ACTA MVSEI
NAPOCENSIS
43-44/1
2006-2007 (2008)
MINISTERUL CULTURII ȘI CULTELOR
MUZEUL NATIONAL DE ISTORIE A TRANSILVANIEI
>
ACTA MVSEI
NAPOCENSIS
43-44/1
CLUJ-NAPOCA
2006-2007 (2008)
REDAKTION
Schriftleitung: loan Piso
Mitglieder: Wemer Eck, Eugen laroslavschi, Viorica Rusu-Bolindeț, Radu Ardevan
Redaktionssekretariat: Rada Varga
Bildbearbeitung: Torok Kâroly, Cristina Țopan
Technische Redaktion und Druck - MEGA Prinț SRL, Cluj-Napoca
Dieser Bând wurde mit Finanzierung des Kulturministeriums gedruckt.
Griinder: Constantin Daicoviciu
ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENS1S Publicația Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei Orice corespondență se va adresa:	ACTA MVSEI NAPOCENSIS Publication du Musee National d’Histoire de la Transylvanie Toute correspondance sera envoyee â l’adresse:
Muzeului Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei	Musee National d’Histoire de la Transylvanie
400020 Cluj Napoca Str. Constantin Daicoviciu nr. 2 Tel: 0040 264 595677 Fax: 0040 264 591718 email: secretariat@mnit.ro	400020 Cluj Napoca Rue: Constantin Daicoviciu nr. 2 Tel: 0040 264 595677 Fax: 0040 264 591718 email: secretariat@mnit.ro
Umschlagbild: Amazonenmaske, Gilău
ISSN 1454-1521
Copyright: © by Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei
CONTENTS - INHALT - SOMMAIRE
Mihai Wittenberger
Economical life in Noua Culture in the Transylvanian Late Bronze Age.........5
Mihai Rotea, Monica Tecar, Szabolcs Nagy, Paul Pupeză,
Tiberiu Tecar, Luminița Săsăran
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations.............................47
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world.
Eastern sigillata B.........................................................89
Valentin Bottez
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.).....111
loan Piso
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa.151
loan Piso
Note sur le territorium Arcobadarense......................................163
loan Piso, Felix Marcu
La cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum en Dacie....................................167
Vasile Moga, loan Piso, Matei Drîmbăreanu
L’aigle de la legio XIII Gemina............................................177
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen...................................185
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Neue Paraderiistungen aus Dakien...........................................211
Rada Varga
The peregrine names from Dacia............................................233
Petru Ureche
About the tactics and fighting particularity of the auxiliary infantry
in Roman Dacia............................................................247
George Cupcea
Speculatores in Dacia. Missions and careers...............................263
Radu Ardevan
In memoriam Adela Paki....................................................281
Abbreviations - Abkiirzungen - Abreviations...............................287
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43—44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 5—46
ECONOMICAL LIFE IN NOUA CULTURE IN THE
Transylvanian Late Bronze Age
Mihai Wittenberger
The Noua culture received its name from I. Nestor on the basis of the finds
from Noua, nowadays a neighbourhood of Brașov city1. It is the last of the
Transylvanian Bronze Age cultures, integrated into the Noua-Sabatinovka-
Coslogeni cultural complex, defined as such by S. Morintz2. Its formation area is
somewhere in the northem-Pontic steppes. What is specific of this culture is its
extraordinary ability to adapt to the local conditions. I am referring to the rapid
takeover of the indigenous way of life and a strong cultural and ethnic
interference3, whose traces can be found in nearly all archaeological discoveries
from Transylvania. Until recently, most investigations used to classify Noua
populations as being nomads or semi-nomads. Basing myself on archaeological
discoveries, I had a hard time agreeing with this idea, because this period was
characterised by a real economic “boom” being the most prolific in the entire
Bronze Age.
The present paper is an attempt, based on and limited by the amount of the
available information, to shed light over the character of the economy existing
within the Transylvanian Noua culture. Starting from the inventory of the
settlements discovered, one can outline an image of the economic life in Noua
communities: osteological remains testify about animal breeding; carbonized
grains, as well as the tools discovered bring forward important data on crop
cultivation, the diet and household economy at the time. The presence of bronze
items and of moulds provides an image, although incomplete, of the metallurgy at
the end of the Bronze Age.
