belts in Roman Dacia 105 Oldenstein 1976 Ployer 2005 Protase, Gaiu, Marinescu 1997 Radoslavova 2014 Selke 2014 Schonberger 1985 Tudor1945-1947 Ubl 1969 J. Oldenstein, Zur Ausrustung romischer Auxiliareinheiten, BRGK, 57, 1976, 49-284, Pls. 9-90. R. Ployer, Neues zum Kastell von Lenzia (Linz/Donau) - Funde aus der Brandschuttschicht. In: Z. Visy (ed.), Limes XIX. proceedings of the XIXth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies held in Pecs, Hungary, September 2003, Pecs 2005, 931-935. D. Protase, C. Gaiu, G. Marinescu, Castrul roman și așezarea civilă de la Ilișua (Jud. Bistrița-Năsăud), RevBistriței, X-XI, 1997, 27-110. G. Radoslavova, A unique belt decoration excavated from grave belonging to beneficiarius consularis in the village of Lipnik, Region of Razgrad, Izvestija na Rim-Razgrad, 1, 2014, 152-60. V. Selke, Romische Funde aus Dambach am Limes (1892-2007), Materialhefte zur Bayerischen Archaologie, 100, Kallmunz 2014. H. Schonberger, Die romischen Truppenlager der fruhen und mittle- ren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn, BRGK, 66, 1985, 321-497. D. Tudor, Sucidava III. Quatrieme (1942) cinquieme (1943) et sixieme (1945) campagnes de fouilles et de recherches archeologiques dans la forteresse de Celei, dep. de Romanati, Dacia, XI-XII, 1945- 1947, 145-208. H.-J. Ubl, Waffen und Uniform des romischen Heeres des Prinzi- patsepoche nach den Grabreliefs Noricums und Pannoniens, PhD Thesis, Wien 1969 = H.-J. Ubl, Austria Antiqua 3, Wien 2013. Liviu Petculescu National History Museum of Romania, București pliviu2011@gmail.com 106 Liviu Petculescu '—7 7 3 0 Pl. I. Sucidava. Copper alloy. Scale 1:1. Clasp-buckle belts in Roman Dacia 107 Pl. II. 1. Porolissum. Copper alloy (drawing made by L. Petculescu after an unpublished photo of H. Pop; drawing made by N. Gudea); 2. Ilișua. Copper alloy (unpublished drawing, made by C. Gaiu). Scale 1:1. Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 109-130 WHY THERE? THE PRELIMINARIES OF CONSTRUCTING THE ROMAN FRONTIER IN SOUTH-EAST DACIA OVIDIU ȚENTEA, FLORIAN MATEI-POPESCU Abstract: Which are the reasons for which the forts in north-west Muntenia were built under Trajan? Over the course of several historical periods, it could be noted that one of the most impor- tant deposits of Transylvania and the hill area south the Carpathian Mountains was the salt. This resource on the territory of the Dacians was most definitely one of the important parts of the trade with the Roman Empire. The hoard finds in the Teleajen valley area and nearby are very significant to this effect, even though they belong to a rather broad chronological inter- val. This corridor enters in an area with many salt resources, being one of the communication routes with south-east Transylvania, at its turn rich in salt exploitation. We believe that Trajan’s policy concerning some of the nomad populations, namely the Sarmatians, was to ban migration in their economically vital areas. This, as seen, had serious consequences on the relations with the Iazyges and then with the Roxolani. During the process of pacification of the entire north-Danube area, Hadrian withdraws some legions, rethinks the defensive system in affected provinces and brings, in a series of key points, auxiliary units of which excel those very mobile, due to their cavalry units. In addition, the emperor chooses the specialised irregular units. Adaptability to the circumstances in Dacia, detailed thinking of strategic and, why not, economic solutions are noteworthy. The mainte- nance of the new units was cheaper, as they were more adaptable, likely less pretentious to the conditions existent in the newly established province. Nevertheless, the Roman control over Muntenia did not cease, as the fortifications along the transalutanus line, most of which built only at the beginning of the Severan period, and the presence of vexillationes of the legio XI Claudia pia fidelis from Durostorum at Pietroasele dur- ing Caracalla’s reign, fully attest. The above mentioned agreements probably allowed the nomad Sarmatian tribes to come to spend the winter in the nearby of the Roman Lower Danube fron- tier, without Crossing some demarcation lines like the one built in Galați area and to have free pass over the Bărăgan area. Therefore, one can easily label the Roman frontier from north-west Muntenia as an open-frontier, since the Roman policy towards the region was shaped by Rome’s interactions with the nomad Sarmatian tribes settled there by the first half of the 1st century AD. Keywords: Frontiers; Dacia; Lower Moesia; Muntenia; Sarmatians. Rezumat: Care sunt motivele pentru care au fost construite castrele din nord-vestul Munteniei în timpul lui Traian? În decursul mai multor epoci istorice a putut fi observat faptul că unul dintre cele mai importante zăcăminte din Transilvania și din zona colinară de la sudul Munților Carpați a fost sarea. Această resursă de pe teritoriul dacilor a fost cu siguranță una dintre componen- tele importante ale comerțului cu Imperiul roman. Descoperirile de tezaure din zona Văii Teleajenului și din împrejurimi sunt foarte semnificative în acest sens, chiar dacă aparțin unui interval cronologic destul de larg. Acest culoar pătrunde într-o zonă cu numeroase resurse de sare, reprezentând una dintre căile de comunicare cu zona de sud-est a Transilvaniei, la rândul ei bogată în exploatări de sare. Credem că politica lui Traian față de unele populații nomade, anume față de sarmați, a fost aceea de a le interzice migrarea în zonele lor vitale din punct de vedere economic. Acest fapt, după cum am văzut, a avut consecințe grave asupra relațiilor cu iazigii și apoi cu roxolanii. 110 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu În cursul procesului de pacificare a întregii zone nord-dunărene, Hadrian retrage unele legiuni, regândește sistemul defensiv în provinciile afectate și aduce, într-o serie de puncte cheie, trupe auxiliare, dintre care excelează cele foarte mobile, datorită efectivelor de cavalerie. De asemenea, acesta optează pentru trupe neregulate specializate. Se remarcă adaptabilitatea la situația Daciei, gândirea în detaliu a unor soluții strategice și, de ce nu, economice. Întreținerea noilor trupe era mai ieftină, acestea fiind adaptabile, probabil mai puțin pretențioase la condi- țiile existente în provincia nou creată. Cu toate acestea, controlul asupra Munteniei nu a încetat, după cum o arată construirea în mai multe perioade a unor fortificații de-a lungul liniei transalutane, respectiv prezența unor vexillationes ale legiunii XI Claudia pia fidelis de la Durostorum la Pietroasele în timpul dom- niei lui Caracalla. Acordurile menționate mai sus, probabil, le-au permis nomazilor sarmați să poată ierna în preajma frontierei romane Dunărea de Jos, fără a traversa unele linii de demar- cație, cum ar fi cea construită în zona Galați și să aibă trecere liberă peste zona Bărăganului. Prin urmare, se poate eticheta cu ușurință frontiera romană din nord-vestul Munteniei ca o frontieră deschisă (nomadă), deoarece politica romană față de această regiune a fost determi- nată de prezența în acest areal a populațiilor nomade. Cuvinte cheie: frontiere; Dacia; Moesia Inferior; Muntenia; sarmați. Introduction Much has been written on the annexation of Dacia and the subsequent organiza- tion of the conquered territory into a Roman province, being a topic of choice recurrent in the scientific debate1. By the exceptional number of the involved forces, the Roman army’s effort in the Dacian campaigns most likely exceeded that of the famous Jewish War. The narrative of the Dacian campaigns, though lacking the detailed account of Flavius Josephus, was offset by the fierce debate among the Romanian historians2. Our attempt herein is to synthesise the state of the archaeological research of the forts in north-west Muntenia. We shall discuss the area under the authority of the governor of Moesia Inferior during Trajan, emphasizing the reasons underlying the location of the Roman fortifications at Drajna de Sus, Mălăiești, Târgșor, Pietroasele or Voinești. In our arguments, we shall avoid including, inasmuch as possible, the results of the archaeological research of the most recent years, which, nevertheless, shaped some of our conclusions. The conquest of Decebalus’ kingdom and its subsequent change into a Roman province led to significant mutations on a vast area stretching north of the Lower Danube3. The inclusion of such territory was atypical, should we bear in mind the pre- vious extensions of the Roman borders. The control over the Carpathians was regarded as a strategic necessity in order to force out a powerful opponent, thus safeguarding the provinces of Moesia Superior, Moesia Inferior, Thracia and Macedonia4. 1 The best overview is still Strobel 1984, with the addition Strobel 2006. See also Strobel 2010, 218-303, with Fl. Matei-Popescu’s review, Dacia, N. S., LV, 2011, 203-206. 2 Wheeler 2010, 1187. 3 On the organization of the Dacia province see Piso 2008, with the older literature. 4 Zahariade 1997, 603-608. The making of this “defence-in-depth strategy”, by the inclusion of Dacia, also meant considerable material resources, perceived as evidence to a “long-term strategic planning”. The economic principle of the cost-benefit analysis of certain conquests originates in the “preclusive defence” concept (“preclusive defence” 30 BC - AD 284, then “defence-in-depth” as of AD 284) defined by Luttwak, as a novel strategy designed to ensure stability and maximize profit. C. R. Whittaker (2004) rejects Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 111 The Roman army’s campaigns north of the Danube during the 1st century AD were interpreted as designed to impose a client status over the populations dwelling these areas, occasions with which a so-called “security area” or “buffer zone” was estab- lished, by banning further establishment of civil settlements5. This discussion should not dismiss the desire of some of the governors to win the “glory of the extension of their province”6 and, implicitly, provide the emperors with the arguments of carry- ing out campaigns deemed successful at Rome, especially in their first reigning years. One should not exclude either the fact that Trajan was at his turn in this situation. The propaganda of the victory against the Dacians was exceptional, to the extent of the war which the emperor prepared against the Parthians7. We start from the premise that under the Principate, Roman borders were inter- action rather than division lines, since the economy of the empire depended to a large extent on the trade relations with the neighbouring populations and tax collection8. Literary texts report on how important the imperial frontiers and the populations nearby them were in the political ideology of the empire. These texts account at length on invasions and aspects related to the political views of the emperors to the detri- ment of economy or the relations with the communities living in border areas. The results of the archaeological investigations provide a multitude of data regarding the interaction with the barbarian world, especially in the border areas of the empire9. Ensuring border control and not defence along or behind them supposed the allot- ment of considerable financial and human resources. We place this in the context of trade exchanges with the neighbouring populations, directed by the Romans to the well defended border areas where, beside the many units, custom stations and exten- sive economic activities are recorded. The way that modern historians cartographically transposed literary, epigraphic or archaeological information was most often influenced by interpretations, calcula- tions and estimates based on modern maps10, which led to a different approach than the the cost-benefit consequence theory, which would have played an important role in the Roman frontier extension strategy, practically lacking the sustainability limits of such decisions (chapter “Where are the frontiers now?”). Wheeler 2010, 1185-1227; Wheeler 2011, 191-219. See also Petolescu, Matei-Popescu 2008. 5 Pârvan 1926, 733; Syme 1971, 148-149; Pippidi 1967, 306. This might have been the stake of placing outposts on the left bank of the Danube (Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981, 4). We shall not resume here the entire discussion on the views of the historians who deemed that the goal of Roman campaigning north the Danube was to establish a “safety area”. 6 TAC. Ag. 14.2: fama aucti officii. Domitian’s campaign against the Chatti (Strobel 2010, 78-87), carried out with a considerable military effort, yet which also resulted in a modest expansion east the Rhine in the Wetterau area, was regarded from this view. The recurrent change of the northern border of the province of Britannia was placed on the account of the governors’ ambitions. 7 See Speidel 2002 and Strobel 2010, 218-303. 8 Schallmayer 2006, 9-10: “Im Wesentlich dienten die Limeslinien in Britannien, an Rhein und Donau, in den Karpaten, am Euphrat und in Nordafrika als wirtschafts- und gesellschaftspolitisches Steurerungsinstrument der romischen Provinz- und Zentralverwaltung. Indem es durch die Sperranlagen gelang, Handelstrome und Bevolkerungsbewegungen auf ganz bestimmte Limesdurchgange zu leiten, schuf sich der romische Staat die Moglichkeit, einerseits den aus den einzelnen Provinzen ausgehenden und in das Reich hineinfuhrenden Handel zu kontrollieren, ordnend einzugreifen Zolle zu erheben, anderseits den Zuzug ganzer Bevolkerungsgruppen je nach internem Bedarf zu regulieren”. 9 Isaac 1990; Whittaker 1994. 10 See the discussion in Țentea 2014, 143-148. 112 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu reasoning of the Roman decision-making factors11. Borders were a rather transition space, reason for which their classification into “natural” and “artificial” was inher- ently replaced with the terms of “division areas” or “connection areas”12. The design of campaign approach strategies was thus made by reference to the populations the Romans came upon and, implicitly, the territories they occupied and not the reverse. The biggest issue of the Roman army, similar to the modern ones, was supply, as road transport was slow and expensive, while ensuring necessary goods to a large number of soldiers compactly positioned was difficult. Over time, the optimal stra- tegic solution was to disperse the units in areas where local resources could be fully exploited. The risk of locating smaller units in several fortifications was counterbal- anced by the establishment of an infrastructure and logistics network, by which they could communicate efficiently. A second advantage of dispersing the army within the territory was the possibility to monitor and better guard both the territory as well as the access routes. The efficiency of their distribution within the territory was given by secured transport and minimized convoy movements. The preserved location of cer- tain forts on their original spot for a long time suggests both the reason for which they were originally set in respective places and the fact that from some point on, units no longer changed garrison13. The defeat of the enemy also implied moving the fortifica- tions on the novel operation theatres, which became new borders. Fortifications - as reinforcement points of certain positions - were useful during the warfare, while after the defeat of the adversaries, respective fortifications played the role of protecting the previously opposing populations included14. The forts in north-west Muntenia Returning to the subject herein, we raise the following question: if the role of the forts was explained to a certain extent for the military circumstances during the Dacian campaigns15, what was their purpose in north-west Muntenia after hostilities ceased? These forts drew the attention of the scholars due both to their short use interval as well as their peculiar location. Based on archaeological surveys and excavations, cor- related with epigraphic and literary sources, it was argued these Roman fortifications at Drajna de Sus, Mălăiești, Târgșor and Voinești functioned for a short period of time between the end of Trajan’s Dacian campaigns and early Hadrian’s reign16. The for- tifications, as well as the buildings in the attached settlements, were archaeologically 11 Ancient maps were schematic guidelines presented in the form of road itineraries or geographic descriptions. They contained explicative notes of certain sites, for the use of soldiers and traders, not rendered from a geographic or political view, since the borders, as limits of the empire, were not outlined - Whittaker 2004, 11, 82. 12 Isaac 1990, 128. 13 Dobson 1986, 18-19, stressing that the legions did not change permanently their province after Marcus Aurelius; see also Dobson 2009, 31-32. 14 Dobson 2009, 31-32. The Roman army was not exclusively a foreign policy tool, its main function being that of provincial garrison (Isaac 1990). 15 Diaconescu 1997; Opreanu 1998; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997; Stefan 2005; Petolescu, Matei-Popescu 2008. 16 Ștefan 1948, 141-142; Florescu 1960, 226-227. Based on the material yielded by the archaeological Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 113 investigated, though unequally. The forts at Târgșor, Mălăiești and Drajna de Sus are aligned along Teleajen valley, on a 50 km-distance, namely at an interval of one march day each17, while the fort at Voinești lies along the Râul Târgului valley, on the route of the future limes transalutanus and undoubtedly, in direct relation with the fortifica- tion at Rucăr and those from south-east Transylvania. We shall include herein also the fort at Pietroasele18, situated near the Buzău valley, another important entry corridor towards south-east Transylvania, respectively the access to important salt resources. The interpretations regarding the role of these Roman fortifications were included in various scenarios regarding the advance of the army of Moesia Inferior to the north of the Danube during the Dacian campaigns. Gr. Tocilescu assumed the existence of the shortest access way on route Sexaginta Prista, Bucharest, Ploiești, Drajna and, from there, towards the south-eastern area of Transylvania19. V. Pârvan adopted this idea, developing an entire scenario on the occupation and defence of Muntenia. The area would have been monitored, according to above author, from the tall bank of Moesia Inferior, from the legionary fortresses at Novae, Durostorum and Troesmis. Other routes would have started at Barboși, on the Siret, the Buzău and the Ialomița20. A few more recent date studies, which examined several aspects related to the Dacian campaigns and the period in their aftermath, expressed a number of hypoth- eses on the corridors that the Roman army followed north the Danube, respectively the areas which it surveilled for a certain period of time. The units which belonged to the Moesia Inferior province, and which crossed the Danube in order to partici- pate in the Dacian campaigns, were deemed as part of a secondary column, termed (according to the departure point, namely castra aestiva from Izlaz), the Islaz-Cetatea Vedea group21. It was believed this column crossed the Danube, very likely from the legionary fortress at Oescus, aided by the ships of classis Flavia Moesica or a bridge of vessels built between Vadin and Orlea. A concentration point north the river is the place where later was built the town at Sucidava, visible in the field by a large-sized trapezoid enclosure22. Other two troop columns displaced from Moesia Inferior would have crossed the Danube in front the legionary fortresses at Novae and Durostorum23, research of the baths or the fort at Pietroasele, it was chosen a date starting by mid 3rd century (LEG XI CL ANT), included (Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981, 60, n. 62). 17 The first proper archaeological research was carried out by Gh. Ștefan in the fort at Drajna. Gh. Ștefan made a very interesting note, namely that the fortification, identified with Ramidava, did not close only the Drajna valley to Tabla Buții, but also ensured communication by Ogretin to the Buzău valley (Ștefan 1948, 144); Mălăiești (Zagoriț 1940; Florescu, Bujor 1955); Târgșor (Ciupercă, Măgureanu, Anton 2015, 771- 780); Drajna (Ștefan 1948; Zahariade, Dvorski 1997, 7-23, 50, 62, 63-65, 67); Bogdan-Cătăniciu, 1981, 5, 9-10, 21, 26, 40, and n. 59, 66, 68-70; Petolescu 1986, 510-514; TIR L35, 39, 41, 50, 58. 18 Stăicuț 2010, 211-238; Stăicuț 2011, 96-97; Mărgineanu-Cârstoiu 2015, 91-120. 19 Tocilescu 1900, 127. Gh. Ștefan believed possible that the Romans had used a previous route (Kahrstedt 1937, 127, apud Ștefan 1948), although it had been less likely left defenceless on a distance of approximately 150 km. 20 Pârvan 1923, 140-142. 21 Zahariade, Dvorski 1997, 60. 22 Petolescu 2001, 349-350; Petolescu 2007, 40-41. 23 Petolescu 2001, 349-354; Petolescu 2007, 40-41. Further, Zahariade, Lichiardopol 2006 = Zahariade, Lichiardopol 2009. 114 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu although there is no direct proof of the presence of the legio XI Claudia pia fidelis in the Durostorum fortress before the end of the bellum Dacicum, since it occupied the former fortress of the legio V Macedonica at Oescus24. Large fortifications that might have accommodated significant military strengths may be recorded north the Danube at Sucidava, Islaz-Verdea25 or Poiana (former Flămânda)26. This concentration is located approximately in the same area of the fortifications at Oescus and Novae. There is no archaeological evidence pointing to the routes of the Roman armies to the hill area from north Muntenia. They might have been, for instance, temporary Roman fortifications. A possible route was suggested along the Ialomița valley. At Filipești (Brăila), on the Buzău valley a temporary fort was built27 (340 x 500 m), sup- posed in connection with the fortification at Barboși or Durostorum28. However, at present, there is still no evidence to support such assumptions. C. C. Petolescu supposed that the fortifications on the Teleajen valley, alike other supposed in Moldova area, likely fulfilled the role of blocking all valleys which were access ways to Transylvania, thus removing any possible surprise attacks of the Dacians after the first Dacian campaign of emperor Trajan (AD 101/102)29. Following the analysis of the tile stamps discovered at Drajna de Sus and Târgșor, M. Zahariade argued that respective fortifications marked the route of the Roman army during the first campaign against the Dacians of AD 101-102, subsequent to the annihilation of most important Dacian fortifications in this area30. The building phase where the tile stamps were found belongs to the period when respective area was under the control of Moesia Inferior. According to Ioan Piso, the production of bricks and tiles was not possible in a territory which was not yet a province31, the production starting thus after the complete pacification of AD 106. 24 Matei-Popescu 2010, 133-134, 261-264. 25 At approximately 20 km south Slăveni, nearby the Olt interflow with the Danube, was identified the fortification at Islaz-Verdea (340 x 120 m, partially damaged by the river) (Tudor 1978, 279; Vlădescu 1983, 81, no. 6; Vlădescu 1986, 29-30; Gudea 1997, 82, no. 66; Gudea 2005, 492, no. VII. B. 1; Marcu 2009, 212, no. 56. Tudor 1978, 266, no. 3; Vlădescu 1983, 114-115). The archaeological research reported the existence of the fortification and its dating to the Principate (Tudor 1978, 279). From the Islaz- Racovița fortification survived the north-western corner (75 x 105 m - Tudor 1978, 279; Gudea 1997, 82, no. 67; Marcu 2009, 212, no. 56). 26 The fort at Poiana (former Flămânda) lies on the Danube bank in the area where the so-called “trans-Alutanus line” starts, in the part comprised between the forts at Oescus and Novae, located south the Danube. The fortification was strongly damaged by the river erosion. The fort sizes (350 x 390 m - Tocilescu 1900, 122, Fig. 72; Tudor 1978, 286; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1980, 658-659; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981; Vlădescu 1983, 119; Vlădescu 1986, 87; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997, 42-43; Gudea 1997, 70, no. 47), allowed the camping of significant strengths and its temporary use, mirrored by the archaeological research, led to the supposition it was a temporary fort which served to disembark units involved in the Dacian campaigns (Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997, 43). 27 Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981, 9, 62, n. 66. 28 Christescu 1937, 111. 29 Petolescu 1986, 510-514. 30 These stamps record the name of three legionary vexillations and one auxiliary troop vexillation as part of the army of the province of Moesia Inferior: legio I Italica, legio V Macedonica, legio XI Claudia and cohors I Flavia Commagenorum, all recorded at Drajna, and only the last two recorded in the fort at Târgșor - Zahariade, Lichiardopol 2006, 127, Fig. 5 e-f. 31 Piso 2000, 213; Piso 2001, 18. Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 115 Currently, it is difficult to endorse any scenario on the distribution of the stamped tile material in this area, be it only owing to the conflicting views maintaining in the specially literature regarding the significance of such artefact discoveries. Samples taken from identical stamp types discovered in different sites are still under study in order to obtain data on their production place (origin of the used raw material), after which pertinent conclusions may be drawn. An interesting thing worth underlining within this context is the fact that the record of the military units of Moesia Inferior north the Danube was made by stamps marked on building materials identified exclusively in hill and sub-mountain areas. Records on the transalutanus line confirm the same, finds being reported at Voinești32 and Rucăr33. Entry and surveillance corridor The detailed analysis of the displacement of the Roman army during the cam- paigns against the Dacians evidences several moments. Prior the establishment of the new province, the former Decebalus’ kingdom was, legally and administratively, the competence field of the legate of Moesia Superior. The army displaced in certain areas from the space comprised between the Olt valley, north-west Muntenia and south-east Transylvania was the competence area of the legate of Moesia Inferior34. The military diplomas discovered in the recent years had the merit of clarifying overall the number and composition of these auxiliary units, especially the fact that under Domitian their number increased significantly due to the organization meas- ures the emperor took35. For a long time, such measures were ascribed to activities under Trajan, for the preparations of the Dacian expedition. Most important troop displacements from other provinces were noted in the second part of the first Dacian campaign of Trajan, in connection with the supplemented military strength required both after the campaign to the north of the Danube as well as especially due to the losses incurred during the warfare south the Danube in the winter of AD 10136. The decisive event to significantly change the development of the first Dacian campaign was the attack over the Roman garrisons south the Danube in the winter of AD 101-102, firstly by the Sarmatian Roxolani, at the time Dacian allies37. The 32 Petolescu, Matei-Popescu, Dumitrescu 2015, 254. 