1 Nestor 1932, 116-117.
2 Morintz 1978, passim.
3 Wittenberger 2006a, 146-155.
6
Mihai Wittenberger
Occupations
1.	Animal breeding
I prefer using the term “animal breeding” instead of “herding”, because it
avoids an inappropriate interpretation of an important economic activity. Contrary
to some older theories, identifying the breeding of big-homed cattle as the main
occupation4, I believe that Noua culture was characterised by a mixed economy,
both agricultural and pastoral. Although statistically cattle bones are more
numerous, osteological analyses have proven that there were plenty of other
domesticated animals, as well: ovicaprids, pigs, horses, and activities connected to
crop cultivation have also been archaeologically testified.
At the few Noua sites in Transylvania where statistical analyses have been
carried out on osteological material, the results reveal a relatively even number of
big-homed cattle and ovicaprid individuals. Of course, this bestows upon cattle a
bigger quantitative weight, to the detriment of smaller animals. However, the
following remark is called for: taking into account the existence of small
communities and of relatively small agricultural areas, the presence of ovicaprids
and big cattle on the same pastures is practically impossible! Under these
circumstances, the system most likely to be used and still in use today is probably
that of separate herds. Thus, ovicaprids were herded to other pastures than those
visited by big cattle, or taken to fields big cattle had already been on. The presence
of several species of domesticated animals in the settlements proves that Noua
culture bearers were practicing animal breeding differently than nomadic
populations; it is common knowledge that the latter were (and still are) specialized
in the breeding of only one type of animal (either cattle or ovicaprids), to which
can be added - maybe - horses and dogs5. N. I. Schishlina studied the pastoral
system of populations in the Caspian steppes throughout the Bronze Age6. Three
theories are hereby enumerated, theories that have obviously evolved, following
the accumulation of information. Gryaznov’s theory, dating from 1955, reveals the
shepherds’ uninterrupted daily movement; Schilov, in 1975, believed that small
groups migrated on a seasonal basis ; and Rassamakin, in 1994, considered that
there used to be a mixed economy: both pastoral and agricultural. This third
system seems to resemble the most the one in the Carpathian arch.
4 Florescu 1964, 162; Haimovici 1990, 127; Sava 2005, 143-159.
5 Sherratt 1982, 92.
6 Shishlina 2001,347-349.
Economical life in Noua Culture
7
Referring to the bearers of the Noua culture, it must be emphasised that
breeding activities played a very important role in their economy. That is what
made some authors argue that Noua population would be semi-nomadic7.
However, I believe that, should one analyze attentively the information on the
fauna in Noua settlements, a more nuanced image could be outlined on their
animal breeding activities.
Comparative table of the fauna in Noua settlements, broken down to
percentages per number of individuals
Moldavia, according to A. C. Florescu and S. Haimovici8
Settlement	Bos taurus %	Ovis aries / capra hircus %	Sus scrofa domesticus %	Equus caballus %	Caniș familiaris %	Wild animals %
Valea Lupului-Iași	62.13	18.03	9.37	8.10	0.65	1.75
Piatra Neamț-Ciritei	65.08	7.77	9.84	6.39	1.65	9.18
Bîrlad	53.09	18.99	10.53	14.65	0.23	2.51
Gîrbovăț level 2	65.74	18.43	8.90	4.50	0.45	1.98
Gîrbovăț level 1	59.19	24.96	8.93	4.25	0.45	2.22
Bessarabia, according to O. Levițki and E. Sava9
Settlement	Bos taurus %	Ovis aries / capra hircus %	Sus scrofa domesticus %	Equus caballus %	Caniș familiaris %	Camelus bactrianus %	Birds %	Wild animals %
Petrușeni	64.5	19.2	9.7	6	0.03	0.02	0.05	7.3
Transylvania, according to G. El Sussi10 and D. Bindea11
Settlement	Bos taurus %	Ovis aries / capra hircus %	Sus scrofa domesticus %	Equus caballus %	Caniș familiaris %	Birds and unidentified %	Wild animals
Deuș	29.5	32	14.5	5	1	5.5	12.5
Mera	35.2	33.4	15.6	7.3	0.8		7.7
Zoltan	28	32.6	19.2	8.2	0.8		11.2
7 Florescu 1964, 142; Haimovici 1964, 182; Haimovici 1990, 62; Sava 2005, 143-159.
8 Florescu 1964, 165.
9 Levițki, Sava 1992, 130.
10 El Sussi 2002, 153-174.
11 Bindea, Ph.D. thesis, kind information.
8
Mihai Wittenberger
The herein presented data reveal significant differences between
Transylvania and Moldavia, related to the representativeness of certain animal
species. A comparison with the Wietenberg culture can help understand the
mutations occurring within the Noua culture.
Wietenberg culture, Derșida12
Bos taurus %	Ovis aries/ Capra hircus %	Sus scrofa domesticus %	Caniș familiaris %	Equus caballus %	Wild animals %
25.7%	28.3	25.1	5.6	3.7	11.3
It can be noted that there is a close connection between the Wietenberg and
Noua cultures, related to the representativeness (in percentages) of big cattle and
the ovicaprids. Furthermore, it seems that porcine have had a wider represent-
ativeness in the Wietenberg culture.
Skipping the strictly quantitative data related to the presence of the various
species in Noua settlements, an interesting element, also revealed by statistics, is
the animals’ sacrification age. In the case of cattle and horses, most of the
individuals are adult: 56.3% mature horses; 87% mature cattle; 97% adult and sub-
adult porcine; 70% juvenile ovicaprids. As for ovicaprids, the juvenile sacrification
ratio is almost the same nowadays. The birth rate and family characteristics make
possible the recovery of all the needed individuals in spring, the reproductive
maturity period being of about 8 months. On the basis of data from the Zoltan
settlement, G. El Sussi13 argues that 34% of the cattle were exploited for
productive purposes: traction, milk and meat (66%). Quite probably, big breeding
cattle were only sacrificed when they reached full maturity or in special cases
(accidents, illness, lack of fodder). The existence of a special interest in cattle has
also been proven by the presence of castrated animals14, used exclusively for
traction and meat.
2.	Hunting and fishing
As proven by archaeological findings, other frequent occupations were
hunting and fishing. The presence of wild boar, bear, rabbit, stag and bison bones
are eloquent in this respect, even though they do not exceed 10% of the total
12 Bindea, unpublished, kind information.
13 El Sussi 2002, 159.
14 El Sussi 2002, 166.
Economical life in Noua Culture
9
number of individuals. Most probably, in winter hunting was one of the most
important occupations. The discovery of antler skates, both in Moldavia:
Cavadinești, Bărboasa, Trușești and in Transylvania: Sebeș15 and Mera, pl. 1 could
be an argument in favour of this idea. At Zoltan16 and Mera have been discovered
arrowheads, harpoons and fishing hooks pl. 2, pl. 3, pl. 4. The specialization of the
arrowheads proves that hunting was a relatively important occupation, although
seasonal. In the area dominated by the Noua culture, besides tubular arrows having
an eastern origin, exceptionally well-crafted three-edged arrows have been found.
They were meant for precision shooting appropriated for hunting big animals. In
the case of the arrows from Mera, one can notice that the angle between the three
sides is perfect: 120°. Moreover, the guiding edge perpendicular on the string is 2
mm taller than the other two, which gives the arrow an impressively precise
rotation and ballistic trajectory17. Naturally, these arrows could also be used as
weapons. A fishing pin made of bronze was discovered at Zoltan pl. 3/2, with
analogies in eastem-European, Uralic areas18. The presence of his type of pin in
Transylvania’s eastem regions can be explained by the eastern tradition, which
obviously the bearers of the Noua culture did no longer preserve. The impressive
dimensions of the pin must also be noted, as it shows the rivers’ abundance in fish,
at that time.
I believe that the following conclusions can be outlined about animal
breeding and hunting among Noua populations in Transylvania:
•	There is a remarkable difference in what the representativeness of big-homed
cattle is concerned between eastem-Carpathian areas and Transylvania:
61.62% of the total number of individuals, as compared to 30.9%. The
difference is caused by the different specificity of the Transylvanian relief, on
the one hand, and on the other, by the traditions of the indigenous populations.