33 Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1974, 277-288; IDR II 607; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997, Fig. 81/1-2. 34 During Trajan’s Dacian campaigns there existed several autonomous commands, like that of Longinus (Cn. Pinarius Aemilius Cicatricula Pompeius Longinus, vir consularis - Piso 1993, 1-4), former governor of the provinces of Moesia Superior and Pannonia, that of C. Iulius Quadratus Bassus (AE 1934, 176 = IDRE II 381; Piso 1993, 23-29, no. 4) or likely Laberius Maximus, Matei-Popescu 2015, 410, n. 10. 35 Matei- Popescu 2010, 264-269; Matei-Popescu, Țentea 2006a, 75-120. 36 Matei-Popescu, Țentea 2006b, 56-65. 37 According to Cassius Dio (LXVIII, 10, 3) the Sarmatian Iazyges adopted a neutral position, different than that of the Roxolani, allies to the Dacians. See also Mocsy 1974, 94 or more recently Bârcă 2006; Bârcă 2013a. The hypothesis of Trajan’s involvement in Moesia to hold back the Sarmatian and Dacian attack was expressed for the first time by Radu Vulpe based on the scenes of Trajan’s Column (Vulpe 1964, 211-223). Opreanu believed that the moment when Moesia Inferior was raided, Sarmizegetusa was not under attack, which explains why Decebalus risked getting involved in this campaign, as the frieze on Trajan’s Column would show (scenes XXXI and XXXII). This raid would have forced Trajan to cease attack in the mountain area and rush to the south-Danubian area in Moesia Inferior (scenes XXXIII-XXXV). 116 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu so-called “Decebalus’ Moesian diversion”38 is rather a historiographic metaphor based mainly on the narrative interpreting of the frieze on Trajan’s Column. The presence of the Dacians beside the Sarmatians in respective scenes, but also the restoration of the inscription text from Tropaeum Traiani, may be regarded rather as expressions of contextualised episodes of bellum Dacicum Traiani, of which obviously the Dacians could not lack. Moreover, the historiographic view according to which Decebalus was a great king of the Dacians, ascribed him a distinctive strategic vision, which, alike the operations in the “Moesian diversion”, we do not believe to have belonged to him39. We believe that still from this view were interpreted the too many directions of the Roman army attack over the “Dacian kingdom”. The Sarmatian Roxolani were not involved in Trajan’s second campaign, which may be related to an agreement after the first campaign40, of which only the payment of stipendia to the Roxolani41 is known. Cessation of hostilities in this area maintains over the course of Trajan’s reign. The Roman units under the command of the governor of Moesia Inferior were concentrated as known from many examples of other operations, in a territorially well delimited area (task-force), in our case the Oescus-Novae area. The attack of the Sarmatian Roxolani in the winter of AD 101-102 did not occur there by chance. Their mission, as allies of the Dacians, was to pillage the territories of the province of Moesia Inferior lying to the right of the Danube. These attacks would peak with the attack of the Roman armies amassed in the north-west of the province, between Oescus and Novae, as underlined by the most important battle fought nearby, at Nicopolis ad Istrum, where later the Roman town would be built. In the same area could be noticed also the measures to supplement the units by the end of AD 101, when legio XI Claudia and legio I Minervia - the latter led by Hadrian and auxiliary units from Germania Inferior42 arrived. We may also believe that at that time the front of Moesia Inferior The first battle was fought at Nicopolis ad Istrum (AMM. MARC. 31, 5, 16: Nicopolis quam indicium victoriae contra Dacos Traianus condidit imperator), the final battle of the Moesian campaign being given at Tropaeum Traiani (Opreanu 2006). Since in the inscription from Epidaur (IDRE II 370) Trajan’s name contains the epithet Germanicus, but not also that of Dacicus (awarded in AD 102), C. C. Petolescu believes its text refers to the “victory in Moesia over the Dacians and the Sarmatians in the winter of 101/102” (Petolescu 1995, 223-226). 38 See more recently Petolescu 2010, 140, respectively Petolescu 1991, 54, n. 265. Their attack may be reconstructed based on the representations on some scenes on Trajan’s Column (Cichorius 1896- 1900, scenes XXXI-XXXII, XXXVII) and the inscription text at Tropaeum Traiani - [devicto exerc]itu D[acorum et Sarmata]rum (CIL III 12467 = AE 1965, 276; IDRE II 334; ISM IV 5. The reading of lines 8-9 [devicto exerc]itu D[acorum et Sarmata]rum, suggested by Emilia Doruțiu-Boilă and adopted in his argumentation by C. C. Petolescu (1991, 54, n. 265; Petolescu 1995a, 224) was suggested by comparison with the text of another inscription discovered in the ruins of the triumphal monument (IDRE II 335). Brief indications are found also with Ammianus Marcellinus, Jordanes, respectively an inscription from Epidaurus, recording the victory of Trajan in Moesia (IDRE II 370). C. C. Petolescu interprets this inscription text as evidence that Trajan himself was present in the campaign of the winter of AD 101-102 against the Roxolani and Dacians who attacked the area south the Danube in Moesia Inferior - Petolescu 1991, 64-66; Petolescu 1995a, 223-226. 39 Țentea 2014, 136-137. 40 Opreanu 1994, 207. 41 SHA Hadr. 6, 6-8. 42 The presence of I Minervia at Novae was recorded by tile stamps discovered in archaeological contexts dated by early 2nd century AD (of type LEG I M P F - valetudinarium). Ti. Claudius Vitalis’ promotion Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 117 lay at the hands of the Sarmatians, whose incursion on the right bank of the Danube must have commenced on the territory of Dobrudja. Not by chance, after the peace of AD 102, the reinforcement measures of the Danube border are notable43. The moment when the strengths of I Italica and V Macedonica (or only their vexillations) were involved in the Dacian campaigns cannot be established for cer- tain over the course of AD 101. It is clear that XI Claudia and certain units of I Minervia were involved starting with AD 102. Legio V Macedonica, respectively XI Claudia were displaced to Troesmis, respectively Durostorum, sometime between the two Dacian campaigns of Trajan, or more likely by the end of the bellum Dacicum44. The actions of the legions involved starting with the end of the AD 101 to the north of the Danube thus started in the forts at Oescus and Novae45, on two distinct directions, the alignment of the Olt to Buridava, respectively the road on the transalutanus line, reaching the pass towards south-east Transylvania. from the legio I Italica to the legio I Minervia (CIL VI 3584 = ILS 2656 = IPD4 794= IDRE I 3) may date to the time of these campaigns, Strobel 1987; Matei-Popescu 2010, 41. 43 Until that time, Roman fortifications on the right bank of the Danube are unknown between the naval bases at Sexaginta Prista (Ruse) and Noviodunum (Isaccea), monitoring this route being the responsibility of a praefectus classis Flaviae Moesicae et ripae Danuvii (M. Arruntius Claudianus, praefectus classis Moesicae et ripae Danuvii - AE 1972, 572). According to the archaeological and epigraphic sources under Trajan, most likely from the period between the two Dacian expeditions - 102-105 (Matei-Popescu 2010; Opriș 2006, 241) were built the forts at Carsium, in 103, Rasova-Flaviana (105-108?), as well as part of a road, according to the milestone found at Sacidava (Muzait, Dunăreni), set by cohors IV Gallorum, between 103-105 (ISM V 94, p. 120-121; Rădulescu, Bărbulescu 1981, 586-588, Fig. 2, no. 1, 353-356. See also the discussions Matei-Popescu 2004, 208-210; Opriș 2006, 237-242; Matei-Popescu 2010, 32; Țentea 2013, 146). We believe that such fortifying activity of the lower course of the Danube is an expression of the agreement with the Sarmatians, materialized in the field by clear territorial delimitation. 44 The displacement of the legio XI Claudia in the Lower Danube area occurred in the second half of AD 101, together with the displacement of other auxiliary units from Germania Inferior (Matei- Popescu, Țentea 2006b). Likely, the first place where the legion stationed in Moesia Inferior, between the two Dacian expeditions of Trajan, was Oescus (ILB 62 and tile material), from where dates the earliest evidence on the presence of the legion by the Lower Danube. Sometime, between AD 102-105, the legion is set at Durostorum, where it stations until the end of the 3rd century AD and even in the Roman period. We do not agree with the classical view that the involvement of this legion in operations north the Danube must be related to its stationing at Durostorum. M. Zahariade argued there has been a communication corridor from Durostorum. The stationing of the legio XI Claudia at Durostorum could be documented by certain data no earlier than 106, which excludes the existence of this route at least until Trajan’s second Dacian campaign. See the discussion on the displacement of the legio XI Claudia' 45 As early as Vespasian until the commencement of the first Dacian expedition of Trajan, at Oescus was stationed the legio V Macedonica, and the legio I Italica at Novae. The legio V Macedonica would be involved in the Dacian campaigns, being moved sometime between AD 103-105 at Troesmis. At Oescus was brought from Vindonissa, legio XI Claudia. It would be moved after the end of the second Dacian expedition at Durostorum. Legio I Italica or only some units displaced from Novae to the north of the Danube was replaced by a vexillation from Bonna or possibly the entire legio I Minervia (Matei-Popescu 2007, 290). Their displacement from Germania Superior, respectively Germania Inferior, beside other auxiliary units (Matei-Popescu, Țentea 2006b, 56-65) aimed at reinforcing a vulnerable area, respectively compensate the losses suffered following the attacks of the Sarmatians in the winter of AD 101-102. We may not know for certain if during AD 101, strengths from Moesia Inferior would have been involved in operations north the Danube or whether this decision would have been taken the subsequent year. It is important to specify that the involvement of the armies of Moesia Inferior did not occur concurrently with those of Moesia Superior or Pannonia. Without deeming it a secondary action front (Zahariade, Petolescu), it is much more likely these units had been massively involved in operations north the Danube after the Sarmatians’ attack. 118 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu The transalutanus line, known as Limes Transalutanus, is a road starting from the area of the forts at Novae and Oescus, crossed the Plain of Muntenia to the hilly area, from where it made the connection with south-east Transylvania by the Rucăr- Bran pass. In the southern area, this road was protected eastwards by a palisade, along which, at variable distances, towers and fortifications were distributed. The exact date when this line of fortifications was built is still controversial in the specialty literature, most visible opponents being Ioana Bogdan-Cătăniciu (who argued in favour of the dating starting with Hadrian) and C. C. Petolescu (who chose a dating no earlier than Septimius Severus)46. The construction of the various fortifications set along the transalutanus line is related to local strategic reasons and not necessarily the exist- ence of an entire defensive system: Mapping and dating forts without considering the road-network is an unstructured procedure which cannot lead to an understanding of the system47. The fortifications on this line were thus lying along a road connecting the Danube in the Poiana (former Flămânda) area (Oescus) with the passes ensuring communi- cation with the intra-Carpathian area. In most cases, only a timber-and-earth phase was identified48. Special circumstances were recorded in the case of the fortifications at Săpata de Jos (brick ramparts) and Câmpulung-Jidova (stonewalls). Amid the for- tifications on the transalutanus line comprised between the Danube and Câmpulung there is no epigraphic evidence recording the stationing of any troop. In the fort at Câmpulung Muscel I a graffito was discovered which seems to record a soldier of cohors I Flavia Commagenorum49. At Voinești, located north Câmpulung, tile stamps belonging to cohort I Flavia Commagenorum50, in association with stamps of the legio XI Claudia, were found, which rather points to an earlier dating of this fort, as well 46 Ever since the publication in the inter-War period of the coin hoard discovered in the brick fort at Săpata de Jos, it was hypothesized that the construction of the transalutanus line started with the reign of Septimius Severus (193-211), while its functioning was established until AD 245, view agreed by most specialists (Christescu 1934, 73). The so-called limes transalutanus was firstly discussed by Schuchhardt (1885), investigated by Gr. Tocilescu between the Danube and Roșiorii de Vede and crossed on its entire length by P. Polonic. The approach of the entire issue of the limes was made rather theoretically by D. Tudor, Cr. M. Vlădescu, Ioana Bogdan-Cătăniciu and C. C. Petolescu. Archaeological excavations were performed at Jidava, Săpata de Jos, Băneasa, Rucăr, Urluieni, Poiana (Flămânda), Voinești, Isbășești, Putineiu and Gresia. For a synthesis of most recent views see Petolescu 2010, 182 sqq.). Ioana Bogdan-Cătăniciu maintained on several occasions that the line was built more than a half a century earlier (Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997). A dating attempt to two distinct chronological moments belongs to R. Florescu: a first stage would be the period of the Dacian war of Trajan, the principal evidence being the castellum at Rucăr (Florescu 1978, 55-61), and the second would be the time of the proper construction of the limes under Septimius Severus. 47 Isaac 1990, 128. 48 Flămânda (350 x 390 m), Putineiu (53 x 53 m), Băneasa I (130 x 126 m), Băneasa II, Roșiorii de Vede (50 x 51 m), Valea Urluii (48 x 72 m), Gresia (50 x 60 m), Ghioca (com. Crâmpoia) (75 x 102 m), Urluieni I (105 x 123 m), Urluieni II (85 x 112 m), Fâlfani (63 x 93 m), Săpata de Jos I (125 x 90 m), Săpata de Jos II (35 x 46 m), Albota (56 x 81 m), Purcăreni (160 x? m), Câmpulung Muscel I (123 x 100 m), Câmpulung Muscel II (50 x 60 m), Voinești, Rucăr (60/55 x 47/42 m) - Bogdan-Cătaniciu 1981; Vlădescu 1983, 119- 122; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981, 8; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997, Fig. 76; Gudea 1997, 72-81, no. 49-65. Worthy of note is also the interpreting of the so-called geminari castra, Marcu 2005, 706. 49 There was discovered a graffito which seems to record a soldier of cohors I Flavia Commagenorum -, [ - - - ]ITULCAI (ILD 164; Petolescu 2002, 96-97). 50 Bădescu 1981, 292, Fig. 2; Zahariade, Lichiardopol 2006, 127, Fig. 5/g. Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 119 as of the baths51. In the small burgus/praesidium in the shape of an almost rectangular shape at Rucăr stamp tiles belonging to cohors II Flavia Bessorum were discovered52. The presence of a mixed unit composed of detachments of the legio XI Claudia and cohors I Flavia Commagenorum at Voinești proves without any shadow of a doubt that the road on the future transalutanus line was already in function under Trajan. The Olt River was not an important communication route at that time, the Cozia Massif being a very difficult obstacle to cross by any army, reason for which we believe that the advance very likely stopped in the hill area of Buridava. There is no epigraphic evidence recording units from Moesia Inferior involved in the Dacian campaigns north the Cozia Massif53. With one exception54, the fortifications mapped and researched between Boița (lying by the entry into the Olt gorge) and Buridava (Stolniceni?, Sâmbotin?) are small-sized55. Owing to their reduced sizes, the units in garrison were of numeri type56. The alternate road, along the Olt, through the eastern area of Cozia Massif, seems to have been completed a few decades later, as suggested by the inscriptions discovered in the fortifications at Călimănești-Bivolari (Arutela?)57 and Rădăcinești58, built by Suri sagittarii under T. Flavius Constans (AD 138), respec- tively at Copăceni (Praetorium I?)59, built by numerus burgariorum et veredariorum (AD 140)60. The fortifications on the transalutanus line are not elements of a coherent, well defined defensive system; not all these fortifications were contemporary over the entire operation of the road along which they were set. The fact that the small fortifi- cation at Rucăr functioned under Trajan points to the use of this communication way on the “transalutanus” route as early as that period61. Further evidence to this effect, 51 See n. 32. 52 See n. 33. 53 Zahariade, Dvorski (1997, 60) believed there are no attestations north Buridava. We considered though the find of a tile stamp in the fortification at Arutela (IDR II 579), which might date to the same period. 54 The fortification at Racovița (Praetorium II?) is sized 112 x 101 m. 55 The fortifications are approximately square or with a very close length-width ratio, with sizes comprised between 45 and 65 meters. Boița (45 x 50 m), Copăceni (64 x 64? m), Titești (56 x 48 m), Călimănești-Bivolari (Arutela - 61 x 61 m), Rădăcinești (63 x 56 m), Stolniceni (Buridava? - 60 x 60 m). It is worth mentioning that their sizes appear with slightly different values within publications. On the fortifications at Câineni (Pons Vetus?), Râul Vadului, Perișani, Jiblea and Sâmbotin (Castra Traiana?) it is known that they are small-sized, yet values are unspecified. 56 Gudea 1997, 92-93, no. 89-91. 57 CIL III 12601 a = 13793 = IDR II 575; CIL III 12601 b = 13794 = IDR II 576. 58 CIL III 12604 = IDR II 584; CIL III 12605 = IDR II 585. 59 TIR L 35, 35; Tudor 1978, 287-288; Gudea 1997, 93, no. 81. 60 CIL III 13795 = ILS 8909 = IDR II 587; CIL III 13796 = ILS 9180 = IDR II 588; Petolescu 2002, 128-129. The inscription records for the first time the term of burgarii, that of burgus being recorded slightly later (Visy 2009). Their role was to monitor certain key-points. Vegetius, for instance, advised the construction of a burgus for the protection of water sources, impossible to control from town walls. An inscription from Thracia, at Pizus (Dimitrievo, Bulgaria - IGBR III 2, 1690 = SEG 45.845) evidences that the natives supplied garrison units, burgarii, and supplies for these garrisons which were the imperial post service (Isaac 1990, 180, n. 101). An inscription of AD 152 from Paneevo mentions praesidia, burgos et phruria for the protection of the province of Thracia by the care of the authorities (AE 1927, 49, p. 404). Increased attention is awarded to the safety of the internal roads of the mentioned province under Antoninus Pius: [...] praesidia n(umero) IIII burgi n(umero) XIIphruri/ n(umerc) CIX (AE 1957, 279 = ILB 211 = AE 2000, 1291). One may infer from these phrases that praesidia were larger fortifications as only 4 were recorded compared to 109 phruria (Isaac 1990, 180). 61 It seems that the road was also used in the pre-Roman period - Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981, 8. 120 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu even though indirect, is the association of the units recorded on the stamps discovered at Voinești frequently found under Trajan62. Furthermore, some fortifications came into existence at a later date, their functioning period being different from one case to another. Some of the fortifications along this road may be functionally interpreted as similar to those very well recorded in Egypt, termed praesidia63. Ancient sources frequently used also the alternate terms like praesidium, a general term for watch post or garrison, respectively phrourion, used for castellum (Engl. fort, germ. kastellum)64. A series of inscriptions from Pannonia, discovered between Aquincum and Intercisa, mention the construction of certain praesidia under Commodus65. A century later, the epigraphic records regarding the fortification of the Lower Danube by many praesidia, contain the same stereotype phrase: post debellatas hostium gentes confirmata orbi suo tranquillitate pro futurum in aeternum reipublicae praesidium constituerunt66. The same term designated under Augustus the fortifications built by Lentulus subsequent to the pushed back Dacian attack (praesidia constituta)67, as well as the mentioned record of the displacement of cohort I Hipanorum veterana in AD 105 north the Danube: Piroboridavae in praesidio68. It may thus be noted that the terminology of the fortifica- tions was rather varied, which was due to both the evolution of denominations over the time as well as to the regional peculiarities. As noted also in the case of the three forts on the Teleajen valley, the road pro- tected by the Transalutanus, alike that which might have temporarily functioned between Galați and Brețcu69, lead to the same direction - south-east and centre of Transylvania, not by chance incorporated in the province of Dacia Inferior, whose ter- ritory covered an area mainly located south the Carpathians. 62 Petolescu, Matei-Popescu, Dumitrescu 2015, 254. 63 In Egypt, the term of praesidium refers to fortifications used for rest and exchange of horses, provided with a small garrison comprising a few soldiers, beside whom lived civilians (including women). The soldiers in these praesidia belonged to a cavalry troop or had cavalry strengths stationed in a fort in respective area. The praesidia played a monitoring role, ensured security (including of water reserves) and escort, respectively post service. In-between praesidia were recorded the so-called signal towers (skopeloi). Their command was exercised by a praefectu praesidiorum et montis Beronices - CIL IX 3083 = ILS 2699. Based on the ostraca discovered in the fortifications lying along the road Koptos - Myos Hormos or Berenike, Helene Cuvigny showed that praefectus montis Berenicidis was an official post which belonged to an equestrian officer. This prefect, who was likely stationed at Koptos, ensured the command of all military units displaced on the road between Koptos and Berenike (Cuvigny 2004, 295-305). 64 Richardson 2004, 35-50. The discussions are yet much more nuanced depending on some peculiar cases. The term of praesidium is found by early Principate in the writings of Titus Livius as garrison to designate a certain type of fortifications quibus opportuna imposuerat praesidia, impetum dedit (Titus Livius, III, 5; III, 3: ... Relicto itaque castris praesidio egressi tanto cum tumultu inuasere fines Romanos); III, 60: (... relinquitur magis castris praesidium quam satis uirium ad certamen). 65 RIU 1129 - Intercisa: [...] ripam omnem burgis [a /solo extructis item praesidiis per loca opportuna ad clandestinos /latrunculorum transitus oppositis munivit [.]. 66 Zahariade 1997, 229-230; Kovâcs 2008, 133. The term refers for that time to the fortifications at Sexaginta Prista, Transmarisca, Durostorum, Halmyris, with sizes similar to auxiliary troop forts during the Principate. 67 FLOR. II, 28; Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Augur: PIR2 C 1379. Ioana Bogdan-Cătăniciu believed that the fortifications were built previously this event (Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1981, 4). 68 Fink 1971, 217-227, 222-223, no. 63 II 21: apsentes: . Kas(t)rae in praesidio. It is interesting why a praesidium was built at Soza in the Bosporus, Crimea: “as the temper of the people was uncertain” (TAC. Ann. 12. 16). 69 Pârvan 1913, 14-27. Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 121 Why there? Which are the reasons for which the forts in north-west Muntenia were built under Trajan? 1. The construction and short term operation of the fortifications at Târgșor, Mălăiești, Drajna de Sus and Pietroasele must be regarded within the same context with those at Rucăr and Voinești70. Differently to the traditional historiography, we believe that the construction of the fortifications in the mentioned points (locations) should rather be related with the exploitation of highly important resources for the Roman army. It is this way one should understand also the location of certain units in the fort at Pietroasele, respectively Buridava. Thus, the displacement of the army in these points corresponds firstly to logistic reasons. Over the course of several historical periods, it could be noted that one of the most important deposits of Transylvania and the hill area south the Carpathian Mountains was the salt. This resource on the territory of the Dacians was most defi- nitely one of the important parts of the trade with the Roman Empire. The hoard finds in the Teleajen valley area and nearby are very significant to this effect, even though they belong to a rather broad chronological interval. This corridor enters in an area with many salt resources, being one of the communication routes with south-east Transylvania, at its turn rich in salt exploitation. The rich salt resources on the territory of Dacia were precious due both to the impressive quantity of the deposit and the fact that solid salt lacked from an expansive territory (Pannonia, the Balkan Peninsula or the north of the Black Sea)71. Salt must have been one of the components of the trade relations between the Dacians and the Sarmatians72, as it was highly necessary to a nomad population, whose economy was mainly centred on cattle breeding. As indicated by the epigraphic data, the salt mines in the future province of Dacia were part of the imperial estate, leased to conductores pascui et salinarum, who also had the right to sell the salt73. In the support of the arguments above, we shall mention only one further exam- ple, which belongs to a different period though, namely the Bulgarian control of the salt resources of Transylvania in the early medieval period, which is no longer a nov- elty, underlined in several more recent studies74. 2. Another reason for the arrangement of the Roman units in this area was identified based on parallels with a situation very similar in the north of the border 70 Although the fort there was not yet found, the archaeologists who excavate the Roman baths there related the functioning of this edifice to an extant fort nearby. 71 Benea 2007a, 99; Benea 2007b, 41. For the salt mines in Dacia see also Glodariu 1977, 960f.; Wollmann 1996, 411ff. In Antiquity, beside mine or surface exploitation, salt was also obtained from sea water, in coastal areas or, in inland areas, from salted waters or lakes (PLIN. Nat. 31. 82). At this moment, yet, there is no estimate of the proportion in the domestic demand that could be covered by salt exploitations from sea water (Marzano 2013, 124, 141). Interpretations on the value of salt were sometimes exaggerated, as it was deemed more valuable to the Roman Empire than the gold in Dacia, being “a key argument for the conquest of the Dacian state” (Medeleț 1995, 285-301). 72 Bârcă 2006, 270. 73 Piso 2007, 179-182; Benea 2007a, 91-111. These conductores either paid a lease tax for salt extraction or collected the taxes due to the state by other mine owners. 74 Madgearu 2001, 280; Madgearu 2005, 111; Ciupercă 2010a, 289 = Ciupecă 2010b, 628; Yotov 2012, 326, Fig. 5, 330. 