•	The representativeness of ovicaprids is significantly bigger in Transylvania,
32.66%, as compared to 17.89% in eastem regions.
•	From a quantitative viewpoint, big cattle represented the main source of
nourishment.
•	The fact that about 87% of cattle were sacrificed when reaching maturity
shows that they were also used for labour, which is also emphasised by the
presence of castrated animals.
” Florescu 1991,321.
l6Cavruc 1998, 226-228.
17 Dobroiu 1982, 27.
18 Cavruc 1990, 125-126; Grigorycv 1998, 114.
10
Mihai Wittenberger
•	The presence to a bigger percentage of game in settlements in Transylvania can
indicate on the one hand a significant preoccupation for this activity, and on
the other, the abundance of wild animals.
3.	Agriculture
Next to animal breeding, crop cultivation was another very important
occupation. The discovery of many hoes, “tupic” bone sickles or sickles made of
bronze, with a hook or a tongue attached to the handle is conclusive evidence in
this respect. Many grinding mill fragments were discovered at Buza, Mera, Deuș,
Nicoleni and Zoltan. Moreover, in Deuș, Mera and Buza were discovered
carbonized grains: wheat (Triticum monococum and Triticum dicocum), rye
(Saecale saecale), chick peas (Cicer arrietinum sp) and buckwheat (Fagyparum
sagitatum)^. The placement of cereals in graves as offerings (Cluj - Banatului St.)
is yet another piece of evidence of the agricultural activities practiced - it is
common knowledge that the placement of cereals as offerings is an exclusive
attribute of agricultural, sedentary populations. E. Sava identified five kinds of
wheat in the eastem-Carpathian area: Triticum aestiva, Triticum compactum,
Triticum Spelta, Triticum dicocum and Triticum monococum, apart from leguminous
plants such as millet, buckwheat and peas, and cereals like rye and barley20.
The discoveries made up to now do not allow for a clear Identification of
the way in which the land was worked; quite probably, a crop rotation system was
used. The hoes, coulters and the various tools that could by used in agriculture
indicate the presence of a subsistence agriculture, but allowing for a big enough
diversity of' cereals and vegetables to satisfy the needs of a small community. From
the site at Buza were uncovered two items that could be hoes21,p/. 5. The two items
made of young cervid antler must have been used as hoes or coulters. The third
one, made of mature cervid antler has a slot for the fastening of a more solid piece,
made of stone or bronze, pl. 5/1. The presence of flat stoves can indicate the way
bread was made. It is no mystery that even nowadays, in Eastem Europe and in the
Uralic areas, respectively in the Near East, unleavened bread is still used. Similar
to the Spanish tortilla or to Greek bread, it could be baked on the stoves existing in
dwellings, without requiring a strong fire or the existence of a bread oven.
19 Analyses carried out by N. Salontai Ph.D., University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary
Medicine of Cluj-Napoca.
20 Sava 2005, 159.
21 Wittenberger 1994a, 152.
Economical life in Noua Culture
11
The data presented herein allow for the following conclusions:
•	Next to animal breeding, agriculture was an important occupation and was
based on a variety of cereai and vegetable cultures;
•	The presence of specialized tools, corroborated with the existence of mixed
cultures of cereals and vegetables indicate a stable and diversified agriculture,
requiring an agricultural cycle of over a year.
4.	Stone processing
Directly related to agriculture, stone processing was a buming necessity.
As we were arguing, there is a series of tools to indicate the fact that agriculture
was practiced. If sickles made of a pig’s jaw could indeed have been used22, the
same thing cannot be said about sickles made of stone, known as Krummesser.
Items belonging to this category were discovered in several Noua settlements23, the
present paper exemplifying those from Ozd24 no. 253, Mureș County, and Buza,
Cluj County, pl. 6, where geological identifications have also been made. Other
Noua sites attesting such tools are: Chintelnic and Tonciu25, Ocnița26 and
Sighișoara27.
Curved knives made of stone appear as early as the pre-Bronze Age28 and
continue to be used throughout the entire Bronze Age, up until the Hallstattian
Age. Such items are present within the following cultures: Tei29, Otomani30,
Fiizesabony , Wietenberg , Monteoru and Sabatinovka . Their function is not
completely clear, but they most probably had a cult-related role, also connected to
agricultural practices. An argument in this respect is the discovery made at the
Sălacea sanctuary, in an Otomani environment, where several Krummesser were
found, in groups of three34. In eastem-Carpathian areas, there are many such
22 Florescu 1991, 288.
23 Florescu 1991, 332-335.
24 Marinescu 1993, 7.
25 Marinescu 1995,49-125.
26 Marinescu 1993, 6-7.
27 Baltag 1979, 90-91.
28 Roman 1976, pl. 9/16-17.
29 Leahu 1966,5.
30 Ordentlich 1972, pl. 15/8.
31 Banner 1959, fig. 26/5.
32 Boroffka 1994, 121; Rotea 2000, 41, pl. type 1/22.
33 Florescu 1964, 157-159.
34 Chidioșan, Ordentlich 1975, 15-26.
12
Mihai Wittenberger
pieces, generally polished, made from Dniester flint35. Those from inside the
Carpathian arch are convex, polished and have a triangular section.
Moreover, tools made of stone seem to have been very special items to be
used for commercial exchanges. Thus, following analyses on several stone objects
discovered in Noua settlements, their (approximate) origin can be specified.
Microscopic analyses on thin sections have been carried out on a few items, in
order to fmd out their area of origin. For the items from Ozd, Mureș County, the
sources are different. Item no. 7143, is made of rhyolitic chlorite-sericite schist, a
metamorphic rock from the epizone, with a massive structure, a greyish-greenish
colour, originating from the Southern-Apuseni Mountains, probably the Valley of
the Mureș River, the Sebeș-Deva area. The Krummesser no. 7756 is made of
pyroxene andesite, feldspat chlorite, with an extremely fine fundamental mass,
originating from the Bîrgăului Mountains. The third item analyzed, the one from
Buza, is made of a slightly metamorphosed detrital limestone, the source being the
southem-Apuseni Mountains, probably the Valley of the Mureș river, pl. 7.
In almost all Noua settlements have been discovered fragments of grinding
mills, items quite common in a settlement characterised by agricultural activities.
They are present both in dwellings and outside them. Since we do not have at our
disposal any un-broken piece in situ, it is hard to teii whether there was any rule
related to their location.
Made of hard rocks, grinding mills have concave active parts, with highly
visible traces of use. Several fragments of grinding mills have been discovered at
Buza, made of different rocks36. Thin sections were carried out on six of the
fragments, in order to identify their area of origin. Photographs taken under a
microscope +N, enlarged 40, respectively 60 times, revealed the fact that the rocks
are pyroxene andesite, and some items consist of feldspats and porphyritic
homblende. It is noteworthy that they originate from the Bîrgăului Mountains area.
One of the pieces is part of a parallelipipedal, slightly concave grinding mill made
of volcanic rock, originating from the Dej area. Several fragments of grinding
mills were uncovered from Deuș, section S1. As the material was fragmentary, the
inițial shape of the grinding mills could not be identified, but it is noteworthy that
some were made of red andesite, and others of dacite. The closest source of
rhyolitic dacite is Poieni, on the Valley of the Criș river, outside the area taken by
the Noua culture in Transylvania. Some small fragments of grinding mills made of
rhyolitic dacite, also coming from the Poieni source, Cluj County, have been
discovered at Mera, Cluj County, as well.
35 Florescu 1991,335-336.
36 Săsăran, Wittenberger 2008.
Economical life in Noua Culture
13
In the Pălatca settlement, which we believe to be quite uncommon, several
fragments of grinding mills made of different materials have been discovered. As
they were probably coming from a bronze processing workshop, it is possible for
them to have been used to crush the material to be melted. In the immediate
vicinity, at Petea, near Pălatca, a fragment of a grinding mill made of grey granițe
was discovered, originating from the Oriental Carpathians.
5.	Mining and metallurgy
This chapter in itself can be the object of an ample research thesis, as it has
already been. However, I believe it necessary to make a few general precisions,
given the economic context of the Noua culture, and to refer to concrete findings
that can bring forward new data related to one of the most developed stage in
bronze metallurgy. From a chronological viewpoint, the presence of the Noua
culture overlaps almost perfectly the peak in the evolution of bronze metallurgy
and mining.