122 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu in Pannonia Superior. Historia Augusta noted that Marcus Aurelius had wished to establish a new province in the north75. Although in AD 175, the Marcomanni, Quadi and Iazyges were Roman allies, three years later, the presence of the units stationed among the Quadi and the Marcomanni was designed, according to Cassius Dio, to impede respective tribes to carry out a normal economic life, namely to hinder the free movement specific to nomad populations76. This way (Marcus) wished not to seize their land, but to punish them! Over the last three decades were researched and published many data indicative of a special dynamics of the Roman armies, noticeable from the spatial distribution of the Roman fortifications north the Danube in the Vindobona and Kelamantia segment, datable starting with the second half of the 2nd century AD77. We believe that Trajan’s policy concerning some of the nomad populations, namely the Sarmatians, was to ban migration in their economically vital areas. This, as seen, had serious consequences on the relations with the Iazyges and then with the Roxolani. During the process of pacification of the entire north-Danube area, Hadrian withdraws some legions, rethinks the defensive system in affected provinces and brings, in a series of key points, auxiliary units of which excel those very mobile, due to their cavalry units. In addition, the emperor chooses the specialised irregular units. Adaptability to the circumstances in Dacia, detailed thinking of strategic and, why not, economic solutions are noteworthy. The maintenance of the new units was cheaper, as they were more adaptable, likely less pretentious to the conditions existent in the newly established province. Historia Augusta78 is unclear whether the Roxolani attacked or not Moesia Inferior during the crises of AD 117-11879. Hadrian’s arrival in Moesia Inferior was firstly due to the negotiations with the Roxolani80. The displacement of garrisons gave access to the Sarmatians to key areas for their nomad economy. The entry of the Sarmatians in these territories does not seem significant in the first half of the 2nd century AD81, which may be explained either as a result of their nomad economy or a temporary conclusion owed to the current state of research. 75 SHA Marc. 24, 5-6 and 27, 10. Based on Cassius Dio some reject any emperor’s intention to create a new province, Instinsky 1972. 76 CASS. DIO LXXI 20. 77 The directions of certain operations during the Marcomannic wars could be established also by identifying temporary forts north the Danube (Rajtâr 1997, 475, Fig. 6.75, 76; Tejral 1997, 534, Fig. 6.101). 78 SHA Hadr. 6, 6-8. 79 Analysing literary sources, C. C. Petolescu rejects the existence of a Sarmatian attack of the Roxolani (Petolescu 1993, 161-162). 80 The main elements of these negotiations were seemingly the continuation of stipendia grant (Opreanu 1994, 207) and the award of the rex amicus populi Romani status to their chieftain (identified in an inscription from Pola, under the Roman name P. Aelius Rasparaganus - CIL V 32; Opreanu 1994, 207; Opreanu 1998, 53). Territorial clauses must have regarded the resolution of inconveniences caused by the displacement of certain Roman units on the territory of Muntenia. 81 For views on the starting date of the Sarmatian entry in the Plain of Muntenia see Bichir 1977, 191; Niculescu 2003, 184-186; Bogdan-Cătăniciu 1997, 140, 142; Diaconu 1980, 284; Oța 1999, 887; Oța 2007, 51; Oța, Sîrbu 2009, 178-196; Sîrbu et alii 2014, 122-133; Opreanu 1998, 63-64; Sîrbu, Bârcă 1999, 93-94; Bârcă 2013a, 117-119; Bârcă 2013b; Bârcă 2015. For the Sarmatian advance and inhabitancy in the 1st century BC - 1st century AD on the east-Carpathian territory see Bârcă 2006; Bârcă 2013a, 99-119. Why there? The preliminaries of constructing the Roman Frontier in South-East Dacia 123 In the case of Muntenia one may speak of the withdrawal/displacement of units from certain strategic areas (either economically and/or militarily) which had had the role of hindering the access of the Sarmatian tribes to certain vital resources for pastoralism. In this case, these areas are beneficial for winter spending and salt min- ing82. Therefore, there is no case of occupation of Muntenia and south Moldova and neither of a later withdrawal from a vast territory. The so-called occupation, respec- tively abandonment of a vast territory (the Plain of Muntenia and south Moldova) must be regarded rather as a displacement of units from a few key positions (military occupation), subsequent to constraints to which some of the nomad populations were subjected to, and not at as a significant loss of a territory not intended for colonisa- tion. This space, generally described by modern names (East Oltenia, Muntenia, south Moldova), was not incorporated in the province of Moesia Inferior, the governor of this province bearing authority only over army controlled areas. This is how the lack of data on the colonisation of the newly-conquered area may be explained. In fact, even though legally, these territories were defied as intra provinciam (the Hunt papyrus), one should not forget that provincia was the competence field of a magistrate and not the proper territorial expression. Thus, territories were part of the competence field of the governor of Moesia Inferior, however since specific civil structures did not emerge, one may not speak of a territorially established province. In fact, this is not the single case when the authority of the governor of Moesia Inferior exceeds the proper limits of the province, the Roman control over the northern region of the Black Sea being indicative to this effect. 3. All these hypotheses open the discussion on the collocations defining the con- quest of Muntenia and south Moldova and the integration of these territories in the province of Moesia Inferior, respectively the withdrawal of the Roman army from this vast territory. They were given historical value by association with Hadrian’s decision to “abandon these territories”, the “similar” situations in Assyria and Mesopotamia, within a strategic vision likely based on Augustus’s policy, that of affixing empire bor- ders along natural barriers. The conquest, respectively withdrawal of the army from the territory of Muntenia and south Moldova became paradigms in the historical con- text where the military operations of the Romans north the Danube under Trajan aimed at encircling the Dacian kingdom (seen as centralized structure, well organized administratively and militarily). Furthermore, we shall mention that in the case of Muntenia there is no evidence of Roman colonisation or of any intention recording this could have happened. The extended Dacian campaigns and the arrangement within the territory of the Roman units seem to indicate that the authority of the governor of Moesia Inferior was exer- cised only over areas where the effective presence of the Roman army may be argued. Compared to the general situation, whereby the provincia might have inferred only the area where the consular legate exercised its imperium83, we may argue that the ter- ritory controlled by the Romans in Muntenia was rather restricted. 82 It is possible that in some sub-Carpathian areas the salt exploited at surface might have also been mined by private entrepreneurs. 83 Piso 1993, 3. 124 Ovidiu Țentea, Florian Matei-Popescu Conclusions To conclude, similar with the Roman Eastern frontier, the area between Orontes and Tigris (the so-called desert frontier or Steppengrenze84), one can easily imagine that something pretty similar must have been into place in the north-west Muntenia, namely an area which, due to the geographic layout of this territory, namely the Bărăgan area (virtually a deserted area, a no man’s land, only colonised by the Romanian state by the end of the 19th century), was only under Roman control, but never part of the Empire. The region which was intra provinciam, as mentioned in the Hunt papyrus was the Olt valley, the core of the Dacia Inferior province. Therefore, Hadrian only withdraws the units from the above mentioned praesidia, due to some agreements reached with the nomad Sarmatian tribes and, in the same time, organized the Dacia inferior province in the region which was part of the Moesia inferior province, i.e. the region between Jiu and Olt Rivers and south-east Transylvania. Nevertheless, the Roman control over Muntenia did not cease, as the fortifica- tions along the transalutanus line, most of which built only at the beginning of the Severan period, and the presence of vexillationes of the legio XI Claudia pia fidelis from Durostorum at Pietroasele during Caracalla’s reign, fully attest. The above men- tioned agreements probably allowed the nomad Sarmatian tribes to come to spend the winter in the nearby of the Roman Lower Danube frontier, without crossing some demarcation lines like the one built in Galați area85 and to have free pass over the Bărăgan area. Therefore, one can easily label the Roman frontier from north-west Muntenia as a nomad frontier, since the Roman policy towards the region was shaped by Rome’s interactions with the nomad Sarmatian tribes settled there by the first half of the 1st century AD. Bibliography Bârcă 2006 Bârcă 2013a Bârcă 2013b Bârcă 2015 Benea 2007a V. Bârcă, Sarmații - aliați ai dacilor în războaiele contra Romei. In: E. S. Teodor, O. Țentea (eds.), Dacia Augusti provincia. Crearea provinciei: Actele simpozionului desfășurat în 13-14 octombrie 2006 la Muzeul Național de Istorie a României, București 2006, 3-28. V. Bârcă, Nomads of the steppes by the Danube frontier of the Roman Empire in the 1st C CE. 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GLI ILLIRI IN AMBIENTE MILITARE IRINA NEMETI Abstract: A large number of persons of Illyrian origin are documented in the inscriptions of Dacia (origin proved by the names of these people or by their kinship with others wear- ing Illyrian names). Most of the Illyrian community of Dacia lived in Alburnus Maior, where Dalmatian miners were settled. Inscriptions in which Illyrian names occur also come from the great cities of the province of Dacia, from the so-called vici militares, and from the rural area. The detailed interpretation of the epigraphic corpus certifies a close connection between these people and the Roman army, with reference to soldiers, veterans and their families. This group of people indicates - by name, social status, religious preferences - a certain degree of Romanization. Our study attempts to clarify this specific aspect of the provincial society by the investigation of the Illyrians from the army of Dacia and of their acculturation. Keywords: Illyrians; society; onomastics; colonization; acculturation; army. Rezumat: În inscripțiile descoperite în Dacia apare un număr mare de persoane de ori- gine iliră (origine demonstrată de numele purtate sau de relațiile de rudenie cu alte persoane cu nume ilire). Cea mai mare parte a comunității ilire locuia la Alburnus Maior, acolo unde au fost colonizați mineri dalmatini. Inscripții în care apar nume ilire provin însă și din marile orașe ale provinciei Dacia, din vici militares și din mediul rural. Interpretarea detaliată a corpusului epigrafic certifică o strânsă legătură între aceste persoane și armata romană, fiind vorba de soldați, de veterani și de familiile acestora. Acest grup de persoane indică - prin nume, statut social, preferințe religioase -, un anume grad de romanizare. Studiul nostru încearcă să clari- fice acest aspect specific al societății provinciale analizând ilirii din armata din Dacia, precum și aculturarea lor. Cuvinte cheie: iliri; societate; onomastică; colonizare; aculturație; armată. La conquista del territorio a nord del Danubio e la creazione della provincia Dacia all’inizio del II sec. d. C. attirarono una moltitudine di coloni dalle zone piu diverse dell’Impero Romano. Le fonti letterarie ci trasmettono informazioni insufficienti sulla portata della colonizzazione, e il materiale epigrafico, scultoreo e archeologico prova l’esistenza, nella provincia, di alcuni gruppi etnici con diversi livelli di romanizzazione. Il processo di acculturazione dei peregrini dei territori barbari conquistati prima da Roma continua anche in Dacia. E possibile osservare uno spostamento organizzato di alcune comunita dalle provincie di Dalmazia, Pannonia e Noricum, mentre la disloca- zione delle truppe ausiliarie condusse alla comparsa di alcuni gruppi etnici venuti da zone piu lontane. Gli elementi tracici, celtici occidentali, siriaci, ispanici, come pure quelli dal nord-ovest dell’Africa, arrivano nella nuova provincia utilizzando lo stesso meccanismo della dislocazione delle truppe militari e l’immigrazione delle comunita collegate agli interessi di queste truppe. Il commercio a grande distanza conduce alla comparsa di mercanti da Siria, Asia Minore, Egitto, ma anche dalle regioni della Gallia orientale e renana. In questo amalgama, le comunita etniche interagiscono 132 Irina Nemeti assumendo livelli diversi della cultura classica, utilizzando la lingua comune, il latino, e generando complessi processi di acculturazione. Nella costruzione di alcune identita di gruppo, linguistiche ma anche religiose nello stesso tempo, alcune comunita mani- festano tendenze conservatrici: continuano a utilizzare la lingua materna, l’adorazione della divinita della madrepatria, e i riti funebri tradizionali. Sotto l’influenza di questo ambiente caratteristico della civilta tradizionale divengono ombreggiate e gradual- mente alterate, giungendo all’integrazione, conseguenza dell’adattamento. La colonizzazione degli Illiri nella Dacia romana si concentra, in particolare, nella zona aurifera dei Carpazi Occidentali. Le scoperte archeologiche degli ultimi anni ad Alburnus Maior (Roșia Montană, provincia di Alba) hanno rilanciato il dibat- tito sulla presenza dei minatori dalmati nella regione aurifera della Dacia1. Gli scavi archeologici piu recenti hanno portato nuove informazioni sui tipi di abitato, sul rito funerario e sulla vita religiosa degli Illiri, in seguito alla scoperta di nuovi insedia- menti di tipo civile, di necropoli a incinerazione e di edifici di culto. Le nuove scoperte epigrafiche, inoltre, hanno aggiunto nuove informazioni relative all’onomastica degli abitanti, ma anche sul tipo di organizzazione delle comunita di Alburnus Maior. Finora, le diverse gentes venute dalla Dalmazia, appaiono organizzate in forme proprie. La colonizzazione di questi minatori dalmati, specialisti nell’estrazione dell’oro, aveva probabilmente un carattere organizzato, dal momento che i coloni furono qui condotti in gruppi compatti, con proprie istituzioni (kastella, principes etc.)2. Oltrepassando la regione aurifera, non si puo osservare nessun’altra comunita illirica nel territorio della provincia. La colonizzazione degli Illiri nella Dacia sem- bra essere piu connessa alle iniziative personali di individui originari della Dalmazia, mentre l’esercito fu sicuramente una delle strutture che consentirono la mobilita delle persone da queste regioni verso la nuova provincia3. Uno studio attento sugli individui di origine illirica rileva il reclutamento all’in- terno di truppe ausiliarie diverse: Ala Batavorum, ala II Pannoniorum (Gherla), ala I Illyricorum (Brâncovenești), ala I Brittonum c. R. (Gherla), ala Bosporanorum (che prima servi nel numerus nlyricorum) cohors III Campestris (Drobeta, Porolissum), cohors II Hispanorum, Numerus M(aurorum) a Micia, Numerus Singulariorum (Britannicianorum?) e le due legioni - Legio XIII Gemina e la V Macedonica. Essi erano milites (2), equites (2), tubicen, signifer, centurio, beneficiarius, decuriones (2), veterani (3)4. Tutti erano giunti in Dacia dalle provincie vicine - Moesia Superior, Dalmazia, le Pannonie e dalle regioni abitate da popolazioni illiriche. Gli Illiri. Le persone e l’onomastica Le iscrizioni della Dacia raccolgono un numero assai grande di persone (140), identificabili come Illiri per i nomi e le relazioni di parentela. La maggior parte di essi si concentra nel centro minerario di Alburnus Maior, mentre gli altri provengono dalle citta di Apulum, Ampelum, Potaissa, Napoca, Drobeta, Romula, Tibiscum e soltanto 1 Piso 2003, passim; Damian 2003, passim; Ardevan 2004, passim; Ciongradi 2009, passim. 2 Daicoviciu 1958, passim; Nemeti, Nemeti 2010, 111-114. 3 Per l’analogie vedi Stanley Jr. 1990, 250-260. 4 Protase 1978, 500-503; Petolescu 2002, 64, 65, 74, 78, 92, 113. Esercito e societă nella Dacia romana. Gli illiri in ambiente militare 133 alcuni da regioni rurali - Brădeni, Bretea, Gârbău, Slatina, Zegaia, o da vici militari - Brâncovenești, Bologa, Cigmău, Gherla, Ilișua, Micia, Pojejena. Per la nostra analisi sulla presenza degli Illiri nell’ambiente militare, abbiamo presso in considerazione un numero maggiore di persone, non soltanto quelle che appaiono chiaramente nelle iscrizioni come militari o veterani. Abbiamo quindi esteso l’area della nostra interpre- tazione, includendo anche le persone attestate epigraficamente nei vici militari e nelle citta in cui sono attestate truppe militari. Questo gruppo di persone presenta, sulla base dei nomi attestati, un certo livello di romanizzazione. Che anzi, e possibile distinguere quattro categorie principali all’in- terno del gruppo di genti illiriche attestate nelle iscrizioni daciche: ogni categoria, infatti, illustra una fase d’acculturazione riflessa nel sistema onomastico. La prima categoria e quella degli Illiri che non adottano il sistema onomastico romano. Essi appaiono nelle iscrizioni come portatori di nomi di origine illirica o, por- tano, seguendo il sistema onomastico barbaro, un nome personale e un patronimico di origine illirica. Alla prima categoria appartiene Bato, Bedarus, Bricena (?), Dasius, Glavicida (?), Panianus (Rep. 5, 14, 17, 19, 24). Il secondo gruppo e rappresentato da persone come Dasas Scenobarbi, Scenobarbus Dasi, Temaius Dasi, Liccaius Vinentis (Rep. 4, 6, 10, 23). Questi sono gli Illiri che portano i loro nomi barbari articolati secondo il modello latino, alcuni assumendo proprio forme latinizzanti come Panianus dal Panes. Essi rappresentano la categoria piu conservatrice di fronte alla romanizzazione, e cio era probabilmente dovuto anche a limiti culturali e sociali imposti dalla loro condizione sociale generalmente modesta (peregrini, schiavi). Essi adottarono sicuramente la cultura materiale di fattura romana; conoscevano la lingua latina, in parte, come ci mostrano i testi delle iscrizioni che elevano. Questi testi sono generalmente modesti, ma scritti, senza eccezione, in latino. La seconda categoria illustra una fase piu avanzata di romanizzazione, costituita da nomi combinati, illiri e romani, nomi che non rispettano il sistema onomastico romano dei tria nomina fatto che indica, generalmente, persone con statuto giuridico di peregrini non cittadini. Si osserva l’uso errato di alcuni elementi - nomen gentile al posto del praenomen etc., o la combinazione di un praenomen latino con un patronimico illirico: Bersius Ingenuus, Trosius Crispus, Tutor Silvani, Crescens Platoris, Linda Severus, Serena Licconis, Senecius Surus, Plicia (?) Vari Capitoni, Sabina Labrionis (Rep. 3, 4, 10, 11, 12, 21, 27). La terza categoria e rappresentata da individui portatori di nomi che rispettano perfettamente il sistema onomastico romano dei tria nomina (nel caso degli uomini), ma con cognomina che tradiscono l’origine illirica: M. Aurelius Dassius, L. Dasumius Priscus, C. Iulius Tato, T. Scervius Vitalis; in alcuni casi i praenomina non sono piu menzionati: Aurelius Epicatius, Aurelius Dasius, Aurelius Calanus, Iulius Scenobarbus, Aelius Tato, Ulpius Dassius, Iulius Scenobarbus (Rep. 9, 13, 15, 16, 18, 20, 22, 25, 26). Alcuni di essi provengono da famiglie ben romanizzate, come Aurelius Epicatius da Potaissa, che porta un cognomen illirico mentre i suoi fratelli hanno nomi romani: Aurelius Viator e Aurelius Corbulo. Negli altri casi ci troviamo di fronte ad alcune famiglie miste, come dimostrano altre due iscrizioni sempre da Potaissa - Iulius 134 Irina Nemeti Scenobarbus, fratello di Iulius Zeno (cognome greco) e Iulius Gaius, e poi Aurelius Dasius, fratello di Aurelius Bassianus e Aurelius Aulucentus (cognome tracico). Tutti sono, per la maggioranza, cittadini romani e appartengono a famiglie per- fettamente romanizzate. Un altro gruppo di persone e costituito dai veterani alcuni dei quali ricevettero la cittadinanza al compimento del servizio militare: M. Aurelius Dassius, L. Dasumius Priscus, C. Iulius Tato. Dal punto di vista del livello di romaniz- zazione, non esistono differenze rispetto alla categoria seguente, quella degli Illiri con nomi romani, che non possono essere identificati come Illiri soltanto in base al nome. Si tratta di persone ben integrate nella societa romana, che, generalmente ricevet- tero la cittadinanza romana e probabilmente parlavano ancora la loro lingua barbara nello spazio privato, e il cui tradizionalismo traspare a volta nei cognomina dati ai discendenti. L’ultima categoria comprende individui con nomi la cui origine illirica puo essere presunta da altri dettagli forniti dai testi epigrafici: l’indicazione dell’origo, domo, o le relazioni di parentela. Per il militare Aelianus[...] il testo della diploma militare specifica la sua origine - Dalmata. Nel caso delle spose degli Illiri, la stessa origine etnica non e, beninteso, obbligatoria, ma puo essere presunta. Aelia Kara e la moglie del veterano Ulpius Dassius. In una interpretazione inversa, Aelius Maximinus e Aelius Maximus, Aelius Ursinus, persone con onomastica latina, sono rispettiva- mente il marito e i figli di Serena Licconis. Anche altre associazioni di persone nelle iscrizioni possono indicare la possibilita che i portatori di nomi romani, sebbene asso- ciati con Illiri, siano anch’essi Illiri. Aelius Iulianus e il suocero e l’erede di Aelius Tato, mentre Silvana e la moglie di quest’ultimo. Vibius Rufinus, signifer legionis XIII Geminae erige il monumento funerario, come erede, per Crescens Platoris (filio). Ulpius Pulcher e il genero di Plicia (?) Vari Capitonis (Rep. 1, 2, 11, 13, 25, 27). E molto probabile che, in Dacia, esistessero molte altre persone di origine illirica, che non possono pero essere identificate facilmente. Per quanto riguarda la loro provenienza, dobbiamo rilevare che il maggior numero di militari illiri proviene da Potaissa e poi da Apulum. La situazione e normale, a giudi- care dalle dimensioni di questi centri urbani e delle truppe militari qui di stanza. La religione. L’integrazione religiosa Sono troppo poche le iscrizioni per sostenere una discussione sulla religione degli Illiri in ambiente militare. Delle 27 epigrafi del nostro repertorio, soltanto tre sono votive, mentre il resto e composto da iscrizioni funerarie e una diploma militare. Le iscrizioni votive sono dedicate a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Conservator, Hercules Invictus5 e Deus Aeternus. Nessun elemento riconduce alle credenze e alle divinita illire. IOM e Hercules sono divinita classiche frequentemente adorate dai militari. La dedica per Deus Aeternus, associata all’immagine di un’aquila con il ful- men negli artigli, indica probabilmente lo stesso Iuppiter (I. O. M. Aeternus)6. In questo caso, possiamo osservare un piccolo dettaglio che ci porta di nuovo in ambiente illirico: la formula dedicatoria, con il nome del dedicante prima di quello della divinita, 5 Popescu 2004, 94-98. 6 Nemeti 2005, 286; Popescu 2004, 143-144. Esercito e societă nella Dacia romana. Gli illiri in ambiente militare 135 e non al contrario, come invece appare nel modello classico, e troppo frequente nelle iscrizioni erette dagli Illiri di Alburnus Maior. Gli Illiri in ambiente militare Analizzando tutti i dettagli dei monumenti epigrafici eretti dagli Illiri in ambiente militare, e confrontando la situazione con il resto delle iscrizioni della Dacia, possiamo osservare un grado piu alto di romanizzazione nel caso dei primi. Il gruppo degli Illiri colonizzati ad Alburnus Maior si presenta chiaramente piu conservatore, sul piano onomastico ma anche su quello votivo, mentre gli Illiri sparsi nel territorio della provincia, nelle truppe e nei vici, ma anche nelle citta collegate alle truppe, possono essere collocati su un gradino superiore nel processo di romanizzazione. L’adozione dell’onomastica romana, il prestito di nuove forme religiose e parte integrante di un processo complesso di acculturazione che portera, alla fine, all’assunzione di una nuova identita culturale di questi illiri. L’appropriazione della lingua e dell’onoma- stica latina, cosi come l’adozione delle divinita romane, e uguale, in termini storici, alla loro romanizzazione. I militari di origine illirica No. Luogo di scoperta Nome Truppa Grado militare Tipo d’iscrizione Fonti 1 Dacia meridionale [...] Aelia- nus[...] f(ilio) Dalmat(ae) Diploma militare ILD 19. 2 Drobeta Liccaius Vinentis Linda Severus Coh. III Campestris beneficiarius heres Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 14216; IDR II 45. 3 Bretea (Ulpia Tra- iana Sarmi- zegetusa) L. Dasumius Priscus Leg. XIII Gemina veteranus Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 1476; IDR III/ 2, 405. 4 Micia . ..Dassius Numerus Maurorum Miciensium Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 7872; IDR III/3, 176. 5 Apulum Dasas Scenobarbi Bersius Ingenuus Ala Batavo- rum, Numerus singulariorum; Numerus singulariorum eques decurio Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 7800; IDR III/5, 522. 6 Apulum Crescens Platoris Vibius Rufinius Leg. XIII Gemina? Leg. XIII Gemina signifer Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 1192; IDR III/5, 521. 7 Apulum Tutor Silvani Ala Bospora- norum, Nume- rus Illyricorum eques Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 1197; IDR III/5, 585. 136 Irina Nemeti No. Luogo di scoperta Nome Truppa Grado militare Tipo d’iscrizione Fonti 8 Brâncove- nești Ulpius Dassius Ala Illyricorum? veteranus, decurio Iscrizione funeraria Protase, Zrmyi 1992, 99, no. 5. 9 Potaissa Aurelius Calanus Leg. V Macedonica? miles Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 1604. 10 Potaissa Dasius Leg. V Macedonica miles? Iscrizione militare Bărbulescu 1994, 53; Bărbulescu 2012,63-65. 11 Potaissa Trosius Crispus Leg. V Macedonica centurio Iscrizio- ne votiva, Hercules Russu 1936-1940, 325-330. 12 Napoca T. Scervius Vitalis Coh. III Campestris tubicen Iscrizione votiva, IOM Daicoviciu 1969, 213, no. 2. 13 Gherla Scenobarbus Dasi Ala II Pannoniorum eques Iscrizione funeraria Protase 1968, 340. 14 Gherla Glavus Nava- ti f(ilio) Ala Brittonum c. R. eques Diploma militare IDR I, DiplD VII. 15 Gârbău M. Aurelius Dasius veteranus? Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 851. 16 Bologa Aelius Tato Coh. II Hispanorum decurio Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 843. Iscrizioni trovate nei vici militari No. Vicus Nome Tipo d’iscrizione Fonti 1 Pojejena Glavicida? Iscrizione funeraria IDR III/1, 17. 2 Tibiscum Temaius Dasi Iscrizione funeraria IDR III/1, 169. 3 Cigmău C. Iulius Tato Iscrizione votiva, Deus Aeternus CIL III 7880; IDR III/3, 216. 4 Bologa Bato?, Batonis Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 843. 5 Ilișua Serena Licconis Iscrizione funeraria Protase 1957, 319-320. Iscrizioni trovate nelle citta (in cui sono attestate truppe militari) No. Citta Nome Tipo d’iscrizione Fonti 1 Romula Plicia? Vari Capitonis Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 8036 = 1595; IDR II 354. 2 Drobeta Sabina Labrionis Senecius Surus Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 14216, 14; IDR II 60. 3 Potaissa Bedarus, Bricena? Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 917. 4 Potaissa Aurelius Dasius Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 918. 5 Potaissa Aurelius Epicatius Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 920. 6 Potaissa Panianus Iscrizione funeraria Teglâs 1902, 82. 7 Potaissa Iulius Scenobarbus Iscrizione funeraria CIL III 13671. Esercito e societă nella Dacia romana. Gli illiri in ambiente militare 137 Il repertorio delle iscrizioni Origine sconosciuta (Dacia meridionale) 1. Aelianus filio Dalmatae. Origine sconosciuta (Dacia meridionale). Eck et alii 2002-2003, 34-37, no. 2; ILD 19. ...[L. Vitrasio Flamini]no / [alae/coh(ortis)...cui praest / [..jAelianus/ [...] f(ilio) Dalmat(at). Romula 2. Plicia?7 Varri Capitonis. Reșca (Romula), dipart. Dolj. CIL III 8036 = 1595; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1745; per Varro vedi Katicic 1963, 278-279; IDR II 354. .Pliciae / Var(i?) / Capitonis / Ulpius / Pulcher / ciner b(ene)m(erentibus). Drobeta 3. Sabina Labrionis e L. Senecius Surus. Drobeta-Turnu Severin (Drobeta), dipart. Mehedinți. CIL III 14216, 14; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1663, 1715, 1719; Russu 1944, 202, no. 48; per Labrio vedi Russu 1969, 218; per Surus vedi Mayer 1957, 327; Russu 1969, 250-251; Rendic-Miocevic 1956, 42-43; IDR II 60. [S]abina Labrio/nis v(ixit) a(nnis) L. Sen/ecio Suri v(ixit) a(nnis) XX. 4. Liccaius Vinentis e Linda Severus. Drobeta-Turnu Severin (Drobeta), dipart. Mehedinți. CIL III 14216; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1668, 1756; Russu 1944, 203, no. 52, 207, no. 116; per Liccaius vedi Mayer 1957, 210; Russu 1969, 221; per Vinens vedi Russu 1969, 264; per Linda vedi Russu 1969, 222; IDR II 45. D(is) M(anibus) / Liccaius / Vinentis / mil(es) coh(ortis) / Cam(pestris), b(ene)f(icia- rius) trib(uni) / mil(itant) annis XL / Linda Se/verus / h(eres) b(ene)m(erenti) p(osuit). Pojejena 5. Glavicida?. Pojejena, dipart. Caraș-Severin. Teglas 1911, 506-507; Russu 1949, 285-286; per il nome vedi Mayer 1957, 151; Russu 1969, 213-214; IDR III/1, 17; D(is) M(anibus) / Glavicida (?) / an(norum) XXX Va(leria?) / Vell/(?)a(?)/via (?) con/iugi (?) be(ne)mer(enti). Lettura incerta. Tibiscum 6. Temaius Dasi. Jupa (Tibiscum), dipart. Caraș-Severin. Daicoviciu 1929, 315; Kerenyi l941, no. 1642; per Temaius vedi Mayer 1957, 333; Russu 1969, 253; per Dasius - Krahe 1929, 37-38; Mayer 1957, 96; Russu 1969, 195- 199; Katicic 1963, 26, 8; IDR III/1, 169. 7 Il Professore I. Piso proporre la lettura [Sim]/pliciae. 138 Irina Nemeti D(is) M(anibus()/Temai Dassi f(ilio) / an(norum) XX^ Territorium di Sarmizegetusa 7. L. Dasumius Priscus. Iscrizione vista a Bretea, Păclișa e Orăștie, dipart. Hunedoara. CIL III 1476; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1644; Russu 1944, 202, no. 38; per Dasumius vedi Mayer 1957, 113; Russu 1969, 194-199; IDR III/2, 405. .item L(ucio) Dasumio/Prisco vet(erano) leg(ionis) XIII G(eminat) vix(it) an(nis) IX. Micia 8. ...us Dassius. Vețel (Micia), dipart. Hunedoara. CIL III 7872; Russu 1944, 202, no. 35; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1641; IDR III/3, 176. [D(isj] M(anibus) /[.]io Dassi /[...] N(umer) M(aurorum) M(iciensium) /[mil. an...] vixit/[ann..] h(ic) s(itus) e(st). Cigmău 9. C. Iul(ius) Tato. Cigmău, dipart. Hunedoara. CIL III 7880; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1729; Russu 1944, 206, no. 95; per Tato vedi Katicic 1963, 282, 284; RendiC-Miocevic 1993, 124; Falileyev 2007, 142; IDR III/3, 216. C(aius) Iul(ius) Tato D(eo) / Et(e)rno v(otum) p(osuit). Apulum 10. Dasas [S]cenobarbi et Bers(ius) [I]ngenu(u)s. Alba Iulia (Apulum), dipart. Alba. CIL III 7800; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1707, 1637; Russu 1944, 201, no. 31, 204, no. 81; per Scenobarbus vedi Russu 1969, 234; Mayer 1957, 312; Katicic 1963, 274; IDR III/5, 522. .Dasa(n)ti [S]ceno/barbi eq(uiti) alae / Ba[t]a/vorum / ex n(umero) sing(ularium) st[ip(endiorum)] / V? [a]n(norum) XXXI Ber(sius) / [I]ngenu(u)s de[c(urio) / ex n(u- mero) eodem (h)e[r]/res posuit. 11. Crescens Platoris. Alba Iulia (Apulum), dipart. Alba. CIL III 1192; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1697; Russu 1944, 204, no. 77; per Plator vedi Katicic 1963, 282; Rendic-Miocevic 1993, 123; IDR III/5, 521. .Crescenti / Platoris / fi[l(io)] v(ixit) an(nis) / XXXV / Vibius Ru/fi(n)us si[g(nifer)] / leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) / h(eres?) f(aciendum) c(uravit). 12. Tutor Silvani. Alba Iulia (Apulum), dipart. Alba. CIL III 1197; Kerenyi l941, no. 1742; Russu 1944, 206, no. 103; Russu 1969, 259; per Tutor vedi Krahe 1929, 121. D(is) M(anibus) / Tutor Silvan[i] / eq[ue]s alae Bos[ph(oranorum)] / ex n(umero) Illyri(icorum) sti[p(endiorum)] / XXIII vix(it) ann(is) XLIII h(ic) s(itus) [e(st)]. Brâncovenești 13. Ulpius Dassius. Brâncovenești, dipart. Mureș. Protase, Zr^nyi 1992, 99, no. 5, Pl. 5. Esercito e societă nella Dacia romana. Gli illiri in ambiente militare 139 D(is) M(anibus) / Ael(ia) Kara / vix(it) an(nis) XL / Ulp(ius) Dassius / [vet(eranus)] ex dec(urione) / [coni]ugi pien(tissimae) / [b(ene)] m(erenti) f(ecit). Potaissa 14. Bedarus e Bricena; e possibile suppore l’origine illirica anche per Aia Nandonis e Andrada Bituvantis. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. CIL III 917; Russu 1944, 200-201, no. 19; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1616; per Bedarus vedi Mayer 1957, 73; per Bricena vedi Krahe 1929, 24; Mayer 1957, 97; per Aia Nandonis e Andrada Bituvantis vedi Rusu 1944, 285, 286; Russu 1969, 163, 227; Falileyev 2007, 34, 111, 58. D(is) M(anibus) / Aia Nandonis vixit / annis LXXX Andrada / Bituvantis vix(it) an(n)is / LXXX Bricena vixtit an(n)is / XLL Iusta vixit an(n)is XXX / Bedarus vixit XII pos(t) obitum ei Herculanus libertus patrone benemer(enti). 15. Aur(elius) Calanus8. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. CIL III 1604; Bărbulescu 1994, 53. D(is) M(anibus) / Aurelius Calanus vix(it) an(nos) L/I et militavit XXV/I. 16. Aur(elius) Dasius. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. CIL III 918; Russu 1944, 201; Kerenyi 1941, nr. 1637; Bărbulescu 1994, 53. D(is) M(anibus) Au(relius) Auluc(entus) / v(ixit) d(iem) I m(enses) VI an(nis) XXXV / Aur(elii) Basianus et D/asius [be]nem(erenti) et / s(ibi) m(emoriam) fa(ciendam) curarunt. 17. Dasius (Dassius?). Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. Bărbulescu 1994, 53; Bărbulescu 2012, 63-65; AE 2012, 1203. a. .. s]schol[a(e? m?) ...]/ Vitalis... / .Das[sius?] b. ...lulian(us)/..Antiochus/[...An:]t(oni.us) Valentin(u:J/.Valens/..Quintilianu[i]. 18. Aurelius Epicatius. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. CIL III 920; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1652; Russu 1944, 202, no. 46; per Epicatius (Epicadus) vedi Krahe 1929, 47, 49, 155; Mayer 1957, 139; Katicic 1962, 100-102; Russu 1969, 208-210. D(is) M(anibus) Aur(elius) Epicatiu[s] / vixit ann(is) LII / Aur(elius) Viator VI[.] / vixit annis X/ Aur(elius) Corbulo / vixit annis XII. 19. Panianus9. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. Kerenyi 1941, no. 1126; Russu 1944, 203, no. 61; Panianus forma latinizzata di Panes, vedi Mayer 1957, 255; Russu 1969, 231; Katicic 1963, 271. [D(is)] M(anibus) / [.]ianus vix(it) ann(is) / [.] Panianus /[.]ei. 20. Iulius? Scenobarbus. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. CIL III 13671; Kerenyi 1941, no.1711; Russu 1944, 205, no. 85; Bărbulescu 1994, 53. 8 Lettura I. Piso, IDR IV (manoscritto) - Gaianus o Caianus. 9 Lettura I. Piso, IDR IV (manoscritto) - [Cam]panianus. 140 Irina Nemeti [D(isj] M(anibus) [Iul(ius) S]cenobarbus vixi(t) [an(nis)...] Iul(ius) Ze/[no vix(it)] an(nis) XI / [Iul(ius).] vix(it) an(nis) /.[Iul(ius)] loas / [vix(it) an(nis) Iul(ius) Gai[ius vix(it) an(nis).] / Iul(ius) M[.]/.(vi)x(it) an(nis) I/ .pias /.co(n)i[ugi]. 21. Trosius Crispus. Turda (Potaissa), dipart. Cluj. Russu 1936-1940, 325-330; Russu 1944, 206, no. 102; AE 1950, 15; Bărbulescu 1994, 53; per Trosius vedi Rendic-Miocevic 1971, 166. Herculi Invicto / sacrum / Trosius Crispus / (centurio) leg(ionis) V Mac(edonicae) / p(iae) c(onstantis) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). Napoca 22. T. Sc[e]rvius Vitalis. Cluj-Napoca (Napoca), dipart. Cluj. Daicoviciu 1928-1932, 59-60; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1226, 1261, 2548; Russu 1944, 205, no. 86; AE 1934, 14; AE 1977, 700; AE 2013, 1291; Piso 2013, 169, no. 5; per Scervius - CIL III 8242 - Scerviaedus Sitaes; I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / conserva/tori T(itus) Sc/[e]rvius Vita/lis trib(unus) coh(or- tis) / III Camp(estris) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). I. Piso - I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Conserva/tori T(itus) Sca/rvius Vita/lis trib(u- nus) coh(ortis) / III Camp(estris) /[c(ivium) R(omanorum)?] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito); Scarvius - nomen gentile italico; forme vicine - Scarus (CIL V 1430), Scarius (CIL XII 3270). Gherla 23. Scenobarbus Dasi. Gherla, dipart. Cluj. Protase 1968, 340; Russu 1969, 244; per Scenobarbus vedi Krahe 1929, 11, 154; Russu 1969, 234; Mayer 1957, 312; Alfoldy 1969, 289. D(is) M(anibus) / Scenobar/bus Das(i) f(ilio) vix(it).. Bologa 24. Bato. Bologa, dipart. Cluj. CIL III 7649; Russu 1944, 200, no. 18; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1609; per Bato vedi Mayer 1957, 80-82; Russu 1969, 175-177. Bato[.]/nis s(it) est. 25. Ael(ius) Tato. Bologa, dipart. Cluj. CIL III 843; l941, no. 1728; Russu 1944, 205-206, no. 94. D(is) / M(anibus) / Ael(ius) Tatoni / dec(urio) coh(ortis) II His(panorum) / vix(it) an(nis) X[.] Ael(ius) / Iulianus so/cer et her/(edes) Silvana con(iugi) /be(ne)m(erenti) f(ecit) c(uravit). Gârbău 26. M. Aurelius Dassius. Gârbău, dipart. Cluj. CIL III 851; Kerenyi 1941, no. 1643; Russu 1944, 202, no. 37. D(is) M(anibus) / M(arcus) Aur(elius) Dassius/ vixit annis LXXX / [A]ur(eis) vi(xit).... Esercito e societă nella Dacia romana. Gli illiri in ambiente militare 141 Ilișua 27. Serena Licconis. Ilișua, dipart. Bistrița. Protase 1957, 319-320, Fig. 1; Russu 1969, 222; per Licco vedi Katicic 1963, 284. D(is) M(anibus) / Ae(ius) Maximi/nus vix(it) ann(is) / VL et Aeli(us) Maxi/mus vix(it) ann(is) VII / Ursinus vix(it) / ann(is) IIII; Serena / Licconis co(n)i(ugi) / et filis b(ene) m(erentibus) p(osuit). Bibliografia Alfoldy 1969 G. Alfoldy, Die Personennamen in der romischen Provinz Dalmația, Heidelberg 1969. Ardevan 2004 R. Ardevan, Die Illyrien von Alburnus Maior. Herkunft und Sta- tus. In: H. Heftner, K. Tomaschitz (Hrgs.), Festschrift fur Gerhard Dobesch zum fundfundsechzigsten Geburtstag am 15 september 2004, Wien 2004, 593-598. Bărbulescu 1994 Bărbulescu 2012 M. Bărbulescu, Potaissa. Studiu monografic, Turda 1994. M. Bărbulescu, Inscripțiile din castrul legionar de la Potaissa/The inscriptions of the legionary fortress at Potaissa, București 2012. Ciongradi 2009 C. Ciongradi, Die romischen Steindenkmaler aus Alburnus Maior, Cluj-Napoca 2009. Damian 2003 Daicoviciu 1928-1932 P. Damian (ed.): Alburnus Maior I, București 2003. C. Daicoviciu, Notițe arheologice și epigrafice, AISC, I, 2, 1928- 1932, 58-63. Daicoviciu 1929 C. Daicoviciu, Cronica arheologică și epigrafică a Transilvaniei, ACMIT, II, 1929, 299-320. Daicoviciu 1958 C. Daicoviciu, Les „Castella Delmatarum” en Dacie, Dacia, N. S., II, 1958, 259-266. Daicoviciu 1969 Eck et alii 2002-2003 C. Daicoviciu, Dacica, București 1969. W. Eck, D. MacDonald, A. Pangerl, Neue Diplome fur die Auxi- liartruppen von Unterpannonien und die dakischen Provinzen aus hadrianischer Zeit, ActaMN, 39-40, I, 2002-2003, 25-50. Falileyev 2007 A. Falileyev, Celtic Dacia. Personal Names, place-names and ethnic names of Celtic origin in Dacia and Scythia Minor, Aberystwyth 2007. Katicic 1962 R. Katicic, Die Illyrische Personennamen in ihrem sudostlischem Ver- breitungsgebiet, ZAnt, XII, 1, 1962, 95-120. Katicic 1963 R. Katicic, Das mitteldalmatische Namengebiet, ZAnt, XII, 2, 1963, 255-292. Kerenyi 1941 Krahe 1929 Mayer 1957 Nemeti 2005 A. Kerenyi, Die Personennamen von Dazien, Budapest 1941. H. Krahe, Lexikon altillyrischer Personennamen, Heidelberg 1929. A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrien, I, Wien 1957. S. Nemeti, Sincretismul religios în Dacia romană, Cluj-Napoca 2005. Nemeti, Nemeti 2010 I. Nemeti, S. Nemeti, The Barbarians within. Illyrian colonists in Roman Dacia, Studia Historica. Historia Antigua, 28, 2010, 109-133. Petolescu 2002 C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia Daciae. Contribuție la istoria militară a Daciei romane, București 2002. 142 Irina Nemeti Piso 2003 I. Piso, Gli Illiri ad Alburnus Maior. In: G. Urso (ed.), Dall’Adriatico al Danubio. L’Illirico nell’etă greca e romana. Atti del convegno internazionale cividale del Friuli, 25-27 settembre 2003, Friuli 2003, 271-307. Piso 2013 Popescu 2004 I. Piso, Studia Porolissensia (III), ActaMP, XXXV, 2013, 159-175. M. Popescu, La religion dans l’armee romaine de Dacie, București 2004. Protase 1957 D. Protase, Două inscripții latine inedite de la Ilișua, MCA, IV, 1957, 319-321. Protase 1968 D. Protase, Elemente etnice trace și ilire în Ala II Pannoniorum din Dacia, SCIV, 19, 2, 1968, 339-344. Protase 1978 D. Protase, Illiri în Dacia romană pe temeiul datelor epigrafice, SCIVA, 4, 1978, 497-503. Protase, Zrmyi 1992 D. Protase, A. Zrmyi, Inscripții și ornamente sculpturale din castrul roman de la Brâncovenești, EN, II, 1992, 95-110. Rendic-Miocevic 1956 D. Rendic-Miocevic, Illyrica - zum Problem der Illyrischen onomas- tischen Formel in Romische Zeit, Archaeologia lugoslavica, II, 1956, 39-51. Rendic-Miocevic 1971 Rendic-Miocevic 1993 D. Rendic-Miocevic, Ilirske onomasticke studje (IL), Onomasticon Riditinum, ZAnt, XXI, 1, 1971, 159-174. D. Rendic-Miocevic, Epidamnos-Dyracchion, Rider - municipium Riditorum (Dalmatiae). In: P. Cabanes (ed.), Grecs et illyriens dans les inscriptions en langue grecque D’Epidomne-Dyrrachion et d’Apollonia d’Illyrie; Actes du Table ronde international (Cler- mond-Ferrand, 19-21 octobre 1989), Paris 1993, 119-125. Russu 1936-1940 I. I. Russu, Descoperiri arheologice la Potaissa, AISC, III, 1936- 1940, 319-340. Russu 1944 I. I. Russu, Onomasticon Daciae. Nume de persoane în inscripțiile provinciei, AISC, IV, (1941-1943) 1944, 186-233. Russu 1949 I. I. Russu, Rectificări și adause la „Onomasticon Daciae”, AISC, V (1944-1948) 1949, 282-295. Russu 1969 I. I. Russu, Illirii. Istoria - limba și onomastica - romanizarea, București 1969. Stanley Jr. 1990 F. H. Stanley Jr., Geographical Mobility in Roman Lusitania: an Epigraphical Perspective, ZPE, 82, 1990, 249-269. Teglâs 1902 I. Teglâs, A Mikesi romai romok szetdulâsa es a kdzelebbrol Tordân talâlt romai foliratokrol, AErt, XXII, 1902, 79-83. Teglâs 1911 G. Teglâs, Neue Beitrăge zur Inschrftenkunde Dakiens, Klio, XI, 1911, 499-510. Irina Nemeti National History Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca irinanemeti@yahoo.com Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 143-156 ABOUT THE GREEKS AND THE GREEK LANGUAGE IN THE WRITTEN SOURCES FROM ALBURNUS MAIOR EUGENIA BEU-DACHIN Abstract: This paper is an overview of the Greek epigraphic sources from Alburnus Maior, as well as the Latin ones attesting Greeks or Hellenophones. The study reveals the existence of 28 persons having names of Greek origin. This number represents a percentage of over 15% of the population attested here. The contracts discovered in this area document various activities, e.g. employments, sales, loans and other activities. Some of the characters attested in these documents, such as Iulius Alexander, are known for their status of business- men. Latin texts reveal Greek lexical interferences, for instance the terms apochatus, danis- taria or peganinum. The study itself contains an annex, in which all individuals from the study are indexed. Keywords: Greeks; Hellenophones; Alburnus Maior; interferences; hapax; Greek language. Rezumat: Lucrarea de față este o trecere în revistă a surselor epigrafice grecești de la Alburnus Maior, precum și a celor latine care atestă greci sau elenofoni, din care rezultă că există 28 de persoane cu nume de origine grecească, ceea ce reprezintă un procent de peste 15% din populația acestei așezări. Din contractele descoperite aici aflăm de existența unor activități - de angajare, de vânzare-cumpărare, activități de cămătărie și altele -, câteva dintre personajele atestate în mai multe documente, cum ar fi Iulius Alexander, fiind cunoscute pentru statutul lor de oameni de afaceri. Unele texte latine dezvăluie interferențe lexicale grecești, de exemplu termenii apochatus, danistaria, sau peganinum. Studiul propriu-zis conține o anexă sub formă de tabel, în care sunt repertoriate toate persoanele avute în vedere în analiză. Cuvinte cheie: greci; elenofoni; Alburnus Maior; interferențe; hapax; limba greacă. The Roman settlements from Dacia reveal the existence of an ethnically mixed population, which usually consisted of Italic, Celtic, Illyrian, Greek, micro-Asian, Oriental, and other people; some residents had the status of Roman citizens, others were peregrines. Most of the population of Alburnus Maior was Illyrian, a fact that was highlighted by a study in which I. Piso1 concluded that out of the 177 people reg- istered in the study more than 51% were of Illyrian origin2. From the epigraphically attested population in Alburnus Maior, over 15% con- sisted of Greeks and Hellenophones. One knows of 28 people, of which one had an uncertain name, preserved on a fragmentary altar3. Of these, only three were women: Domitia Chlone4, a Roman citizen having a Greek cognomen, mentioned in a funer- ary text, Pyrra Trophima5, a Roman citizen with Greek nomen and cognomen, also 1 Piso 2004. 2 Piso 2004, 273. 3 Amonius (?) (IDR III/3, 394 = HD 046102). The reading Antonius Maxi(mus) (?) is given in Cion- gradi 2009, 44, no. 12, Taf. 10, but the text is not clearly preserved, thus the reading remains uncertain. 4 CIL III 1267 = IDR III/3, 419 = HD 018979. 5 CIL III 7831 = IDR III/3, 433 = HD 046179. 144 Eugenia Beu-Dachin mentioned in a funerary inscription as deceased, and Theudote6, a slave from Crete, whose name was written in a sale contract. Among those indexed here, seven had the status of Roman citizens. Thus, besides the two women mentioned above, also Aelius Dionysius, Aurelius Parthenius (?), Claudius Philetus, Iulius Alexander, Iulius Macedo had Roman citizenship, and all of them had Greek cognomina. Among the people with Greek names from Alburnus Maior 14 were peregrines, some carrying Greek nomina - Alexander Caricci7, Alexander Gai8, Atov Ao(uK)iavou9, An^Tpiog ÂpZ^Kei10, others having Greek patronymic - Adiutor Macari11, Bellicus Alexandri12, Ingenuus Callisti13, Memmius Asclepi14, Valerius Niconis15, while a third category is that of peo- ple having Greek names and patronymics, such as Alexander Antipatri16, Artemidorus Apolloni17, Hermes Myrini18, Offas Menofili (!)19, and Socratio Socrationis20. The legal status of some of these characters remains undetermined, because of the poor conservation of some sources21. The investigated material22 consists of 80 votive epigraphic monuments, 21 funerary epigraphic monuments, and 25 wax tablets, the latter discovered in the Roman mines. The lithic material (four funerary inscriptions and seven altars) attests a number of 11 people with Greek names, other 17 being attested by the wax tab- lets. The altars are dedicated I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) by Amonius (?) - uncertain reading, Neptuno Aug(usto) by Val(erius) Nic[o(nis)], which has a Greek patronymic, Silvano Aug(usto) by Hermes Myrini, with both names of Greek origin, Aei Napnvrâ by An^Tpiog ÂpZâKei, a Hellenophone with Greek nomen, Aei XiTTaKwuiKW by Aim* Ao(uK)iavou and Aei KipioTnvrâ by Muporv. Analyzing these dedications, it becomes visible that some of the persons having names of Greek origin maintained their tradition and offered, in their own language, monuments to the ancestral deities, while others dedicated inscriptions to the classical deities of the Roman pantheon, in the language of the state. In what regards the wax tablets, they are testimonies of private, economic, social life, and also of issues concerning the Roman law. They represent either work 6 CIL III, p. 959, 25 = IDR I 38 = CIGD 9 = EDCS-31800206. 7 CIL III, p. 934, 5 = IDR I 35 = EDCS-11201148. 8 AE 1978, 679 = IDR III/3, 412 = HD 014016. 9 AE 1944, 26 = IDR III/3, 409 = CIGD 7. 10 AE 1944, 23 = IDR III/3, 399 = CIGD 4. 11 CIL III, p. 948, 9 = IDR I 40 = EDCS-11201153. 12 CIL III, p. 940, 7 = IDR I 37 = EDCS-11201150. 13 CIL III, p. 944, 8 = IDR I 39 = EDCS-11201152. 14 CIL III, p. 948, 10 = IDR I 41 = EDCS-11201154. 15 CIL III, p. 924, 1 = ILS 7215 a = IDR I 31 = EDCS-11201144. 16 CIL III, p. 959, 25 = IDR I 38 = CIGD 9 = EDCS-31800206. 17 CIL III, p. 924, 1 = ILS 7215 a = IDR I 31 = EDCS-11201144. 18 IDR III/3, 405. 19 CIL III, p. 924, 1 = ILS 7215 a = IDR I 31 = EDCS-11201144. 20 CIL III, p. 948, 9 = IDR I 40 = EDCS-11201153; CIL III, p. 948, 10 = IDR I 41 = EDCS-11201154. 21 See the annexed table, where each of the 28 persons is presented based on multiple criteria - origin of name, filiation, status, function and so on. 22 I also included in the repertory two inscriptions from Bucium, because the place is very close to Alburnus Maior and it is located in the mining area (AE 1944, 20 = IDR III/3, 432 = CIGD 8 - votive altar in Greek; CIL III 7831 = IDR III/3, 433 = HD 046179 - fragment of a funerary stela, documenting the Greek name of the deceased, Pyrr[a Tro]phima). About the Greeks and the Greek language in the written sources from Alburnus Maior 145 contracts23, or they concern the employment of workers for temporary activities by a tenant; others are sale contracts24, or loan agreements25; another document is a proto- col for the establishment of an association, societas danistariae (or danistaria)26, while yet another mentions the interruption of certain activities within another association27. From these texts one knows of 17 characters with Greek names, some of which had quite an important role in society or were influent persons in everyday life. Artemidorus Apolloni, a peregrine with a Greek patronymic, was magister collegii lovis Cerneni, (Gr. ApTcpidwpoq - the ending -us indicates Latinization; Gr. AnoXXAvioq); Valerius Niconis and Offas Menofili (!) were qu(a)estores of the same collegium. Collegium Iovis Cerneni28 was a religious association, the responsibilities of which included the task of organizing funeral services when some of its members passed away. Due to the lack of funds, since members of the college had not paid their dues and did not participate in meetings, this activity was stopped. However, the text does not clearly state that the religious college was dissolved, but that it could no longer handle the funerals of the deceased members: “ut si quis defunctus fuerit ne putet se collegium (h)abere aut ab eis aliquem petitionem funeris abiturum”29. The col- lege was composed of Romans, Greeks and Illyrians, having a cosmopolitan character, three of its leading figures - mentioned above - having Greek names. Another character known from four wax tablets, Iulius Alexander, was a busi- nessman who concluded loan agreements, in which he was either borrower (once he borrowed 140 dinars from an Illyrian woman30) or creditor (he gave Alexander Caricci 60 dinars, and Lupus Carentis 50 dinars); in another document31 he is attested as cofounder of an association (societas danistariae, or societas danistaria), a loan com- panionship, to which he contributed with a capital of 500 dinars. In what regards the language analysis, one shall note that Greek names tran- scribed into Latin sometimes reveal features of the Greek language. As an example, the form Asclepius for Aesculapius - the healing deity -, cited in three inscriptions from Alburnus Maior32, shows the influence of Greek. 23 CIL III, p. 948, 9 = IDR I 40 = EDCS-11201153; CIL III, p. 948, 10 = IDR I 41 = EDCS-11201154; CIL III, p. 949, 11 = IDR I 42 = EDCS-11201155. 24 CIL III, p. 940, 7 = IDR I 37 = EDCS-11201150; CIL III, p. 959, 25 = IDR I 38 = CIGD 9 = EDCS-31800206; CIL III, p. 944, 8 = IDR I 39 = EDCS-11201152. 25 CIL III, p. 930, 3 = IDR I 33 = EDCS-11201146; CIL III, p. 934, 5 = IDR I 35 = EDCS-11201148; CIL III, p. 949, 12 = IDR I 43 = EDCS-11201156. 26 CIL III, p. 950, 13 = IDR I 44 = EDCS-11201157. 27 CIL III, p. 924, 1 = ILS 7215 a = IDR I 31 = EDCS-11201144. 28 Iuppiter Cernenus: possibly a divinity from Galatia, with a unique attestation in the wax tablet from Alburnus Maior. For a complete description and interpretation see Nemeti 2005. See also Piso 2004, 299, n. 204; Piso, ms. Concerning the mentioned college, see Ardevan 1998, 295-296. 29 Meaning: se habere = takes place; ne putet collegium se habere = not be considered that the college still meets. Ab eis (we shall understand here the members of the college) instead of ab collegio (collective noun). 30 .. probos recte dari f(idt) r(ogavit) Anduenna Batonis d(ari) f(idt) sua promisit lulius Alexander: quos eae reddere debebit (CIL III, p. 930, 3 = IDR I 33 = EDCS-11201146) - eae is a corrupt form of ei (referring to the singular dative, feminine gender) (remark made by C. Fenechiu), which suggests that Anduenna Batonis is a woman. For the same interpretation, see Archivu pentru filologia si istoria, no. VI, 1 iuliu 1867, p. 117. 31 CIL III, p. 950, 13 = IDR I 44 = EDCS-11201157. 32 CIL III 7820 = IDR III/3, 382 = HD 046009: [As]clepi[o] - fragmentary altar, missing the dedicator’s 146 Eugenia Beu-Dachin A reverse interference, this time of Latin into Greek (especially in the epigraphic Greek language), is the word to KoZZ^Yeiov attested by two Greek inscriptions from Alburnus Maior, where the college was the one to offer the epigraphic monuments to the deities - Aii Napnvrâ, Aii ZapvevSevrâ. The term in question, referring to the notion of college or association, along with the word o KoZZ^Yaț, meaning fellow (for example, fellow in a political position), are two words taken from Latin: collega, respectively collegium33. One should also note the form Aei in inscriptions IDR III/3, 399, IDR III/3, 409, and IDR III/3, 432, found in the structures Aei Napnvrâ, Aei XiTTaKwoiKW and Aei Ki^iOTnvrâ, where the dative Ae^ is used instead of the usual Au. The form with e is used in the Aeolic dialect, spoken in central Greece, but in these inscriptions it could rather be the influence of the Latin deus, i. The word 'OKT«Ppioq, a, ov (< Lat. October, bris, e), adj., which concerns October, of Latin origin, in the structure eig [t^v 8’] k. 