Mining. There are no certain archaeological data related to the mining
practiced by the Noua culture, but it was probably not different from any other
moments in the Bronze Age. The menhir from Mihăiești, Bistrița-Năsăud County,
representing a miner37 or a mining deity, is one of the few pieces of evidence
attesting the fact that in intra-Carpathian regions the extraction of useful ore was
an important activity. The presence of bronze pickaxes in bronze deposits could be
yet another element attesting this activity, as well as the legend of the “Golden
Fleece”38; as it is common knowledge that until the discovery of mercury, gold
dust decantation was carried out by the means of a sheep skin, technique still in
use today in the Caucasian area, and in the Apuseni Mountains until the beginning
of the XXth century.
The metals used in the age under discussion are copper, gold, tin, lead and
silver. The constant presence of iron, about 3.5% in common bronze objects, can
be explained by the “local mark” of Transylvanian ore. Nevertheless, the presence
of obvious traces of rust on some of the items dated to the time-period in which the
Noua culture was present makes me believe that sporadically iron pieces were used
as well, possibly from imports. The main technique used in the mining of copper
deposits was, quite probably, washing gold sand and copper-silver dust.
Transylvanian deposits are to the greatest extent “complex deposits”, but the
37 Rotea 2002/2003, 11; Rotea 2004, 707.
31< Rotea 2002/2003, 9.
14
Mihai Wittenberger
mining of mineral outcrops using the fire-water technique cannot be excluded,
either. Tin, which shall be discussed further on, was most probably brought in
from the Woody Carpathians (Carpații Păduroși) through commercial exchanges,
but it is also possible for it to have been obtained, just like lead, by washing sands
containing heavy metals. Complex mineral ore containing lead and tin can be
found in hydrothermal veins, also connected to neogene magmatism phenomena.
The main utilised mineral is lead sulphide, which is mined nowadays as weil, in
Baia Borșa, Chirlibaba, Rodna, Bălan, Baia de Arieș, Roșia Montană etc.
Salt mining is also connected to mining and to bronze metallurgy. The
relationship between the two activities has been argued by many specialists39. It is
known that in the Neamț area, the Noua populations used to mine salt from salty
springs, as proven by the findings from Oglinzi40. The massive presence of Noua
findings along the Mureșului, Someșului and Tîmavelor Valleys41 in the proximity
of salt sources cannot be accidental, and the rock salt outcrops from Cara, Cojocna,
Pata, Ocna Dej, Valea Florilor, Cluj County; Uriu, Bistrița County or Uioara, Alba
County have most defmitely been mined. It is certain that salty fountains/springs
have also represented a major salt source. Several sources of natural brine are still
in use today: Vîlcele, Valea Florilor, Cojocna, Corpadea, Căian, Boju, Moriști,
Iuriu de Cîmpie, Pata, Gheorgheni, Cluj County; Sărmășel, Mureș County, Ocna
Sibiului, Sibiu County; Figa and Blăjenii de Jos-“Salt Fountain”, Bistrița County.
There probably are many more others, and I believe that a mapping of these
sources related to the period under discussion would be worth the effort.
The discovery made at Valea Florilor, situated on the Southern-western
ridge of the salt massif from Turda, brings forward a very interesting dating
element. The wood items discovered here, very weil preserved because of the
high concentration of sodium chloride, have been dated using the radiocarbon
method and belong to the Noua culture. The calibration average indicates the
year 1250 BC42, therefore the time in which the Noua culture was active in the
Transylvanian Plain.
In the bronze deposits from Uioara, but not exclusively, many winged flat
picks used in salt mining have been discovered. Among others, salt is used even
nowadays for polishing bronze items. It was also indispensable for animal
39 Ackner 1856, 24; Alexianu, Dumitroaia, Monah 1992, 162-163; Harding 2000; Rotea
2002/2003, 7-17.
40 Dumitroaia 1992, 36-42.
41 Wollmann, Ciugudean 2005, 98.
42 Wollmann, Ciugudean 2005, 100-101.
Economical life in Noua Culture
15
breeding, as all herbivores need this mineral. Most definitely, although we do not
have any material evidence dating from the Bronze Age, salt was one of the items
used in trading.