'OK[T«]Ppiaq (8’ = TeTapTnv)34 also indicates the use of the calendar date (in a Greek text), following the structure of the Roman calendar. The vocabulary of the tablets is different in terms of structure, information, and lexis from those contained by the votive, funerary, and honorific monuments. Thus, in these texts, some special words deserving deeper analysis have been identified35. The first term in question is apochătus, a, um < Gr. ânox^ (< âne/ra = to receive full payment), meaning “a receipt proving the payment”. According to the Oxford Latin Dictionary36, the word is an adjective and means “in respect of which a receipt of payment has been given”. In the Latin-French dictionary of Quicherat and Daveluy37 more terms from this word family are given: s.v. apocha, noun, receipt (at Ulpianus); apochăticus, adj., which concerns a receipt (in Notae Tironis38); apochăre, vb., to give a receipt (in Codex Theodosianus, the 5th century). Thus, the form apochatus, which is the past participle of apochare, would mean “registered or acknowledged in a receipt”. It seems that outside literary sources (which in this case are later in time than the epigraphic ones), there are only few texts in which the term appears. In Dacia, there are two wax tablets (sale contracts) which contain the expressions a[po]chatum; apo- c(h)atum pro unci(i)s duabus (IDR I 37) and apochatam pro unci(i)s duabus (IDR I 38 = CIGD 9); there are two other attestations in the Empire, one in Rome (CIL VI 1785) - apoc(h)is, and another one in Latium et Campania, Regio I (AE 1968, 118 b = AE 2006, 15) - apoc(h)arum. It seems that the use of participle of apochare at Alburnus is unique in the epigraphic sources of the Empire. The attestation of this word in the epigraphic material is important because it is earlier than the examples attested in the literary sources: Ulpianus, a Roman jurist name; AE 2003, 1493 = ILD 403 = HD 017354: Asclepio - the dedicators are M(arcus) Ul(pius) Cle(mens?) and Ael(ius) Mes(...); ILD 903: Asclepio Aug(usto) - dedicator is the Illyrian Fronto Plarentis. For the alternation Asclepius - Aesculapius, see also Beu-Dachin 2010, 181-198. 33 Lat. collega (conl+lego+a), respectively Lat. collegium (conl+lego+ium) are the basis for the two Greek words mentioned in the text above. See also OLD 1968, s.v. collega, s.v. collegium. 34 CIL III, p. 933, 4 = IDR I 34 = CIGD 10. 35 See also Beu-Dachin 2014, 231-260. 36 OLD 1968, s.v. apochatus. 37 Quicherat, Daveluy 1887. 38 A system of abstract symbols created by Tiro, Marcus Tullius Cicero’s slave. About the Greeks and the Greek language in the written sources from Alburnus Maior 147 from Tyr, whose texts contain the word apocha, was active at the beginning of the 3rd century AD; on the other hand, the well-known Codex Theodosianus attesting the verb apochare (to give a receipt) dates from the year 439 AD, when it came into force; it comprises a set of imperial decrees. The verbal form attested at Alburnus Maior appears more than two and a half centuries earlier than this codex. Ulpianus’ works (Ad Sabinum, a commentary on ius civile, and Ad edictum) are part of Iustinianus’ Digestae. The first of the two wax tablets attesting the word (IDR I 37) is dated to the 16th of May 142 AD (all three tablets of the triptych are preserved at the Museum of Blaj, Alba county). The document is the sale contract of a child slave, puerum Apalaustum, of Greek origin. The buyer is an Illyrian, Dasius Breuci, and the seller is Bellicus Alexandri, a peregrine with Greek patronymic. Out of the three sale contracts of slaves (IDR I 36, 37, 38), two are written using the same model. The buyers are in one case an Illyrian peregrine (IDR I 37) and in the second one (IDR I 38) a Roman citizen - Claudius Iulianus, soldier in the XIII Gemina Legion. In both cases, however, sellers have names of Greek origin and the slaves for sale are a Greek and a Cretan. Both texts contain the structure apochatum pro unciis duabus respectively apo- chatam pro unciis duabus, which actually means that registering the sale and issuing a receipt costed two ounces. The contracts were signed at Apulum, in the canabae of the legion. The first contract is dated on the 16th of May 142 AD, and the second one on the 4th of October 160 AD, 18 years apart. The person(s) (?) who drafted the tablets may have been of Greek origin; one must bear in mind that the seller’s name is of Greek origin and that in the second tablet the name of a witness was written in Greek characters. One can also consider the structure apochatum pro unciis duabus as an expression probably used by a person of Greek origin. The writing of the receipt was done surcharge, the two ounces representing the cost itself of this action. One knows from Ulpianus that the apocha was issued only after the whole payment was made39. The other agreement (IDR I 38) dated on the 4th of October 160 AD (Triptych I, II, III - Blaj, Alba county) refers to the sale of a slave, Theudote, from Crete. Claudius Iulianus, the buyer - emptor, paid 420 dinars for her and 2 ounces (12 ounces = 1 ace) for the receipt: mulierem Theudotem ... apochatam pro unci(.)s duabus. This time also the seller was a Roman citizen with Greek cognomen, Claudius Philetus; the contract was written in the presence of Alexander Antipatri, fideiussor. The document was drafted in the canabae of the legion from Apulum, where the sale took place. It is interesting that the two documents written 18 years apart use the same expression that seems unique in the epigraphic texts, and the value of drafting (registering in receipt = apochare) is the same. Considering that the vendors have names of Greek origin, and sold slaves of simi- lar provenance, it is likely they requested a scriptor (writer) who knew Greek. The lat- ter introduced into the text words of Greek origin, which were Latinized. Sometimes the Greek alphabet was used for writing Latin words and this also shows a case of Greek interference into Latin. Among the signers of the second contract one finds 39 Ulpian Dig. 46.4.19: Inter acceptilationem et apocham hoc interest, quod acceptilatione omni modo liberatio contingit, licet pecunia soluta non sit, apocha non alias, quam si pecunia soluta sit. 148 Eugenia Beu-Dachin Alexandrus Anti[p]atri sec(n)d[us] autor sgnavi. This part of the contract’s text was rendered in Greek letters (AZe^âvSpus AvTi[n]aTpi oeko8o auKTrap). Another peculiar word occurs in the syntagm societas danistariae (IDR I 44). On the basis of the reading (CIL; IDR), the term appears as a noun in the genitive case resulted from the masculine noun danista, ae, of Greek origin, which means “mon- eylender”. The derived form could be a feminine noun danistaria, ae (?), that would mean “money lending activity”; thus, societas dani[st]ariae would be a “loan associa- tion, kind of loan bank”, or simply an agreement between the two persons from the contract, regarding money lending. On the other hand, it could also be an adjective which designates this type of activity (danistarius, a, um). However, this form is a hapax. In Latin epigraphy, the term danista occurs also in an inscription from Latium et Campania, Regio I (AE 1984, 161) and is dated to the second half of the 1st century BC. The last term I will refer to turns up in a list (IDR I 46), grouped into two parts, one registering some amounts collected and the other part containing words that inter alia designate types of food, purchased with those amounts of money - agnos, porcel- lum, panem candidum, thus prim(um)40, peganinum, .. salem et cepam. From this list, I’ll highlight the noun peganinum, i* (?) (< Gr. to n^Y^viov, -ou), a hapax which means rue. This is a plant of Mediterranean origin, whose bitter leaves are used both in ther- apy and in Mediterranean cuisine, for the preparation of salads, and to flavor various dishes based on meat or cheese. The form nnY^viov is actually a diminutive of the noun to rcqyavov, -ou, the plant which in Latin is known as ruta, ae (f.) and is attested in the work of Pliny. The modern scientific name of the plant is Ruta graveolens. In ancient times, it was also used to make a special wine flavored with rue: nqYavTh? oivog41. It is also known in the compound form to nnYaveZaiov, -ou, which refers to an oil of rue. Despite the fact that there is a word that designates rue in Latin, the author of this list used a Greek word for the plant. This indicates his possible Greek origin and his pref- erence for using the Greek term, transcribed in Latin letters, instead of ruta, either because he did not know the Latin word or because peganinum was the used form in his family or environment. In conclusion, one can say that despite the fact that there is a small number of Greek inscriptions in Dacia (a total of about 150 inscriptions, of which just seven from Alburnus Maior, plus a Latin document in which a small part of the text is rendered in Greek characters), representing less than 4% of the total number of epigraphic texts from the province, however some interesting issues arising from these sources can be highlighted. For linguistics, a very interesting and important task is the study of Greek names rendered in Latin. Neologisms of Greek origin also present special interest. When analyzing the inscriptions from this region, one can notice that the soci- ety in Alburnus Maior was cosmopolitan, with people of different provenances living together as neighbors, borrowing from each other different ideas, words, and atti- tudes, and their languages which came into contact usually influenced each other. 40 First quality incense. 41 Cf. Bailly 1933. About the Greeks and the Greek language in the written sources from Alburnus Maior 149 Bibliography Ardevan 1998 Bailly 1933 Beu-Dachin 2010 R. Ardevan, Viața municipală în Dacia romană, Timișoara 1998. A. Bailly, Dictionnaire grec-frangais, Paris 1933. E. Beu-Dachin, Âmdnnidc: / Asclepius - Aesculapius în inscripții din Dacia. In: V. Rusu-Bolindeț, T. Sălăgean, R. Varga (eds.), Studia historica et archaeologica in honorem magistri Dorin Alicu, Cluj- Napoca 2010, 181-198. Beu-Dachin 2014 E. Beu-Dachin, The Latin language in the inscriptions of Roman Dacia, Cluj-Napoca 2014. Ciongradi 2009 C. Ciongradi, Die romischen Steindenkmaler aus Alburnus Maior, Cluj-Napoca 2009. Nemeti 2005 S. Nemeti, Sincretismul religios în Dacia romană, Cluj-Napoca 2005. Piso 2004 I. Piso, Gli Illiri ad Alburnus Maior. In: G. Urso (ed.), Dall’Adria- tico al Danubio. L’illirico nell’etă greca e romana. Atti del convegno internazionale Cividale del Friuli, 25-27 settembre 2003, Pisa 2004, 271-307. Piso, ms. Quicherat, Daveluy 1887 Ruscu 1998 I. Piso, Kleinasiatische Gotter und Kolonisten in Dakien, ms. L. Quicherat, A. Daveluy, Dictionnaire Latin-Frangais, Paris 1887. L. Ruscu, Die griechischen Namen in der Provinz Dakien, Acta MN, 35, I, 1998, 147-186. Solin 1982 H. Solin, Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom, I-III, Berlin - New York 1982. Eugenia Beu-Dachin National History Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca genibeu@yahoo.com 150 Eugenia Beu-Dachin Table containing the Greek or Hellenophone characters’ names from Alburnus Maior42 Other characters L(ucius) Ulpius Valerius - worker; Socratio S[o]- c(r)ati-(on)is - tenant 7 witnesses; 6 c. R., one of them being Aelius Dionysius Claudius Iulianus - emptor; Theudote, n(atione) Cretica - serva; Cl(audius) Philetus - venditor Iulius Alexander - creditor Obs. -“rogatus [co]ram ipso pra[e]senti L(ucio) Ulpio Valerio”; -“ex [ha]c [d]ie in I[dus] / sequentes anno uno | (denarios) [septu-] aginta (?)” 3 Greeks: Aelius Dionysius, Alexander Antipatri, Claudius Philetus -the price of the slave: “|(denariis) quadringentis / viginti” any Greek or Hellenophone witness Dating 23 (?) Oct. 163 4 Oct. 160 4 Oct. 160 20 Oct. 162 Type of inscription TC, work contract TC, sale contract of a slave TC, sale contract of a slave TC, loan contract Function, role scriptor vet. leg. XIII G., witness fideiussor debtor Social status peregrine c. R. peregrine peregrine Biblio- graphy IDR I 40 IDR I 38 IDR I 38 IDR I 35 Filiation Greek patronymic Greek surname Greek name and patronymic Greek name Origin of name po<; (Solin 27; Ruscu 1998, 154; LGPN I, II, IIIA, IIIB, IV, VA, VB, 1702 entries); <ĂnoĂĂwvtoc (Solin 275; Ruscu 1998, 154; LGPN I, II, IIIA, IIIB, IV, VA, VB, 4028 entries) (Bithynian divinity) TC, agreement for dissolving a funerary association fragment of a funerary monument TC, work contracts Function, role qu(a)estor collegii Iovis Cerneni deceased -tenant; -witness Social status peregrine c. R. peregrine Biblio- graphy IDR III/3, 432 = CIGD 8 IDR I 31 IDR III/3, 433 IDR I 40; IDR I 41 Filiation Greek name Greek name and patronymic Greek name and surname name and patronymic of Greek origin Origin of name (Solin 1151; Ruscu 1998, 170; LGPN I, II, IIIA, IIIB, IV, VA, VB, 120 entries) <^qqaț (cf. Ruscu 1998, 171-hapax); per descensum ascensumque animae, per immortalem aeternae perpetuitatis ordinem. 38 Su questa problematica rimane valido Bouche-Leclercq 1899, part. 593 ss. Sull’astrologia nel mondo antico, oltre a Boll, Bezold, Gundel 1966; Gundel, Gundel 1966; ora cfr. Burton 1994; Luck 1999; Beck 2007; Hegedus 2007; i numerosi contributi apparsi nelle varie annate della rivista MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigac^on sobre Magia y Astrolog^a Antiguas, Malaga. 39 Relativamente alla condanna del sacrificio cruento nel mondo antico e per delle indicazioni bibliografiche cfr. Sfameni Gasparro 2009, 21 ss. C’e da notare come nell’opera l’astrologia sia spesso comparata a cerimonie misteriche: l’introduzione alla prima come la partecipazione alle seconde purifica l’anima e rivela cose altrimenti inconoscibili. E proprio in Math. II 30 ss. che il nostro autore presenta un ritratto dettagliato del perfetto astrologo: lui che parla sugli dei proprio con quegli dei che gli hanno riservato un trattamento privilegiato in forza di un’irreprensibile condotta di vita basata sull’imitazione delle divinită, non ha niente di quei tratti foschi e ambigui che connotavano tradizionalmente la figura dell’indovino. Come l’imperatore, l’astrologo presentatoci dal nostro autore venera la somma divinită solare; espone pubblicamente i propri responsi e si rifiuta di rispondere a questioni di natura illecita o immorale; non diră mai nulla in merito al destino della res publica dell’imperator dal momento che solo quest’ultimo, in quanto orbis totius dominus alla cui potestas soggiace l’intero universo, non solo non e sottomesso alle influenze astrali, ma addirittura si trova annoverato tra quegli dei ai quali la divinită prima ha affidato il compito di fare e custodire ogni cosa. Dal punto di vista del modus vivendi l’astrologo di Firmico Materno ripropone in qualche modo il topos del perfetto civis Romanus: deve avere una casa, una moglie e degli amici onesti con i quali condividere un’esemplare condotta di vita; deve mostrarsi in pubblico e tenersi lontano dai contenziosi; non deve intraprendere attivită che possano rivelarsi nocive, ma seguire il “giusto mezzo” e fuggire sempre le seditiones e i turbulenta certamina; la sua coscienza non deve lasciarsi mai neppure sfiorare dall’infedeltă, dal desiderio del denaro, dallo sfruttamento delle disgrazie altrui. Non e concepibile, infatti, che le divinită che l’hanno prediletto cosi tanto vengano coinvolte in sordidi affari personali. In proposito cfr. De Giovanni 1989, part. 60 ss. 40 CIL VI 1033 = CIL VI 31230 = CIL VI 36881 = AE 2003, 267: Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) Lucio Septimio M(arci) fil(io) Severo Pio Pertinaci Aug(usto) patri patriae Parthico Arabico et / Parthico Adiabenico pontific(i) maximo tribunic(ia) potest(ate) XI imp(eratori) XI co(n)s(uli) III proco(n)s(uli) et / Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) M(arco) Aurelio L(uci) fil(io) Antonino Aug(usto) Pio Felici tribunic(ia) potest(ate) VI co(n)s(uli) proco(n)s(uli) p(atri) p(atriae) et / P(ublio) Septimio Getae nobiliss(imo) Caesari / <> / ob rem publicam restitutam imperiumque populi Romani propagatum / insignibus virtutibus eorum domi forisque s(enatus) p(opulus) q(ue) R(omanus). Per la nostra argomentazione sottolineamo come l’arco sia stato dedicato a Settimio Severo e ai suoi due figli, Caracalla e Geta, dal senato e dal popolo di Roma uniti, perche, grazie alle loro virtutes, da una parte, la Res publica, e cioe lo stato, e tornata ad affermarsi, e dall’altra, l’imperium Romanum, e cioe il dominio di Roma (dominio che fa parte del dover 172 Ennio Sanzi pervasivită del mos maiorum anche e ancora all’interno di una realtă che aveva iniziato a mutare le coordinate costitutive in forza delle scelte religiose di Costantino e dei suoi figli. Non si dimentichi, in ogni caso, come Costantino in persona, nell’elevare l’antica Bisanzio a capitale dell’impero, non aveva esitato a strutturarla dal punto di vista della planimetria del potere proprio come l’Vrbs, adornandola di un circo e di una domus imperiale che riproducevano il nesso tutto romano tra il Circo Massimo e il Palazzo imperiale sul Palatino, ne a chiamarla “nuova Roma” con l’intento di sottolineare la continuită piuttosto che la novită nei confronti di una cittă e di una storia imponenti41. Sembra plausibile, dunque, che nell’epigrafe riportata a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus si chiedano allo stesso tempo la vittoria dell’imperatore impe- gnato in una campagna militare che per tradizione e sinonimo di rischio e di difficoltă e il ritorno nell’Vrbs qualificata dell’attributo sua; quell’Vrbs nella quale si celebrano i trionfi dei generali che hanno contributo alla grandezza della stessa e del suo impero e che sono chiamati a rimettere il frutto della vittoria riportata sotto l’egida di Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus. Non si dimentichi che il diritto di celebrare il trionfo era completamente legato al voto espresso dal popolo al momento dell’inizio della campagna militare e al permesso accordato dal senato al generale una volta rientrato a Roma42. D’altronde che esistesse un forte legame tra l’imperatore e l’esercito e cosa nota, e ancor piu e conosciuto quanto tale legame in alcuni momenti della storia di Roma sia stato determinante per deciderne le sorti. A tal proposito, sară utile riportare due iscrizioni dolichene che ben sottolineano questo rapporto. La prima si legge su di un altare rinvenuto a Condercum in Britannia: I(ovi) O(ptimo) [M(aximo) Dolic]he/no et numinibus / Aug(usti) pro sal(ute) imp(eratoris) / Caesaris T(iti) Aeli(i) Hadr(iani) / Antonini Aug(usti) Pii p(atris) p(atriae) / et leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae) / M(arcus) Liburnius Fron/to c(enturio) leg(ionis) eiusdem / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)43. Si tratta di un’epigrafe dalla datazione diciamo cosi “alta” (138-161) nella quale si mette bene in evidenza il fatto che alla salus dell’imperatore si accompagni quella della legione alla quale si ascrive il dedicante e che entrambe, in ordine diremmo gerarchico, vengano affidate alla potestas di Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus e al provvido numen Augusti. Un’altra iscrizione rinvenuta a Gerulata in Pannonia Superior sotto- linea ancora una volta lo stretto legame tra l’imperatore e l’esercito: [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] / Dol(icheno) [pro] / sal(ute) Aug(usti) [et] / Alae I Ca[n(nanefatium] / dec(urio) dupli(carius) [ - -]44. L’elemento piu interessante di questa epigrafe e la data- zione proposta, e cioe il IV sec.; tale datazione aiuta a dimostrare come ben oltre l’etă essere del civis Romanus) e stato propagato. Entrambi i valori, e cioe la difesa della Res publica e la propagazione del dominio di Roma, trovano qui una profonda e incontrovertibile legittimazione nel mos maiorum. 41 Cfr. Bauer 1996; Bianchi 2009; Bowersock 2009; Cameron 2009. Sulla figura e l’opera di Costantino cfr. ora Melloni 2013. 42 RE VII A, 1948, s.v. Triumphus, 493-511 (Ehlers); Bonfante Warren 1970; Versnel 1970; Lemosse 1972; Bonfante Warren 1974; Kunzl 1988; Rupke 2006; Beard 2007; Krasser, Pausch, Petrovic 2008. Su questo argomento dal 28 al 30 gennaio 2013 a Roma, presso l’Istituto danese, ad opera della Carlsberg Foundation si e tenuto l’importante incontro di studio Roman Republican Triumph: Beyond the Spectacle, agli atti del quale rinviamo per una messa a punto della problematica, nonche per un aggiornamento bibliografico. 43 CCID 564. 44 CCID 235. Ivppiter Optimvs Maximvs Dolichenvs e il suo culto 173 Severiana (192-325), eta dell’oro non solo per le manifestazioni religiose riservate a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus ma per tutti i cosiddetti “culti orientali”45, la devozione nei confronti di questo dio exsuperantissimus non avesse smesso di esistere, stante anche la sua vicinanza “costitutiva” con lo Iuppiter Optimus Maximus garante del successo eterno dell’Vrbs. In tal senso varra la pena riportare un’epigrafe che si rivela di particolare inte- resse e che ci sembra rafforzare l’ipotesi formulata. Da Ampelum in Dacia proviene un altare votivo iscritto: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) D(olicheno) / pro salute / imp(erii) perpetui / M(arci) Antoni(i) / Gordiani / Augusti / Aur(elius) Ga(ius) b(ene)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis) / v(otum) p(osuit) m(erito) (Fig. 8)46. Fig. 8. Altare dolicheno (CCID, Tav. 30, n. 150). Appare interessante notare come in questo caso si invochi non semplicemente la salus di Gordiano III (238-244), ma quella del suo perpetuum imperium, quasi che la funzione ricoperta dall’imperatore sia superiore a lui stesso. Si puo ritenere che l’iscrizione sia stata posta durante gli ultimi anni del regno di Gordiano, ovverosia tra il 242 e il 244, cioe in occasione della campagna contro i Sasanidi preparata e orga- nizzata dall’imperatore stesso assieme a Timesiteo e, dopo la morte di questi, a Marco Giulio Filippo detto “l’Arabo”47. Si e messo in luce che tra le prerogative della gestione del potere da parte di Gordiano III ci sia stata quella di voler ritornare alla “politica severiana” come risposta agli eccessi di Massimino Trace48. In questo senso, allora, alla campagna organizzata contro i nemici giurati dell’Vrbs e dell’Orbis Romanus puo essere stato “affidato” il compito di divulgare l’idea che il governo del giovane 45 Cfr. Sanzi 2015, part. 29 ss. utile anche per delle indicazioni bibliografiche. 46 CCID 150. 47 Cfr. Popescu 2006, il quale basa la sua analisi su Gudea - Tamba 2001. 48 Cfr. Loriot 1975, part. 724 ss.; Dietz 1980, Kettenhofen 1982, part. 19 ss. 174 Ennio Sanzi imperatore procedeva secondo i dettami del mos maiorum. Sara interessante, pertanto, riportare la seguente iscrizione proveniente da Hatra in Mesopotamia e datata pro- prio agli anni della campagna di Gordiano III contro i Parti: Erculi (sic) sanct(o) / pro salute do/mini nostri Au[g(usti) Q(uintus] / Petronius Qu[in]/tianus dom(o) [Nu]/midia, trib(unus) mil(itum) / leg(ionis) I P(arthicae), trib(unus) coh(ortis) IX / Gorrfianae Genio coh(ortis)49. Se pensiamo, da una parte, che la dedica e stata posta durante la campagna Parthica del giovane imperatore del quale la coorte (cohors IX Maurorum Gordiana50) di appartenenza del dedicante porta il nome e, dall’altra, che Hatra occupava un posto di eccellenza avanzato tanto importante per la difesa delle posizioni romane quanto rischioso, esposto com’era ai ripetuti attacchi dei nemici giurati dell’impero, sara legittimo ritenere che la salus richiesta a Ercole per l’impera- tore, in forza del ruolo da questi rivestito quo talis alla luce dell’inevitabile costitutivo compito di cooperazione con Iuppiter Optimus Maximus per la prorogatio in aevum, finisse col coincidere anche con quella del dedicante, della coorte di appartenenza e dell’esercito tutto. Anche in forza di una comparazione con l’iscrizione da Hatra, l’epigrafe doli- chena sopra riportata permette di ipotizzare che l’ex voto sia il risultato di un’invoca- zione indirizzata a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus al fine di vedere garantita quella stabilitas che l’imperatore in quanto tale, al di la della persona fisica, assicurava ai territori posti sotto il dominio di Roma, e cioe a quell’Orbis che allo stesso tempo era anche Vrbs. Ne sara da sottovalutare il fatto che da Ampelum in Dacia provengano altre tre epigrafi dolichene delle quali abbiamo parlato dove della divinita invocata si enfatizza sempre la provenienza epicorica dal momento che oltre a far riferimento a Doliche si ricorda anche la Commagene. Si puo ribadire che la doppia titolatura di Dolichenus e Commagenus attribuita a questo Iuppiter “orientale”, oltre a evidenziare la patria di origine del dio, allo stesso tempo ne rafforzi la portata di deus exsuperantis- simus capace di ergersi a conservator del cosmo nella sua interezza. Un tale sentimento deve essere colto anche in due altari iscritti rinvenuti a Dura Europos e datati tra il 251 e il 25351. In relazione alla dedica che connota entrambi i reperti, e cioe Aii ^ey^tw Kai 9ew AoXix^vw, si e sostenuto: “Die ubliche Formel ist luppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus, die hier getrennt ist in Iuppiter Optimus Maximus et deus Dolichenus. Dabei ist aber sicher an keine Trennung der beiden Gottheiten gedacht, sondern eher an eine Wendung wie «luppiter Maximus, der auch dolichenischer Gott heiBt»”52. Gia il Bianchi, facendo un riferimento specifico a queste due iscrizioni cosi come ad altre testimonianze epigrafiche relative non solo al Dolichenus ma anche all’Heliopo- litanus, e arrivato a sostenere che “le nom divin inscrit en deuxieme position apres le et/ka^ elargit l’aire geographique indiquee par le nom divin situe en premiere posi- tion”53. A questo punto, ribadita l’identita - o almeno l’equivalenza - tra le due divinita invocate, e cioe il fatto di trovarsi davanti a un unico Iuppiter Optimus Maximus 49 Maricq 1957, ad loc; AE 1958, 240 = 1983, 935. 50 AE 1958, 239: Deo Soli Invicto / Q(uintus) Petr(onius) Quintianus / trib(unus) mil(itum) leg(ionis) I Part(hicae) / trib(unus) coh(ortis) IX Maur(orum) / Gordianae / votum re/ligioni lo/ci posuit. 51 CCID 33, 34. 52 CCID, p. 37. 53 Bianchi 1997, 602. Ivppiter Optimvs Maximvs Dolichenvs e il suo culto 175 deus Dolichenus, possiamo cercare di fare un passo in avanti arrivando a immaginare l’ellissi di un nesso relativo prima della congiunzione. Se cosi fosse, gli altari non sarebbero stati dedicati semplicemente a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus ma a luppiter Optimus Maximus che e anche luppiter Dolichenus. Tale lettura rafforze- rebbe ulteriormente il legame tra Iuppiter Optimus Maximus e il dio da Doliche, dove il primo finirebbe quasi per sussumere il secondo, alla luce del ruolo princeps da lui rivestito proprio a Dura Europos come ben dimostrato dal notissimo Feriale Duranum, un “calendario” conservato su papiro rinvenuto a Dura Europos e databile entro il 227 d.C., e cioe al regno di Alessandro Severo, dove si elencano le festivita da osser- varsi in ambito militare54. Benche relativo alla cohors XX Palmyrenorum, il fatto che tale feriale sia stato redatto in latino e che non contenga festivita strettamente “locali” ha messo gli studiosi in condizione di sostenere che ci si trovi di fronte ad un docu- mento ufficiale vigente in ogni parte dell’impero. Esso contiene diverse festivita in onore degli dei, in particolare quelli della triade capitolina, nonche celebrazioni dedi- cate agli imperatori ed ai loro familiari divinizzati55. A tal proposito sono da riportare le parole del Fishwick: “Collectively the above corpus of inscriptions strongly supports the view that the dates of imperial and other festivals were known and consciously chosen as the occasion of dedications or other activities worth recording on stone with their precise date. When so many of these coincide with the list preserved on the Dura papyrus, the conclusion is hardly avoidable that they echo an earlier, contemporary or later version of a similar calendar. By the large, the epigraphical evidence presented weighs heavily in favour of the standard view that the Feriale Duranum is after all just one example of the canonical festival list issued to and observed by Roman troops everywhere”56. Il dio da Doliche, legittimato ulteriormente perche sussunto da Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, un dio commagenico “passato” a sostenere le parti della citta chiamata a regere populos, viene invocato come Iuppiter Optimus Maximus dai soldati di stanza a Dura Europos, una citta di confine opposta al nemico per antonomasia dell’impero, nel pieno della vigilia della sua distruzione definitiva avvenuta nel 256 a opera degli eserciti guidati da Shapur I57. L’iscrizione di Ampelum, dunque, potrebbe essere letta in questo modo: Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus, dio sommo, si erge a garante dell’imperium dell’im- perator, proprio perche quest’ultimo, attraverso l’autorita conferitagli ufficialmente dal senato, si erga a custode in terra del regere populos, compito al quale Roma e fatalmente predestinata. D’altronde, se sentimenti di tal genere non fossero stati ben presenti a livello di coscienza collettiva nei territori che a mano a mano finivano con l’essere ricondotti sotto l’egida dell’Vrbs, risulterebbe difficile da comprendere sia il proliferare dei Capitolia nelle varie province durante il II e il III sec. d.C., sia l’atten- zione specifica che in particolare a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus veniva riservata negli ambienti militari. E cio, sostiene Bianchi, “si spiega quando si consideri come, per 54 Cfr. Fink - Spencer Hoey - Fifield Sneyder 1940 e nota immediatamente successiva. 55 Cfr. ora Groslambert 2009 e Huet 2011, part 226 ss. (entrambi utili per indicazioni bibliografiche). 56 Fishwick 1988, 361. 57 Per la storia di questa citta “militare” rimane fondamentale Cumont 1926, part. XII ss.; cfr. Sommer 2005, part. 270 ss. 176 Ennio Sanzi gli abitanti delle province, il culto capitolino rappresentasse, piu che un elemento di religiosita personale, il culto ufficiale dell’Impero. Le sue manifestazioni significarono atto pubblico di omaggio alla religione nazionale e all’Imperatore, sia che si dedicasse un Capitolium, sia che durante le persecuzioni si imponesse ai cristiani di sacrificare in tali templi agli dei di Roma, sia che si ponesse a nome della citta una semplice iscrizione votiva alla triade capitolina. Ben piu ampia fu nelle province la penetra- zione del culto imperiale ... infatti, mentre il culto della triade capitolina sopravviveva solo per virtu di una tradizione nazionale-religiosa, particolarmente viva nell’esercito, il culto della persona imperiale, della quale in ogni occasione si riaffermava la pre- senza e la provvidenzialita, si imponeva agli abitanti delle province con maggiore evi- denza”58. Finalmente arriviamo a ricordare un’epigrafe di rilevante interesse incisa su di un altare rinvenuto ad Apulum in Dacia e di cui si e gia fatto cenno: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) D(olicheno) et Deae / Suriae Magnae / Caelesti pro salu/te per- petui imperi(i) / Romani et leg(ionis) XIII / Gem(inae) Flavius Bar/hadadi s(acerdos) I(ovis D(olicheni) ad / leg(ionem) s(upra) s(criptam) v(otum) l(ibens) m(erito) p(osuit) (Fig. 9)59. Fig. 9. Altare dolicheno (CCID, Tav. XXX, n. 154). E da mettere in evidenza il fatto che questa volta un sacerdos di luppiter Dolichenus, il cui nome lascia trasparire un’indubitabile origine orientale, invochi Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus e la sua paredra non per la salus dell’imperatore 58 Bianchi 1950, 384. 59 CCID 154. Ringraziamo Florian Matei-Popescu per averci segnalato la lettura proposta da I. Piso, IDR III/5, 221 secondo la quale ad legionem deve essere inteso come ad canabas legionis. CCID legge: aed(ituus) leg(ionis)”. Ivppiter Optimvs Maximvs Dolichenvs e il suo culto 177 ma per quella dell’imperium Romanum e della legio XIII Gemina. L’ipotesi, dunque, acquisterebbe maggior valore se si potesse definitivamente dimostrare che proprio alla luce della formula pro salute imperi(i) l’altare sia stato dedicato in occasione della visita di Caracalla in Dacia avvenuta tra la fine del II e l’inizio del III sec. d.C.60. Di fatto la mole documentaria proveniente dalla Dacia finisce con l’eclissare quella rinvenuta in Moesia Inferior. A ogni buon conto c’e da dire che anche lo studio dei reperti di questa provincia legittima quanto fin qui asserito. Nella maggior parte dei casi si tratta di offerte con funzione profilattica nei confronti degli imperatori come lascia ben intendere la formula pro salute / unep Gcmcpiaq che le qualifica. Esse sono datate soprattutto all’eta dei Severi. La piu significativa e una colonna rinvenuta a Niculițel, tra Noviodunum e Troesmis, datata tra il 27 febbraio 212 e l’8 aprile 217, e recante la seguente iscrizione: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Dolichen(o) / pro salute / imp(eratoris) M(arci) Aureli(i) / Antonini Pii / Aug(usti) et Iuliae Do/minae matris / castrorum / Polydeuces / Theophili et / Lucius Kapito / et Flavius Re/[gi]nus sacer/dotes lovis Dolicheni vo/tum posuerunt/l(ibentei) m(erito)61. E evidente come si riproponga una condizione analoga a quella attestata dall’epigrafe dacica appena pre- sentata e che sollecita la ricerca storico-religiosa stricto sensu. La distinzione delle tito- lature del dio, optimus e maximus, quando invocato pro salute imperatoris, ma “sempli- cemente” Dolichenus per cio che e inerente la dimensione cultuale, ci sembra ancora una volta rubricare da un lato gli aspetti universalistici e allo stesso tempo Romani della nostra divinita, in forza dei quali, questo antico Wettergott, pote essere assimilato allo luppiter Optimus e Maximus che dal Capitolium per antonomasia cosi come dai Capitolia su questo modellati garantiva la prorogatio dell’Vrbs e dell’Orbis, e dall’altro gli aspetti squisitamente “orientali” in forza dei quali questo Iuppiter di Commagene, anche alla luce della specifica epicoresi Dolichenus, continuava, almeno in alcuni casi, ad assolvere una funzione catalizzatrice di identita etnica in senso lato per tutti quegli orientali come lui cosi presenti nel mondo imperiale romano. Bibliografia Bauer 1996 F. Bauer, Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spatantike. 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Dolichener und Kom- magenische Forschungen IV, AMS 64, Bonn 2011. Ennio Sanzi Cultore della Materia “Storia delle Religioni”, Universita degli Studi di Messina e Universita della Campania “Luigi Vanvitelli” enniosanzi@libero.it Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 183-204 MEDICAL INSTRUMENTS IN ROMAN DACIA: A SURVEY BEYOND TYPOLOGY AND FUNCTIONALITY TIMEA VARGA Abstract: Although a relatively large quantity of the medical instruments found in Roman Dacia have been published in various articles throughout the years, they were confined strictly to a typological and functional perspective, omitting any social meanings that could emerge from their archaeological contexts, the association with other artifacts or a particular decoration. Corroborating information from various literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources has led to the conclusion that both a noble confection material like silver, or a particular decoration, were meant to increase the doctor’s prestige in the eyes of a patient, inspiring likewise more con- fidence in its medical qualities, in a period when medical procedures, due to a lack of antiseptics and anesthetics, seemed a measure of last resort. Of particular interest are votive images that suggest the placement of medical instruments under the auspices of a divinity and implicitly set the physician under a healing god’s patronage. The archeological contexts of the medical instru- ments can also provide us additional information regarding the social implications derived from the use of medical instruments i.e. finding them in refuse pits or funerary contexts can reveal us some of the perceptions of the ancients regarding medical instruments and their association with disease and death, while finding them in religious contexts can help us realize the faint line that existed between rational, magical and respectively sacerdotal medicine. Keywords: medical instruments; healing images; archaeology of medicine; social archae- ology; Roman Dacia. Rezumat: Deși diferite articole de specialitate publicate de-a lungul anilor au tratat o cantitate relativ mare de instrumente medicale descoperite în Dacia, ele s-au mulțumit să o facă doar din perspectivă tipologică și funcțională, omițând conotațiile sociale care se desprind din contextele lor de descoperire, asocierea cu alte artefacte sau modul particular de decorare. Coroborarea informațiilor oferite de diverse surse literare, epigrafice și arheologice a dus la con- cluzia că atât un material de confecție mai nobil, ca argintul, sau un decor specific erau menite sa augmenteze prestigiul unui medic în ochii pacientului, inspirând totodată mai multă încre- dere în calitățile medicale ale acestuia, într-o perioadă în care antisepticele și anestezicele erau ca și inexistente. Contextele de descoperire ale instrumentelor medicale ne pot oferi informații adiționale privind implicațiile sociale comportate de acestea. Astfel, descoperirea lor în gropi de gunoi sau în contexte funerare poate reflecta modul în care oamenii au perceput instrumentele medicale și asocierea lor cu boala și moartea, în timp ce contextele religioase ne pot ajuta să apreciem linia subțire care exista între medicina rațională, cea teurgică și cea sacerdotală. Cuvinte cheie: instrumente medicale; imagini vindecătoare; arheologia medicinii; arhe- ologie socială; Dacia romană. In 2003 S. Cociș estimated that the number of the medical instruments discov- ered in the territory of the Roman province of Dacia would reach up to nine hundred pieces, out of which around four hundred discovered in military contexts1. However, * Paper written during an internship at the Accademia di Romania in Rome (2016-2017), obtained with the support of the Romanian State through the national scholarship program “Vasile Pârvan”. 1 Cociș 2003, 63. 184 Timea Varga to the best of my knowledge, a thorough search of the relevant literature would yield at most half of this estimated number. In addition, if we rule out all the pieces with uncertain interpretation i.e. various types of spoons, more likely used for domestic purposes, some of the spatulas, used for decorating pottery, small-sized tweezers, used for cosmetic purposes etc. we would only be able to sum up around three hundred pieces published in the specialty literature2. Typologically speaking, we encounter almost the whole spectrum of the Roman classical medical instruments, with the exception of dental ones, around a quarter of them having double functionality. This is the case of the probes (Lat. specillum), with one end shaped like a spoon (cyathiscomele3) or a spatula (spathomele < Gr. ona0o^^Zn) and the other shaped like an olive (Gr. nup^v4), which were used for spreading vari- ous ointments, and also to mix, chop and apply medicine, or to investigate injuries or cauterize wounds by heating in advance the olivary end etc. Occasionally, we also encounter medical probes with both ends under the form of spatulas (Lat. spatha < Gr. onâ0n)5, perhaps used as tongue depressors, or for elevating a bone and cast- ing a plaster. More often encountered are scalpels with spatula (Lat. scalpellum), the most standard type, used for cutting, incising, dissecting and cauterizing a wound. Additionally tweezers (Lat. vulsella or volsella) provided with a spatula or a hook can also be seen among the medical instruments found in Dacia. Other medical instruments that are often encountered among the small finds of Dacia are the probes used for the investigation and cleaning of the ears (specil- lum oricularium), while paramedical tools like ointment bone or stone slabs, used for grinding and mixing different ointments are fairly common as well. Various categories of tweezers have also to be taken into account. It is clear that the ones with large arms, serrated extremities, retaining ring or one hook shaped extremity are undoubtedly medical instruments, but smaller tweezers could also be used for medical purposes, to remove a foreign body from the eye or nose for example. Regarding the decoration of the pieces, most of them show humble ornaments that consist in successions of rings or/and nodules, sometimes having the extremity shaped like a chess pawn. Some of them however, show geometric/abstract motifs i.e. rhomboid decorative portions, zigzag or lattice patterns, striations, spirals, gutiform extremities etc., vegetal motifs i.e. the ivy or vine leaf pattern or zoomorphic represen- tations, real or fantastic i.e. wolf (?) or gryphon depictions. In an overwhelmingly proportion, more than three quarters of them are made out of bronze, but we also encounter diametrically opposed versions regarding the 2 A full bibliography regarding the medical instruments found in Roman Dacia would be too vast to cite. Articles dedicated exclusively to this subject include: Igna 1933-1935, 223-227; Dumitrașcu 1983, 111-114; Alicu, Cociș 1989, 223-236; Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 249-291; Cociș 1993, 241-249; Stanciu 2000, 457-470; Pribac, Timoc 2002-2003, 164-171; Cociș 2003, 63; Bondoc 2005, 138-147; Flutur, Flutur 2007, 75-83; Gui 2011, 115-130; Tamba 2015, 239-248. 3 Erroneously taken by scholars as the Latin equivalent for the “spoon probe”, this is in fact Milne’s invention and not the ancient name of the instrument: Milne 1907, 61-63. 4 This is the most frequently used term in Greek medical literature for the probes with one or both ends enlarged in an ovular or round shape. Its literal translation would be that of a seed or pit of fruit. Its equivalent in Latin is hard to guess because Latin authors usually refer to it in periphrastic ways. Theo- dorus Priscianus names it baca/bacula, meaning berry: Theodorus Priscianus, Euporiston, 1.37, 44. 5 Bliquez believes this is the most likely candidate for the tool’s name: Bliquez 2014, 123. Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 185 confection material i.e. medical instruments made out of bone versus ones made out of silver. The blades of the scalpels, razors and skin cleansing devices are made out of iron or steel, bonded with copper and lead. Aesthetic medical instruments as promoters of the skilled physician Lucian of Samosata recalls the use of medical instruments made out of ivory, gold and silver, a brief mention accompanied by the ridicule of the incompetent doc- tors that allegedly would have owned and used them6. Paradoxical as it may seem, we cannot reproach Lucian with trying to kill a mockingbird through this juxtaposition of expensive tools - medical malpractice, because he is merely reflecting upon the real- ity of that time, obviously under the form of his already well-known satire. The reality is that back in his time (the 2nd century AD) antiseptics and anesthet- ics were at least ineffective if not quasi-non-existent, making thus medical procedures seem a measure of last resort. Unfortunately that also meant that although doctors were good theoreticians, they lacked some significant qualities that could only be achieved through a genuine medical practice7. But how could they even obtain that, one might naturally ask, if they frequently raised suspicion among commoners. It did not help either when this suspicion was further more augmented by the opprobrium of more eminent figures like Plinius the Elder, who accused doctors of unethically experimenting on patients, without apprising them of the risks involved and refusing to take any kind of blame in case of a failure8. In fact if we compare various medical literary sources from the imperial time, we will notice the prevalence of two antagonistic perceptions regarding the use of rational medicine. On the one hand we have Celsus, the one who actually introduced this very term, who was against the assignment of a divine origin to any kind of dis- ease or the deposition of ex vota in the temples of the healing gods9. On the other hand we have other prominent physicians like Galenus10 and Rufus11, that assure us in their writings that medical treatments conducted through the incubatio ritual in Asklepieia were still of great interest and even of great efficiency during Imperial time. Obviously one should bear in mind that Rufus practiced medicine in Ephesus, while Galenus lived the majority of his life in Pergamum, both well-known religious centers for the cult of Aesculapius and for practicing the incubatio ritual inside its temples. Nonetheless this still proves that rational medicine was still not unanimously accepted as being the most appropriate solution to someone’s disorder or disease. In this context, we should not be surprised by what might seem an unusual preoc- cupation of the Roman doctors for the aesthetics of their medical instruments, espe- cially if we compare them with the ones used nowadays that seem rather dull, because 6 Lucianus, Adversus Indoctum, 29: While satirizing an ignorant book-collector, he compares it to a physician that owns expensive tools but does not even know how to hold them in his hand. 7 Galenus, XIV, 649-650. 8 PLIN. Nat. 29. 8. 9 Celsus, De Medicina, Proemium. 10 Galenus, Subfiguratio empirica, X, 78. 11 Oribasius, Collectiones Medicae, XLV, 30, 10-14; passage taken from Rufus. 186 Timea Varga as Bliquez pointed out in a recently published study, both a more noble confection material like silver, or a particular decoration, were meant to increase the doctor’s prestige in the eyes of a patient, inspiring likewise more confidence in its medical qualities12. There are no medical instruments made out of gold so far found in the Roman province of Dacia, but we encounter a few that are either made out of silver, either decorated with it. Two of the ear probes found in Dacia are made entirely out of silver, one found in the amphitheater of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa13, the other one in a house from Alburnus Maior, next to a fragment of a silver mirror, two fibulae and one bronze coin14. Although made out of bronze, a scalpel with leaf shaped dissector found in the auxiliary fort of Gilău (Pl. I/1), has the rectangular handle decorated with niello inlays in silver, portraying a vegetal motif, either ivy or vine leaves15. This motif seems to have been exclusively assigned to scalpels, as the findings seem to indicate so far, thus to an instrument linked to a painful operation that could endanger the patient’s life, making us therefore return to our sub-title’s idea, that the more aesthetic was a surgi- cal instrument, the more it raised the patient’s confidence that such a risky operation will be a success. Similar scalpels decorated with ivy or vine leaves were found in Germania Inferior at Koln16 (Pl. I/6), in Germania Superior at Hofheim17 (Pl. I/10) and Rheinzabern18 (Pl. I/12), in Gallia Belgica at Trier19 (Pl. I/13) and Reims20 (Pl. I/2), in Moesia Inferior at Dionysopolis21 (Pl. I/3-4), in Thracia at Karanovo22 (Pl. I/5, 7-8), plus one from Asia Minor23 (Pl. I/9) and another from Dalmatia24, without the precise find spot. A slight variation can be noticed at the scalpels decorated with grape vines and clusters, found in Britannia at Cramond25, in Germania Inferior at Xanten26 (Pl. I/14) and in Noricum at Traismauer27 (Pl. I/11). Healing images. Placing instruments under the auspices of a healing divinity By adding this silver decoration to the scalpel, not only has the metalworker increased its material value, but it has also charged the instrument with a suggestive 12 Bliquez 2014, 19. 13 Nicolaus 1981, no. 134; Alicu, Cociș 1989, 227, no. 2, Pl. I/2. 14 Rusu-Bolindeț et alii 2010, 372, 378, Cat. no. 2, Fig. 17/2. 15 Diaconescu, Opreanu 1987, 57-58, no. 19, Fig. 3/19. 16 Kunzl 1986, 504, C1, Abb. 9. 17 KUnzl 1982, 61, Abb. 4. 18 Kirova 2006, 542, Abb. 7, 2b. 19 Kunzl 1984, 160, B1, Taf. 6. 20 Kunzl 1983b, 63, Fig. 36/25, 30. 21 Kirova 2006, 538-539, Nr. 4, 5, Abb. 3, 1-2. 22 Kirova 2006, 537-538, Nr. 1-3, Abb. 2, 1-3. 23 Kunzl 2002, 28, B3, Taf. 17. 24 Giunio 2010, 67, no. 11. 25 Gilson 1983, 387-389. 26 Kunzl 1986, 493, 1, Abb. 2.1, 6. 27 Kirova 2006, 542, Abb. 7, 2 a. Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 187 symbolic value. Pliny the Elder labels ivy as medicatissima, mentioning that this very powerful healing plant can be administered orally in combination with wine or as a plaster in various medical treatments28. In addition, Bliquez suggests that due to its vigorous growth ivy could play in fact the role of a metaphor for life and survival29. What seems at first sight another vegetal decoration, the so called “knotty limb” motif that appears on some of the Roman surgical tools (Pl. II/6-7), has been recog- nized by various scholars as a stylized depiction of the club of Hercules30. Based on the fact that it usually appears on surgical tools that cause intense pain, Bliquez believes that the “knotty limb” pattern was meant to act as some sort of apotropaic device, rais- ing the patient’s endurance to the pain of the operation31. Although Hercules is not a medical figure in mythology, he is sometimes sur- named in votive inscriptions Salutaris / Salutiferus32, while some of the healing spring sanctuaries proved to enjoy his patronage33. Nonetheless, Bliquez claims that his occurrence on surgical tools is the reflection of his image as a “paragon of endurance and resolute suffering”34, rather than that of a healing god, and in this matter he pro- vides examples of medical instruments portraying either the club of Hercules ended under the form of a lion’s head35 or a fist36 (Pl. II/7), either the bust of Hercules itself, wearing the skin and the head of the Nemean lion (Pl. II/8)37. The Hercules / knotty club motif is closely paralleled by that of Aesculapius / snake or rooster motif that also appears on some of the Roman medical instruments. The rooster motif38 can be seen on a stirring rod found at Augst (Pl. II/2)39, while the snake one is more frequent and appears on a medical box40 or as a decorative part on the handles of various medical instruments like tweezers (Pl. II/3), medical hooks and lancets, specilla (Pl. II/4) and uterine specula41. Aesculapius’ standing figure deco- rates an ivory medical box found at Jena42 and a bronze one from Xanten43, while the extremity of a stirring rod found at Ephesus takes the form of the god himself (Pl. II/1)44. He even appears accompanied by Hygia on a bronze medical box from 28 PLIN. Nat. 24.75-80, 28.79. 29 Bliquez 2014, 19. 30 Hassel, KUnzl 1980, 407; Riha 1986, 82; Bliquez 1992, 36-50; Bliquez, Jackson 1994, 99-106. 31 Bliquez 1992, 44. 32 ILS 3445, 3664, 7315; RIU II 392. 33 In this matter see the healing springs from Deneuvre: Moitrieux 1987, and Băile Herculane: CIL III 1572 = IDR III/1, 64; Bărbulescu 1977, 228-230. 34 Bliquez 1992, 44. 35 Kunzl 1983b, 45, Fig. 15; Bliquez 1992, 36, B1, Fig. 2. 36 Bliquez 1992, 36, E, Figs. 4-5. 37 Bliquez 1992, Figs. 6-8; Bliquez, Jackson 1994, 99-106; Bliquez 1999, 296-297. 38 For the presence of the rooster motif on medical instruments, due to it being one of the sacred ani- mals of Aesculapius, pleads a terracotta figurine found in a tomb from Bonn, together with an ointment slab and an oculist stamp: Kunzl 1983b, 86, Figs. 61-62. 39 Riha 1986, no. 116, Taf. 66/116. 40 Sobel 1991, Abb. 1. 41 Milne 1907, Pl. XII/2, 4; Kunzl 1983b, Abb. 7, 18/8, 80/1; Kunzl 1984, Taf. 8/D2; Taf. 28/M6; Kunzl 1994, Taf. 59/67. 42 Kunzl, Zimmermann 1994, no. 82, Taf. 64. 43 Sobel 1991, Abb. 3; Kunzl 1996, 2634, Abb. XXXII/2. 44 Kunzl 1983b, Abb. 17/1; Kunzl 1999, Taf. 16/1. 188 Timea Varga Herculaneum45 (Pl. II/5) and an ivory one from Sion (Switzerland)46, while another ivory medical box kept in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection in Washington portrays a seated Hygia47. Unfortunately none of the two motifs can be found so far on the medical instru- ments found in Dacia, but hopefully their brief mention can prove useful in the event of future similar finds. Another particular decoration found in the Danubian prov- ince i.e. the so called “mouse-shaped handle”48, has been claimed to imply a symbolic value as well. Two of these unusual small finds have been initially published in the specialty literature as instruments with possible medical use (Pl. 111/7-8)49. Gudea and Bajusz mentioned briefly in their article that according to Kunzl’s researches this particular iconography would equal with their placement under the auspices of Apollo Smintheus and Asklepios Soter50. Kunzl suggested that these instruments must have a direct link with Apollo sur- named Smintheus, a healing divinity worshipped mainly in Asia Minor51. This divinity was associated by the Greeks initially with mice and implicitly with disease52 and wor- shipped eventually for driving away plague53. His idea was not new however, bronze mouse statuettes of this type being associated to Apollo Smintheus at least from the 18th century, idea grounded mostly on the fact that one of them had the inscription sacrum Secund(i) on its back (Pl. III/1)54. This unique iconographic analysis was assumed as well by other prominent researchers from the field of the history of medicine e.g. R. Jackson55, L. J. Bliquez56, P. Baker57. Nobody seemed to dare to challenge it, till more recently, when in an article entitled The Bronze Mice of Apollo Smintheus, Ph. Kiernan raised some serious questions regarding its validity58. His opposition brought forth some solid arguments i.e. the lack of a religious context and their spreading all over the Roman Empire, and not just in Asia Minor where Apollo Smintheus was venerated. More importantly, if we look at the analogies we will notice that none of the pieces can be undisputedly attributed with a medical functionality, on the contrary 45 Sobel 1991, Abb. 2; KUnzl 1996, 2634, Abb. XXXII/1. 46 Sobel 1991, Abb. 26. 47 Sobel 1991, Abb. 27a. 48 Two of them, one from Porolissum, the other somewhere from Transylvania, were initially published as handles belonging to medical instruments: Gudea 1989, Pl. CCXLVIII/8; Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 252; Cociș 1993, no. 28, Pl. 1/8; Țeposu-Marinescu, Pop 2000, no. 160; another small bronze statuette, very similar to the others, was found at Apulum: Țeposu-Marinescu, Pop 2000, no. 159, Pl. 77; Petculescu 2003, 125, no. 133. More recently the statuettes from Apulum and Porolissum made the object of a study that discussed their interpretation as decorative features affixed on bronze lamp lids: Egri 2015, 225-230. 49 Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 252; Cociș 1993, no. 28. 50 Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 252. 51 Kunzl 1983a, 111-116. 52 Homer, Iliad, 1, 36-42. 53 Aelianus, De natura animalium, 12.5. 54 Kiernan 2014, 118. 55 Jackson 2014, 217-231. 56 Bliquez, Jackson 1994, 102. However in his more recent studies Bliquez has not mentioned this theory again, although he did not contest it either. 57 Baker 2013, 83. 58 Kiernan 2014, 601-626. Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 189 they are more likely decorations attached to bronze oil lamps, candelabra, lamp stands or furniture (Pl. III/2-5), referring to a rather common problem in Roman time, that of mice gnawing at wicks and drinking the lamp oil59. More recently this theory has been validated for the pieces found in Dacia as well, in M. Egri’s article entitled One little mouse, two little mice...60. Although she omitted one piece from her analysis, she concluded that the two mice found at Apulum (Pl. III/6) and Porolissum (Pl. III/8) were more likely decorative features affixed on bronze lamp lids61. Although the theory of placing these instruments under Apollo Smintheus’ divine power had to be dismantled, another of Kunzl’s ideas revolves around a similar asso- ciation, that of Apollo Lykios / Medicus and the wolf motif on medical instruments62. One of the scalpels found in Dacia at Micia (Pl. II/9) has been published as hav- ing the bone handle decorated with two animal heads, the wolf with a question mark being given in parenthesis as a possible identification63. If this is indeed the case, we might have a surgical instrument invested with Apollo’s healing powers to ease the pain and assure the patient of the success of the operation, by hinting to the fact that the physician is under the patronage of the god. Similar representations can hardly be found and include a bronze scalpel handle from Augst64 (Pl. II/10), a ring that holds bathing utensils from Pompei65 (Pl. II/11) and a handle belonging to an inde- terminable medical instrument (Pl. II/12)66. However, the first two were identified as dog depictions and since the dog is known to be one of the animal companions of Aesculapius67 we might have in fact surgical instruments invested with Aesculapius’ healing powers instead of those of Apollo. Medical instruments as a gate towards the mindset of the ancients regarding healing, disease and death This transfer of divine or magical figures on medical instruments can work as a mirror through which we can easily enter into the mentality of the ancients. It can help us understand how in the eye of a patient empirical therapies mingled with medico-magical performances or healing cult practices, forming a harmonious single unit that was perceived, generically speaking at least, simply as medicine. Thus there was no need for making a real distinction between the conventional or the alternative therapies engaged, as the modern signification of the word would demand it. This faint line between rational, magical and respectively sacerdotal medicine can be spotted in the literary or epigraphic sources of the time as well. However when it is also archaeologically attested through medical instruments it transforms into palpable 59 Kiernan 2014, 608-616. 60 Egri 2015, 225-230. 61 Egri 2015, 229-230. 62 Kunzl 1993, 99-100, apud Bliquez 2014, n. 89; Kunzl 1996, 2608-2609, Abb. XVII/3. 63 Alicu, Cociș 1993, 121, no. 149, Pl. XVI/4. 64 Riha 1986, Taf. 11/87, 65/87. 65 Riha 1986, Abb. 1; although quintessentially toiletry objects, Bliquez has demonstrated that accord- ing to various literary sources strigilia were used for medical purposes as well: Bliquez 2014, 146-147. 66 Kunzl 1996, 2608-2609, Abb. XVII/3. 67 FEST. 110 M. 190 Timea Varga information regarding the Roman physician and his need to adapt to his patients, for some of whom rational medicine was more likely still a rather questionable thing. Therefore we can imagine that placing a medical instrument under divine aus- pices was meant first of all to transfer a religious legitimacy upon the physician and thus to confer a certain closeness between him and his patient. D. Aparaschivei draws attention onto the fact that although there are sources that question the quality of physicians, sacerdotal medicine is nowhere properly incriminated68. Thus, a medical instrument with a healing divine figure or attribute was meant to drive away any sus- picion regarding the physician’s efficacy by hinting to the fact that he owes his healing abilities to Aesculapius’ patronage for example, therefore in the healing process he is merely the god’s instrument. The same perception develops in an inscription found in Rome. Although dedi- cated to Aesculapius for a successful healing, it also mentions the doctor’s name, add- ing as well qui curam mei diligenter egit secundum deos69. By this, the inscription seems to suggest that the physician is just a supporting actor in the healing process, while the leading role still belongs to Aesculapius. Masked under the form of a general act of veneration this inscription can be in fact a testimony regarding the existence of a dual belief system, suggesting that a patient would have more likely understood his cure to be the result of the joint efforts of his physician on one hand and Aesculapius and Hygia on the other. For Ido Israelowich this shows that “From the patients’ point of view, all the practitioners were operating within the same health care system, with a shared medical language, and this included healers who were both human and divine”70. In fact some of the medical instruments discovered in Dacia have been found in religious contexts, outlining again this strong bond between religion and heal- ing. Various types of bronze specilla were found in the Asklepieion of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa71. This seems to indicate, in correlation with the epigraphic sources, that the miraculous healings occurred during the incubatio ritual did not rely solely on theurgic elements, but approached empirical medicine as well72. Even though we cannot confirm for sure the double function of a physician-priest of Aesculapius, we could however suspect that, some of them at least, played the role of therapeutae, as it is indicated in some of the literary sources as well e.g. Galenus and Aelius Aristides73. If this is the case however, if we take into consideration the relatively small number of the medical instruments, the temple would have been more likely reserved merely for medical consultations, while the actual medical procedures took place elsewhere. From this same statistic reason, another theory might be more accurate i.e. their presence in the temple not due to their use as medical instruments, but as ex vota offered to Aesculapius. Arguments pleading in this regard can be found in the inventories that 68 Aparaschivei 2016, 148. 69 ILS 2194 = CIL VI 19. 70 Israelowich 2015, 52. 71 Alicu, Cociș 1989, no. 9, 12-14. 72 For the incubatio ritual in the Asklepieia of Dacia see Varga 2015, 241-251. 73 Meier 2003, 55. Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 191 list the dedications from the Asklepieia of Athens, Piraeus and Delos that include vari- ous medical instruments in their records e.g. cupping vessels, scalpels, surgical probes, cauterizing instruments etc.74. Although they refer to the Hellenistic period we can imagine that this custom would have propagated in the Roman period as well. This act of veneration, made by physicians in honor of their patron god, worked more likely as part of a symbiotic relationship i.e. on one hand through the doctors’ acts of beneficence it increased the wealth of the Asklepieia75, but on the other hand it also assured an increased prestige and visibility for the physician. Another double ended bronze specillum was found in the perimeter of a Roman temple from Cioroiul Nou76, while a bone handle believed to have been part of a medical instrument was discovered in the temple of Malagbel from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa77. More interesting is perhaps the placement of a magical figure on a medical instrument, usually on a collyrium stamp, like the one found at Augst that shows a hawk holding a circular object in its beak, perhaps a ring, next to a frog, alluding to the use of an amulet with the same iconography, used for curing a large range of affections from hemorrhage and vomiting of blood to jaundice and stings or bites of venomous animals78. Veronique Dasen believes this iconography would not only add a magical value to the instrument, but it could even allude to a parallel procedure used by the physician, imagining that the oculist that used it would have utilized both medical and magical procedures e.g. rings kept in a vessel together with a green lizard79, creating thus the image of a medicine man, rather than one of a physician. Indeed Kunzl, studying vari- ous tombs belonging to physicians, has remarked upon the presence of both amulets and silver phylacteria among the funerary inventory that associated with standard medical equipment form a rather unusual surgeon’s kit80. Finding medical instruments among funerary inventories can reveal us some of the perceptions of the ancients regarding medical instruments and their association with disease and death. Several medical instruments have been found in the necropolis of Sucidava: one ear scoop (specillum oricularum) (Pl. IV/1), found in an inhumation burial, placed on the chest of the deceased, together with a double-handled pitcher and a coin bearing the effigy of Constantine the Great81 and two ointment slabs found in cremation burials (Pl. IV/5), one of them associated with two double-handled pitchers, a glass vessel, a fragmentary fibula and three bronze coins, among them one bearing the effigy of Hadrian and another that of Diadumenian82. 74 Aleshire 1989, III.34.a, IV.84.a, V.155.c, V. 161.c; Wickkiser 2006, 36. 75 Prominent physicians like C. Stertinius Xenophon, doctor of the emperor Claudius and Galenus, doctor of the emperor Marcus Aurelius, both felt the need to accentuate their close relationship to Aescu- lapius, either through lavish dedications in asklepieia, either through stories that emphasized their close bond: Wickkiser 2008, 56-57. 76 Tudor, Diaconescu, Popilian 1967, 598, Fig. 4/4; Bondoc 2005, 140, no. 4, Fig. 4. 77 Alicu, Nemeș 1982, Pl. IV/6; Alicu, Cociș 1993, 121, no. 146, Pl. XI/5. 78 Dasen 2014, 186, Fig. 7. 79 Dasen 2014, 186. 80 Kunzl 1996, 2464-2473. 81 Popilian, Bondoc 2012, 22, Pl. CXCV/4. 82 Toropu, Tătulea 1987, 90; Popilian, Bondoc 2012, 67, Pl. CXCV/3. 192 Timea Varga During the XXIInd edition of the International Congress of History of Medicine, held at Constanța - Bucharest in 1970, a medical set formed out of a specillum (non vidi) and an ointment slab has been presented together with a similar one found at Potaissa83. The instruments discovered at Sucidava were described as being part of the funerary inventory of a double grave with two sarcophagi, one destined for a woman and the other for a man, the last one being the one that contained the instruments. Based on the coins and the analogies the instruments were dated in the first half of the 3rd century AD. Another four medical instruments were found in the necropolises of Potaissa as well. Among them is the already mentioned set of a bronze double ended specil- lum (Pl. IV/3) and an ointment slab, discovered together in a brick tomb from the southern necropolis of Potaissa, tomb that have been thought to belong to a physician, because the instruments were deposited together inside a wooden box84. From another brick tomb discovered in the southern necropolis comes a specil- lum with spherical head, found together with two pottery sherds and some bone fragments85, while a bronze double ended specillum (Pl. IV/4) has been recorded in I. Teglas’ notes among the funerary inventory found in another brick tomb, but this time in Valea Sândului86. Besides these we have to mention another bronze double ended specillum (Pl. IV/2) discovered in a funerary context, in the necropolis found at south of the fort and settlement of Porolissum87. All of them show traces of usage from none to a small degree and from this particular motif we have to raise a new set of questions, namely what conception lays behind the deposition of medical instruments in funerary contexts and whether we can see them as “impure” after being used in a failed medical operation or after enter- ing in contact with a disease or death. This whole idea of a “pollution” of the medical instruments emerges again at Porolissum, where several medical instruments have been found in the refuse pit from Coasta Viei88 (Pl. V/3, 5-6), while others were recovered from a disaffected water tank89 (Pl. V/1-2, 4, 7-10), turned into a refuse pit during the 3rd century AD90, between them being two scalpels91 and one surgical forceps with jagged ends92, there- fore instruments with a strong medical character. A similar situation can be seen at Vindonissa as well, where 62 out of the 326 medical instruments found here came from a flooded area, considered a rubbish deposit93. The fact that most of them are in very good condition, determined P. Baker to see them as ritual depositions of medical 83 Wolski, Hamparțumian 1972, 309-310 apud Kunzl 1983b, 55. 84 Milea, Hopârtean, Luca 1978, 203-205, Figs. 3-4. 85 Luca, Hopârtean 1980, 118-121, Fig. 4/1. 86 Bajusz 2005, 628-629, 24/86/3. 87 Gudea 1989, 680, IX C/7, Pl. CCXXV, 1; Gudea-Bajusz 1992, 257, no. 5, Pl. IV/5. 88 Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 255, no. 3, 259, no. 11, 262, no. 10, 266, no. 1. 89 Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 254, nos. 5-6, 256, no. 6, 258, no. 6, 14, 259, no. 1, 268, no. 4. 90 Gui 2011, 125. 91 Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 254, nos. 5, 6, Pl. I/5, 6. 92 Gudea, Bajusz 1992, 259, no. 1, Pl. VI/1. 93 Baker 2004, 9-11. Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 193 instruments considered perhaps contaminated after entering in contact with the dis- ease or the death of its owners / patients. Conclusions As I have stated before, a great percentage of the medical instruments discov- ered in Roman Dacia has yet to be published, while some of those already published lack unfortunately vital information i.e. their archaeological context. In these condi- tions I will refrain myself to draw some, perhaps cautious, but to my belief pertinent conclusions. The great majority of the medical instruments found in Roman Dacia are made out of bronze and show humble to none decorations. Some of them however reveal the preoccupation of the Roman doctors for the aesthetics of their medical instruments, either through the confection material, either through a particular design. This is the case of the two silver ear probes found in Dacia, one at Alburnus Maior, the other at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, and the scalpel found at Gilău. Certainly only reputed physicians had the financial means to purchase such instruments, so obviously a noble confection material increased the doctor’s prestige in the eyes of a patient, inspiring likewise more confidence in its medical qualities. Other medical instruments show gutiform or chess pawn shaped extremities, geo- metric, abstract, vegetal or zoomorphic motifs. In some of these cases, by adding these decorations, not only has the metalworker increased their material value, but it has also charged the instrument with a suggestive symbolic value. This is the case of the scalpel found at Gilău decorated with ivy or vine leaves. This decoration did not work only as an indication of the physician’s prestige, but it also worked as an apotropaic device. Due to its vigorous growth ivy could play in fact the role of a metaphor for life and survival and numerous medical treatments used in antiquity employed its use. One of the scalpels found in Dacia at Micia has been published as having the bone handle decorated with two animal heads, possibly a wolf or a dog’s. Kunzl asso- ciated the wolf representations on medical instruments with Apollo Lykios’ healing powers, while the dog is known to be one of the animal companions of Aesculapius. Either way we might have a medical instrument placed under the divine auspices of Apollo or Aesculapius. In an epoch when scientific and sacerdotal medicine were barely split by a faint line, these images were meant first of all to drive away any suspi- cion regarding the physician’s efficacy, by hinting to the fact that he owes his healing abilities to Aesculapius’ patronage. The archeological contexts of the medical instruments can also provide us addi- tional information regarding the social implications derived from the use of medical instruments. Some of the medical instruments discovered in Dacia have been found in religious contexts, outlining again this strong bond between religion and healing. Interesting are the four bronze specilla that were found in the Asklepieion of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. They could have either been used during the incubatio ritual, either they were in fact ex vota offered to Aesculapius. Ten medical and paramedical tools, all showing traces of usage from none to a small degree, were found in funerary contexts at Sucidava, Potaissa and Porolissum, 194 Timea Varga while eleven were found in refuse pits at Porolissum. These make us question whether we can see them as “impure” after being used in a failed medical operation or after entering in contact with a disease or death. Bibliography Aleshire 1989 S. 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Wickkiser 2006 B. L. Wickkiser, Chronicles of Chronic Cases and Tools of Trade at the Asklepieia, ARG, 8, 2006, 25-40. Wickkiser 2008 B. L. Wickkiser, Asklepios, Medicine and Politics of Healing in Fifth-Century Greece, Baltimore 2008. Wolski, Hamparțumian 1972 V. Wolski, N. Hamparțumian, Deux tombeaux de medecins decou- verts dans les necropoles de l’epoque romaine en Dacie. In: XXIIe Congres International d’histoire de la medecins, Bucharest - Constanza (30 Aout- 5 Septembre 1970), București 1972, 309-310. Timea Varga Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca timeatvarga@yahoo.com 198 Timea Varga Pl. I. Scalpels with handles decorated with ivy or vine leaves. 1. Gilău (after Gui 2011, Pl. I/2); 2. Reims (after Kunzl 1983, Fig. 36/30); 3-4. Dionysopolis (after Kirova 2006, Abb. 3, 1-2); 5, 7, 8. Karanovo (after Kirova 2006, Abb. 2, 1-3); 6. Koln (after Kunzl 1986, Abb. 9); 9. Asia Minor (after Kunzl 2002, Taf. 17); 10. Hofheim (after Kunzl 1982a, Abb. 4); 11. Traismauer (after Kirova 2006, Abb. 7, 2a); 12. Rheinzabern (after Kirova 2006, Abb. 7, 2b); 13. Trier (after Kunzl 1984, Taf. 6); 14. Xanten (Kunzl 1986, Abb. 2.1, 6). Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 199 Pl. II. Medical instruments placed under the auspices of a healing divinity. 1, 4. Ephesus (after Kunzl 1983, Abb. 17/1; Abb. 18/8); 2. Augst (after Riha 1986, Taf. 66/116); 3. Trier (after Kunzl 1984, Taf. 8/D2); 5. Herculaneum (after Sobel 1991, Abb. 2); 6-7. Mainz (after Bliquez 1992, Fig. 5); 8. Pompeii (after Bliquez 1992, Fig. 7); 9. Micia (after Alicu, Cociș 1993, Pl. XVI/4); 10. Augst (after Riha 1986, Taf. 11/87); 11. Pompeii (after Riha 1986, Abb. 1); 12. Mainz (after Kunzl 1996, Abb. XVII/311). 200 Timea Varga 1 3 2 4 5 8 7 6 Pl. III. The so called medical instruments connected to Apollo Smintheus. 1. Barone collection (after Kiernan 2014, Fig. 5); 2. Mainz (after Kunzl 1982b, Fig. 1); 3. Pompeii and other unknown proveniences (after Kiernan 2014, Fig. 13); 4. Asia Minor (after Kiernan 2014, Fig. 12a); 5. Augusta Raurica (after Kiernan 2014, Fig. 9); 6. Apulum (after Țeposu-Marinescu, Pop 2000, Pl. 77); 7. Dacia - with unknown provenience (after Cociș 1993, no. 28, Pl. 1/8); 8. Porolissum (after Gudea 1989, Pl. CCXLVIII/8). Medical instruments in Roman Dacia: a survey beyond typology and functionality 201 Pl. IV. Medical instruments from Dacia found in funerary contexts. 1, 5. Sucidava (after Popilian, Bondoc 2012, Pl. CXCV/3, 4); 2. Porolissum (after Gudea, Bajusz 1992, Pl. IV/5); 3-4. Potaissa (after Milea, Hopârtean, Luca 1978, Fig. 4; Bajusz 2005, 24/86/3). 202 Timea Varga Pl. V. Medical instruments found at Porolissum in the refuse pits from Coasta Viei 3, 5-6. Coasta Viei (after Gudea, Bajusz 1992, Pls. II/3, V/11, VIII/10); 1-2, 4, 7-10. The disaffected water tank (after Gudea, Bajusz 1992, Pl. I/5, 6, Pl. III/6, Pl. IV/14, Pl. V/6, Pl.VI/1, Pl. XV/4). REVIEWS Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 205-220 Mihai Bărbulescu, Arta romană la Potaissa / Roman Art in Potaissa, Editura Academiei Române, Editura Mega, București - Cluj-Napoca 2015, 308 pages. Arta romană la Potaissa [Roman Art in Potaissa] is Mihai Bărbulescu’s lat- est book focusing on this Roman city, after the monographs dedicated to the Fifth Macedonica Legion and to the city, the volume dedicated to the fifth-century German princely tomb and the volume dealing with the inscriptions discovered inside the fort. In fact, this brief enumeration of Mihai Bărbulescu’s books focusing on Potaissa indi- cates how a historian of Antiquity must be today, i.e. mastering all the auxiliary dis- ciplines of history, as all these fields of study continuously provide sources for the better knowledge of a past era. Archaeological, figurative, epigraphic and numismatic sources are all pieces of a puzzle that a historian of Antiquity must be able to use in order to reach solid conclusions and to render a picture of a past society as close as possible to how it really was. After a brief foreword presenting the reasons behind writing the book, the author’s intentions and the chosen direction of study, the first part, i.e. I. Orașul și oamenii [The City and its People], describes the ancient city of Potaissa, as Mihai Bărbulescu envisages it. A provincial city, small on the scale of the Empire, cosmo- politan, dominated by the military atmosphere, a city with rich people who acquired artworks. The brief description of Potaissa is a pretext to stressing the role and the place of art and artisanal products in the city, in public and private spaces, in the daily life of the inhabitants. The book is not and was not designed as a complete catalogue of all artistic monu- ments in Potaissa, but it does discuss all art and artisan fields, from stone sculpture, ronde-bosse and relief (religious, funerary, decorative), bronze sculpture, refined crafts, glyptic, coroplasty and architectural decoration. That is, everything connected to aes- thetics, to the artistic expression of beauty. And art objects were not few in Potaissa. One can note the genius from the Museum in Aiud and the statue of a matron with child from the Museum in Cluj. Exceptional pieces, unfortunately fragmentarily pre- served, were also discovered during archaeological excavations performed on Dealul Cetate, such as the head of god Serapis and the torso of Hercules. Beautiful ex-votos from Potaissa probably decorated a temple of Dionysos exca- vated sometime during the 19th century. One notes the heads of Liber and Libera, carved in marble, once part of a statuary group, two bas-reliefs and fragments from Dionysiac groups (a Maenad, two Sileni). The votive items are statistically few in the entire artistic production. Ancient temples are probably still under ground in the areas free of modern constructions on the slopes of Dealul Cetății, in Valea Sândului and on Dealul Zânelor, waiting to be discovered in the future. The case of the funerary monuments is completely different. Mobile since Antiquity, they were moved and reused, as building materials among other things. Numerous funerary stelae, aedicula walls and altars are known from the territory 206 Reviews of Turda. Mihai Bărbulescu analyzes them in details in this book in a sub-chapter in which the archaeologist steps back and the art historian takes over. To the accurate descriptions of the monuments he adds subtle observations of stylistic resemblances, similar models employed and portraiture analyses. The author of Interferențe spiritu- ale [Spiritual Interferences]1 goes from artistic to religious and analyzes the funerary symbols contained by these reliefs that render consecrated scenes of the funerary rep- ertoire, such as the funerary banquet, Attis tristis, Lupa capitolina, but also rare scenes such as the moira Clotho implored by a girl, a matron having her coiffure made by a pectinatrix or Apollo following the nymph Daphne. The analysis of the artistic fields continues with statuettes made of bronze. Some of the most beautiful such items in the province are known from Turda, most of them imports, crafted during the 1st century of our era: Mars, Oriental Venus, Iupiter ful- minans, Liber, or items such as the candle holders in the shape of an acrobat and a Silen displaying a refined craftsmanship. Jewelry items, glyptic items, coroplasty goods and architectural decorations complete this inventory of the artistic fields, com- pleting the modern image over the arts in Potaissa. A consistent analytic chapter is entitled III. Artizani și ateliere [Artisans and workshops]. Attentive to details, the author attempts to and succeeds in identifying groups of monuments with shared tech- nical and stylistic characteristics. As for the possibility of establishing the existence of certain officinae or the circulation of models through pattern books, Professor Mihai Bărbulescu is rather skeptical. He also identifies local products, including most of the funerary sculptures from Potaissa, and imports such as the marble plate with Hercules and Mercurius with the Norican kyma above their heads. The final chapter, V. Soarta monumentelor de artă din Potaissa [The Fate of the Art Monuments from Potaissa] is an interesting chapter that abandons the research of monuments as art works, approached from an aesthetic perspective, and passes onto the realm of detective work. It envisages the life of the monuments from Turda since Antiquity until today, from the destructions of the post-Antique work to those of the medieval and modern periods and even of today. Destruction, but also reuse, storms, anthropic factors and natural causes are all elements that have threatened the artistic production of the former Roman city and continue to threaten it today. Collections that have disappeared, lost monuments, people’s ignorance and evil intentions have all led to the reduction in numbers of the art monuments from the former Potaissa. The repertory of items on which modern people test their erudition would have been otherwise, undoubtedly, richer. I have intentionally approached last the penultimate chapter entitled simply, like the book, IV. Arta romană la Potaissa [Roman Art in Potaissa]. There, under the pretext of defining the concept of provincial art, Mihai Bărbulescu discusses the issue of Romanization in the context of the post-modern cultural relativism that, in his opinion, also touches the historical studies focused on Antiquity. This is much more than a terminological debate and in this chapter one can observe, in filigree, the author’s historical vision. Bărbulescu rightfully notes that the replacement of the term Romanization invented by Th. Mommsen with the term Creolization and the 1 M. Bărbulescu, Interferențe spirituale în Dacia romană, Cluj-Napoca 1984, 2nded. 2003. Reviews 207 use of concepts such as imperialism and colonialism in regard to the Roman Empire are phenomena generated by the new ideologies. The author believes that the desire to demolish the old concepts / myths simply originates in the adoption of the new in the detriment of the old. In fact, each historian is the prisoner of his own social and cultural environment, of the Zeitgeist, and therefore today the resistance in face of Romanization is more significant than Romanization itself, the few local sherds are more important than the mountains of common Roman pottery fragments and the limes no longer divides, but it unites. For this reason the process of acculturation in provincial art in bi-directional according to some: not only the provinces adopted the Roman canon as much as they were able, but also the art of Rome became provincial. The author recommends moderation and common sense with the words of Marcus Aurelius: let us change what should be changed and preserve what should be preserved and let us have the wisdom to differentiate between the two situations. In the end one must evaluate this book that is not only for specialists but can be read by any person of culture. It is a book of cultural history and the text is not charged with the anesthetizing jargon of professional art historians. It is a polemical book where Mihai Bărbulescu expresses with clarity his choices on how historical writing should be, on the one hand, and how it must redirect society, at its different levels, in regard to the cultural heritage of Antiquity. Sorin Nemeti Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca sorinnemeti@yahoo.com 208 Reviews Ze’ev Safrai, The Economy of Roman Palestine, Routledge, London and New York 2014, 500 pages, 104 figures. The book entitled The Economy of Roman Palestine was first time published in 1994 and it brought the prize Yad Ben-Zvi for the author. Chronologically the research was focusing on the Land of Israel during the Roman period, from the destruction of the second Temple (70 AD) until the middle of the 4th century AD. The most important sources of the present work consist of Talmudic texts, the scholar trying to restore their value as historical sources. He emphasizes the unique character of this literature, given by the fact that it emerged mostly in a rural commu- nity, in opposition to the Roman literary sources, which reflect the experience of the aristocracy, those people associated with the imperial and urban establishment. The rabbinic sources are the only literary sources from the Roman period (excepting some Egyptian papyri) which refer to the native population of a land, and were very lightly influenced by the imperial culture and by the religion. This fact has a particular impor- tance in enlarging our perspectives on the economical activities in the rural areas of other frontier provinces, as Roman Dacia. However, the author accepts that some non-rabbinic Jewish sources (Flavius Josephus, Philon, evangelists of the New Testament, Qumran texts) can offer some help in reconstructing the economy of the Roman Palestine, but this kind of sources does not have such an importance in the research. The most important aspect of the book is that this corroborates different types of sources. Archaeological evidences and inscriptions have been integrated in the research, sources that prove the economic reality depicted by the Talmudic sources. For instance, synagogue inscriptions reveal the custom described in the rabbinic literature. The author emphasizes that the rab- binic literature does not present a uniform stereotypical picture about the power and influence of the rabbis in the society, fact that increases the credibility of these sources. The structure of the book is clear and easy to follow. A List of the figures used in the book, followed by Acknowledgements and Abbreviations, were set up at the begin- ning of the work. The introduction represents a review of the main questions arising from the topic, sketching methods and perspectives followed in the research. The main questions raised from the subject were organized in six main chapters, which were divided in several well pointed out topics. 1. Settlement patterns. Classification of settlements; The polis; The town; The village; The villa; Spatial structure. The author established three types of settlements in the Roman Palestine: the polis (kerakh), the town, the village and the villa. The chapter dedicated to the polis (kerakh) makes a review of the evolution of Palestinian cities from the Hellenistic to the early Arab period based on the geo-polit- ical criteria. The author pointed out that from the geographic point of view there are three general characteristics of urbanization: (1) the foundation of new cities; (2) the Reviews 209 growth of existing cities; (3) a selection process. He agrees with the importance of the road networks (natural cities), but political criteria must have also a great impor- tance in the rapid urbanization (artificial cities). This point of view can be divided into three basic categories: coastal cities (Greek colonies), cities belonging to the mountain regions (eg. Samaria - the future Sebaste, Jerusalem) and cities of the inner plan (e.g. Geba, Pegai). The author establishes the characteristics of the Palestinian cities: large popula- tion, institutional structure, and control over the neighboring region, architecture, social stratification, larger than the rural settlement, sources of employment, local mercantile center, and Hellenistic population. The most important official person in the economic sphere was the agoranomos (astinomos), mentioned quite often in the Talmudic literature. He was in charge of caring for the supply of goods for the city, of setting prices, of certifying weights and measures, of checking the quality of produces and of supervising the activity of market places. The towns in the Roman Palestine, called ‘yr in Hebrew and krt’ in Aramaic, rep- resented a continuation of the Israelite and Hellenistic period settlements. Until the Bar-Kochba revolt the population was entirely Jewish, therefore most of the Talmudic literature was acquainted in those towns. Regarding the extension of a town Safrai’s opinion is that any settlement less than 100-120 males of military age can be consid- ered a village (100-250 families), while a large town can host more than 1000 small families. Large archaeological excavations undertaken in several towns (Capernaum, Um Rihan) reveal data about the external form of a town. The basic building in the property of a family is the “courtyard” including residential and non-residential rooms and an open courtyard. They were often built very close to the others and the more external courtyards seemed to form a wall. Usually the Romans granted a large autonomy for the Jewish towns, excepting occasional periods of political or religious oppressions. The community was lead by the council of “seven town elders” which controlled the finances of the town. The local town assembly elected the institution of the three “archons” led by a mayor. Unlike the poleis the residents of Jewish villages could be elected regardless of social and economic position. It is an important aspect that the towns supported the entire infra- structure of the education of the children. The elementary level was obligatory and the more advanced level of education took place at the synagogue or even in separate school buildings. This education system expresses the unique nature of the ancient Jewish society, creating an educated and enlightened workforce. The Talmudic sources state that the Jewish towns had a well-organized infra- structure (construction of roads, inns and cisterns, lighting of public buildings and of dark streets, bathhouses and lavatories, the service of a doctor etc.). The village distinguishes from the town in two main aspects. The village had no municipal institutions and no services; however there are some cases which indicate a certain degree of communal services (building of roads to satellite villages in the vicinity of village Thulth, Samaria). The village was dependent of the towns in terms of trade and commerce (market days and large seasonal markets in the town). The trave- ling salesman (rochel) represented the most important commercial link between the town and the village. He is acting in those areas, where was no economic justification 210 Reviews for the establishment of a permanent store. The rochel dealt especially with expensive merchandise, such as perfumes and spices, selling mostly for women. The sources indi- cate that he traveled on foot only with a small box. The owner of a villa was usually a rich man who lived mostly in the polis and had usually non-Jewish origins, connected to the Hellenistic culture. The farmstead was of great importance in the economic life of a region. The owners used the latest innovations in technology and in planning the agricultural strategy. Many of the vil- las had aqueducts, drainage system, bridges and roads and other installations used to increase the agricultural potential. There were, however, Jewish estate owners such as Rabbi Judah, the Prince who received estate from the emperor. The author makes an extensive review of the existing villas in the different regions of Palestine (Lod, Judaea, Galilee) based on Talmudic and Christian sources, as well as on archaeological excavations. Regarding the spatial structure, the scholar pointed out that the Roman Province of Judaea was characterized by a variation of different geographical, historical and ethnical make-up. Pagan, Samaritan and Jewish settlements were often located quite close to each other. In this chapter, Safrai presents a descriptive model of a regional structure in the village sphere (see Figure 31), which consists of a central polis sur- rounded by suburbs, agricultural territory, several townships, offshoot settlements and villas, connected by roads with other regions. The structure is modular and totals the geographic, historical and ethnic factors of each region. 2. Modes of production. Agriculture; Crafts and industry; Services; Appendix: grain consumption in the Jewish farmstead system. The author widely discusses the relationship between the agriculture in Judaea and the economy in general. The approach is based on statistics, calculation of costs and profit depending on the consumption and the dining customs of the period. He concludes that the agriculture of the ancient Palestine was self-sufficient, but occa- sionally the imported products can be taken into account, such as spices or wheat, in the time of droughts or during the Sabbatical Year. The most important and profitable agricultural products were wheat, olives (for oil), grape (for vine), flax, dates and balsam. The last one is a luxury perfume plant which made Palestine famous in the whole Roman Empire. The only region within the Empire in which the balsam was cultivated was the Jordan Valley, which made the groves expensive. Fishing and grazing were of great importance in the economy of the Roman Palestine. Fish was considered part of the Sabbath meal, therefore was a widespread industry in the coastal settlements, but fish were grown in special pools or in fish- pond attached to reach villas. Regarding the grazing, the author pointed out that in Palestine the majority of sheep were grown for wool and milk. Even if the halachah forbade the raising of the sheep in the Land of Israel, this activity was largely practiced in areas bordering the desert (Judean desert, southern part of the mount Hebron). Further, Safrai discuss extensively a large variation of agricultural products, as well as their ads to the economical system: the raising of doves, fowls, peasant, the produce of honey, salt supply etc. Reviews 211 In the chapter dedicated to crafts and industry, the various categories of labor were grouped in the context of their economical application. 1. Farm produce labors; 2. Export industry; 3. Local industry; 4. Services. The basic farm produces such as flour, oil and vine imply specific technical instal- lations such as mill, olive and vine press which can be studied thanks to the archaeo- logical investigations. The industries producing for import were widely discussed too in the book. The textile industry was depending on raising and flax growing. Safrai mentions several cases which prove that the workers and factories were organized in “guilds”, in Roman Palestine, too. The scholar pointed out that one of the most important quarries of sand was situated in the Acco Valley, and provided the row material for the production of glass in Sidon. Many Talmudic sources refer to glassmakers in Palestine, to their uten- sils and to the type of vessels produced. Furnaces had been excavated in Beth Shearim. Regarding the industry of pottery, it is remarkable that the Talmudic sources men- tion over 120 different types of pottery. Even if Palestine seems to be self-sufficient in its basic pottery, the archeological remains prove that luxury pottery vessels were imported especially from east (Cyprus and Syria), but some came from Italy, too. According to Safrai, the most important question the future researches should answer to is the numerical relationship between the importee wares and the local ones. Other types of industries, such as the metal industry, the papyrus industry, the mat or the stone industry had been of secondary importance in the economy of Roman Palestine. It is clear that the Jewish towns, but sometimes also small villages, were self-suf- ficient regarding the provision and services for the residents. Talmudic sources men- tion many types of artisans, which mean that the farmer did not have to undertake all labors by himself, but that he was supported by the service system of the settlement (bakers, slaughters, carpenters etc.). 3. Trade in Land of Israel in the Roman period. Trade in Land of Israel in the Roman period during the Second Temple period; Local trade in the rural settlement; Regional commerce; Regional markets and fairs; The nature of regional trade; Inter- regional and international trade; The transportation system; Trade arrangements; Means of payment; Customs; The economic utopia of Rabbinic thought; The ethnic background of merchants; Appendix 1: the wheat trade; Appendix 2: trade during the Sabbatical Year. The following chapter examines the structure of the trade during the Roman period. This is one of the most extensive and complex part of the book. The local trade in the rural settlement was undertaken by farmers, who were selling their surplus products on the market. Every town had at least one store which was possible to rent or to hire. Sometimes the stores were doubled with a restaurant where processed food had been served. In a small town the merchant or a shopkeeper could act as a money- changer. A large-scale merchant, called tagar, acted especially in wheat trade. A village settlement needed a trade-network in order to be able to market the surplus and buy produces for their necessities. The road network could show a spider model or a net model, the last one being predominant in the Roman Palestine. The major inter-village and inter-regional trade was based on donkey or camel caravans. 212 Reviews Some Talmudic sources mention a regional market taking place on Mondays and Thursdays, however it seems that their laws (for ex. a virgin was wed on Wednesday) referred to the earlier (Hellenistic) period. The scholar analyzes the characteristic of fairs and its religious implication, as well as the phenomenon of tax reductions or exemptions. Since the fairs in the Roman Empire were dedicated to pagan divinities (Fortuna, Tyche) the rabbis forbade having benefit from a market and the merchandise purchased there had to be destroyed. The author, through a review of fairs in the Land of Israel (Gaza, Hamat Gader, Ascalon, Ptolemais, Tyre, Beth Gubrin, Bet Shean, Emmaus, Fig. 53), discusses about the geo- graphic significance, the economical, religious as well as the social gathering and amusement of this forum of trade. The regional and inter regional trade was undertaken by a chain of professional middlemen, for transporting the produce to the market. This aspect, connected with a performed transportation system (road network, see Figures 55-66) was largely dis- cussed in the book. The author emphasizes the importance of understanding the form of the road system (cluster analyzes) which influenced a number of issues regarding the economic structure: settlement hierarchy and the level of commercial develop- ment. The book is dealing with the means of transport, the road services (inns), and the function of the moneychangers in the society. In Safrai’s view, the negative atti- tude of the Talmudic sources regarding the commerce don’t reflect the reality, rather a rabbinic view of a closed economic system with no buying and selling of agricultural produces. 4. The organization framework of farming. Agrarian structure; The influence of the Roman army in Judaea; Taxes; The rural economic system; The structure of the farm system; The economy of the polis; The balance of the trade; The currency. The fourth chapter is giving an overview on the different aspects of the economic structure in Roman Palestine. In the author’s view, it is very important to establish the different types of landowners (imperial estates, private estates: urban, church, reach landowners and small farmers), while the numerical relationship between them deter- mined not only the whole agrarian process but the social structure too. Safrai pointed out that the taxes for supporting army represented an important inflow of capital in the provinces. The consumption of the large army is one of the most significant frameworks of the economy in this small province. However, taxes were an important component of the gross national product, the scholar emphasizing that it is almost impossible to determine how much taxes were paid by the inhabitants of Palestine and what was the percentage of contributions in cash or in agricultural produce. Based on crop and price calculations, as well as on the actual size of the agri- cultural holdings, Safrai establishes that the minimum of land necessary to support a family was around 20 dunams (20.000 square meters). On these grounds, the Jewish farm was an agricultural unit characterized by small-scale, private, intensive, highly professional and dependent on self-labor production. It is clear also that the agricul- ture in Israel was based on the specialization of each region (grain and grapes - Judaea, olives, flax, grazing, fishing - Galilee). Reviews 213 The scholar dedicated a chapter for the numismatic evidence, which has a pri- mary importance regarding the external trade of the Roman Palestine. His approach is based on publications, as well as on direct examination of coins kept in the Eretz Israel Museum of Tel Aviv. Out of the 3000 city coins (provincial issues), 42% was from the land of Israel, 28% from Phoenicia, 8% from Transjordan, 10% from cities in Syria and 16% from Alexandria. This picture, of course, is problematical, since the collection is eclectic and new excavations could significantly change the statistics. Based on numismatic evidence, the trade of land of Israel had two directions: trade with neighbors, trade with foreign cities - Alexandria, Antiochia etc. However, the picture offered by the examination of the city coinage cannot be complete due to the fact that these coins were minted from copper and low denominations are not totally representative of trade which was conducted to a great extent with gold and silver coins. The book cannot give a complete picture on currencies in Roman Palestine; he is rather sketching tendencies regarding coin circulation. There were relatively few coins in the province between 70 AD to 284 AD, then the number of coins increased dramatically in the 4th century AD and clearly slowed down in the 5th century AD, that is a general tendency in the eastern part of the Empire. The theoretical debate regard- ing increase and decrease of currency (reflecting inflation or economic development) is only partially touched in the book, without a final solution for this topic. 5. Open or closed economy in the Land of Israel during the Roman period? The problem; Surplus production; Branches of industry; Service network; Appendix: price index of Judaea in the Roman period (methodology). This chapter represents the key question of the study, which was answered in the entire book trough the examination of all the aspects of the economic structure in its high complexity. In order to prove that the Land of Israel was a province which was part of a much larger economic system, the scholar recapitulates the arguments exposed extensively in the former chapters: the surplus production of vine and oil in the specialized regions, the import of wheat, the braches of industry with wide scope of production of linen, wool, glass etc. 6. Demographic multiplication and economic growth. Economic growth; Conclusions. Based on archaeological survey, the Figures 102 and 103 show a clear-cut increase of settlements in Palestine in the Roman-Byzantine period, which indicates a demo- graphic multiplication, too. The increase of settlements starting from the Roman period was explained by two parallel processes which were intertwined: economic growth and demographic multiplication. The intensification of agricultural produc- tion was possible thanks to new settlements in abandoned regions, to the establish- ment of satellite settlements, to intensive cultivation, to the introduction of new crops, and of new labor techniques, of hydro-technical innovations and to the development of the new area of craftsmanship (e.g. “the flax revolution”). This work is completed with two appendixes. The Appendix 1, representing a very useful lexicon of the rabbinical literature, explains the most important terms 214 Reviews and concepts (Talmud, Midrash, Halachah, Torah, Rabbi etc.) sustained by different rabbinic schools (batei midrash) between the 1st - 4th centuries AD. The Appendix 2 contains the abbreviations used in the book for rabbinical texts. The bibliography is divided in two parts; the fist part is dedicated to the antic sources used in the book, and the second one to the modern literature. The book is completed by an index of quoted places and subjects. The importance of this book for the knowledge concerning ancient economy and especially Roman Palestine is indubitably. The approach of professor Ze’ev Safrai is useful not only for the historians of economy but for everybody who wishes to understand different processes in ancient history. The book exposes in a theoretical approach patterns, without giving a generalized or schematic view of the reality. The study always takes into account the relativity of the sources (literary, numismatic or archaeological ones). Agnes Găzdac National History Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca alfoldyagnes@yahoo.com Acta Musei Napocensis, 52/I, 2015, p. 215-220 ABBREVIATIONS The following list contains abbreviations which are not included in the list at http://www.annee-philologique.com/files/sigles_fr.pdf. AB (S. N.) ACMIT Analele Banatului, Timișoara; Serie Nouă (S. N.). Anuarul Comisiunii Monumentelor Istorice, Secțiunea pentru Transilvania, Cluj. ActaMN (AMN) ActaMP ActaTS ActMuz AE AIIACluj AIJ Acta Musei Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca. Acta Musei Porolissensis, Zalău. Acta Terrae Septemcastrensis, Sibiu. Din activitatea muzeelor, Cluj-Napoca. L’Annee Epigraphique, Paris. Anuarul Institutului de Istorie și Arheologie, Cluj-Napoca. V. Hoffiller, B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien, Heft 1: Noricum und Pannonia Superior, Zagreb 1938. AISC AJA Alba Regia Anuarul Institutului de Studii Clasice, Cluj-Napoca. American Journal of Archaeology, Boston. Alba Regia. Annales Musei Stephani Regis - Alba Regia. A Szent Istvân Kirâly Muzeum Evkonyve, Szekesfehervâr. Aluta AMS Aluta. Revista Muzeului Național Secuiesc, Sfântu Gheorghe. Asia Minor Studien. Forschungsstelle Asia Minor im Seminar fur Alte Geschichte der Westfalischen Wilhelms-Universitat Munster. Angustia ANRW Angustia. Revista Muzeului Carpaților Răsăriteni, Sfântu Gheorghe. H. Temporini, W. Haase (Hrsgg.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, Berlin - New York. AO AOAT Arhivele Olteniei, Craiova. Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Veroffentlichungen zur Kul- tur und Geschichte des alten Orients und des Alten Testament, Kevelar/Neurkirchen-Vluyn, Munster. Apulum Apulum. Anuarul Muzeului Național al Unirii din Alba Iulia, Alba Iulia. ArchAnz Apxeo^oria ArchKozl ArhHung Archaologischer Anzeiger, Berlin. Apxeonoria. CninKa apoexeonoriB ykpaiHu, Kiev. Archeologiai Kozlemenyek, Budapest. Archaeologia Hungarica. Dissertationes Archaeologicae Musei Nationalis Hungarici a Consilio Arcaeologorum Academiae Scien- tiarum Hungaricae redactae, Budapest. ArhMold ArhVest Banatica BAR BCMI BHAUT Arheologia Moldovei, Iași. Arheoloski Vestnik, Ljubljana. Banatica, Reșița. British Archaeological Reports, Oxford. Buletinul Comisiei Monumentelor Istorice, București. Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Universitatis Timisiensis, Timișoara. BMC H. Mattingly, R. Carson (eds.), Coins of the British Museum, Lon- don 1923. 216 Abbreviations CA CAB Cercetări Arheologice. Muzeul Național de Istorie, București. Cercetări Arheologice în București. Muzeul de Istorie și Artă al Municipiului București. CCA CCCA Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice din România, București. M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus cultus Cybelae Attidisque VI, Leyden 1989. CCDJ CCID Cultură și civilizație la Dunărea de Jos, Călărași. M. Horig, E. Schwertheim (eds.), Corpus cultus lovis Dolicheni, EPRO 106, Leiden 1987. CCIS CFNor E. N. Lane, Corpus cultus Iovis Sabazii, Leyden 1985. M. Hainzmann, Corpus F.E.R.C.AN. Fontes epigraphici religionum Celticarum antiquarum, I, 2, Die epigraphischen Testimonien, im Druck. Ch&K Chaos e Kosmos. Per Tommaso Marciano, Roma, http://www.cha- osekosmos.it/pdf/2009_01.pdf. CIG CIGD Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, I-IV, Berlin 1828-1877. L. Ruscu, Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Dacicarum, HPS 10, Debrecen 2003. CIL CIMRM Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin 1863 sqq. M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religio- nis Mithriacae, I-II, The Hague 1956, 1960. Civilta Classica et Christiana Civiltă romana in Romania, Roma 1970. Classica et Christiana. Revista Centrului de Studii Clasice și Creștine, Iași. CMRDM E. N. Lane, Corpus monumentorum religionis Dei Menis, Leiden 1976. CMRED D. Tudor, Corpus monumentorum religionis equitum Danuvinorum, I-II, Leiden 1969-1976. CommArchHung Comunicări de geologie Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungaricae, Budapest. Comunicări de geologie. Societatea de Științe Naturale și Geografie a Republicii Populare Romîne, București. Crisia CSIR A Cs^ki Szekely Muzeum Evkonyve Cumidava DA Crisia. Muzeul Țării Crișurilor, Oradea. Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani. A Cs^ki Szekely Muzeum Evkonyve, Miercurea Ciuc. Cumidava. Muzeul Județean de Istorie, Brașov. Ch. V. Daremberg, Ed. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines, d’apres les textes et les monuments, Paris 1877-1919. Dacia (N. S.) Dacia - Recherches et decouvertes archeologiques en Roumanie; Nouvelle Serie (N. S.): Dacia - Revue d’archeologie et d’histoire ancienne, București. A Debreceni Deri Muzeum Evkonyve DissPann Dizionario Epigrafico A Debreceni Deri Muzeum Evkonyve. Annales Musei Debrecenien- sis de Friederico Deri nominate, Debrecen. Dissertationes Pannonicae, Budapest. E. di Ruggiero (ed.), Dizionario epigrafico di antichită romane, I-III, Roma 1895-1922. Dolgozatok/Travaux Dolgozatok az Erdelyi Nemzeti Muzeum Erem es Regisegtârâbol, Kolozsvâr (Cluj) / Travaux de la section numismatique et archeolo- gique du Musee National de Transylvanie ă Kolozsvâr (Cluj). Drobeta Drobeta, Drobeta-Turnu Severin. Abbreviations 217 EDCS Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/ Slaby (http://www.manfredclauss. de/). EDR Ephemeris Dacoromana. Annuario della Scuola Romena di Roma, Roma. EN EphEp Ephemeris Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca. Ephemeris Epigraphica: Corporis inscriptionum Latinarum supple- mentum, Roma 1872 sqq. Epigraphische Studien EPRO Epigraphische Studien, Bonn. Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire romain, Leiden. ErdMuz FolArch Glasnik GLIA Erdelyi Muzeum. Kiadja az Erdelyi Muzeum Egyesulet, Kolozsvâr. Folia Archaeologica. Annales Musei Nationalis Hungarici, Budapest. Glasnik Srpskog Arheoloskog Drustva, Belgrade. S. Mitchell, D. 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