Metal processing. Unlike other materials, bronze items do not have an
explicit cultural or ethnic connotation43, because bronze metallurgy is the most
advanced technical element of an entire age, spreading over a large area,
sometimes having an extended period of use. Precisely because of that, most
bronze items cannot be regarded as elements with a precise cultural framing. An
example is the Rollenadel-type, pin, whose existence begins in the mid-Bronze Age
and lasts till the Hallstattian Age, or the Transylvanian socketed axe, with all its
variants, which has a wide utilisation area, respectively a long period of use.
The presence of types of objects originating from another area than the one
into discussion cannot be denied, as they can represent objects traded, used and
spread by a certain culture, in our case, the Noua-Sabatinovka-Coslogeni cultural
complex. Among these, the most noteworthy are the knobbed pins, most probably
used as fibulae and the oriental sceptre-axes from Drajna and Larga44, but also the
daggers with median rib from Șercaia45, Sibiu County and Cașinul Nou, Harghita
County46, having a three-stepped blade. Both pieces resemble Peschiera-type
daggers, but have strong affinities with items from the Sabatinovka environment47.
Knobbed pins, just like notched shoulder bones have been attested neither before,
nor after the Noua culture. I therefore consider that the two objects are artefacts
typical for this culture.
According to some of the specialists, the new models have been
accompanied by a new technology based on a Cu-Sn alloy. V. Cavruc considers
the events in the western Siberia and eastem Urals to have caused the expansion of
the Seima-Turbino phenomenon, having the Sintașta culture as link49 and from
here, through the Srubnaia culture, it would have reached the Eastem Carpathians,
subsequently infiltrating into Transylvania throughout the Noua culture formation
process. Although tempting, I do not believe that this hypothesis can be supported
archaeologically, even though one cannot deny the fact that some bronze objects
have eastem influences, indeed: knobbed pins imitating knobbed stone sceptres,
43 Bruck 1999, 313-345.
44 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1989, 73-74.
4’ Mentioned in several articles, the item was not available to me.
46 Crișan 1989/1993,248.
47 Klochko 1993, 43^15, pl. 1-2.
48 Dergacev 1997, 135-205.
49 Cavruc 1997, 72.
16
Mihai Wittenberger
the Golourov-type two-handled socketed axes50, the sickles with hooks apparently
imitating, “tupic” bone sickles widespread east of the Carpathians.
Based on the data available, we cannot refer to a discontinuity between
Middle and Late Bronze Age metallurgy, when the Noua culture was present in
Transylvania, quite probably because of the influences of the Wietenberg-tradition
indigenous element, which undoubtedly held the secret of processing tin bronze.
An argument in this respect is bronze processing technology, which has not
changed essentially, but suffered improvements. Thus, from the beginning of the
Middle Bronze Age up to the Hallstattian Age, the percentages of tin in the alloy
only suffered small modifications, in order to have a better alloy equilibration. The
increase, broken down into stages, ranges between 0.04-9%, 1.9-7.1%, and 4.1-
8.4%51. What is important is the increase of the average and the emergence of a
Transylvanian “local mark”, with about 3% Fe. Corroborating data from
Transylvania with the information provided by Chemîkh related to the chronology
of copper and bronze artefacts, one can notice that artefacts made of a Cu-Sn alloy
emerged in about the same historical moment in: Syria, Altai, Central Asia and,
last but not least, the Carpathian area, all around 2000-1800 BC52. Under these
circumstances, I believe that the above-mentioned idea, according to which the
Cu-Sn alloy would have an eastern origin lacks archaeological support. It is much
more natural to consider that the same technological phenomenon was taking place
in about the same historic moment, in different places.
I believe that the quantitative and qualitative leap is the result of the local
Wietenberg tradition interferences with a great cultural area: the eastem-European
one, represented by the Noua and the entire series of deposits Uriu-Domănești. An
argument in this respect is the socketed axe group from Oinac in the southem
Carpathians, which imitates the Transylvanian-type socketed axe ,pl. 16. There is
a deposit type to attest Transylvania in the “Noua period”, characterised by a
relatively reduced number of items and by the uniformity of the inventory. These
items are small, mostly unbroken, usually sickles, socketed axes, and spearheads:
Mociu54, pl. 9, Cîmpenești, Cluj County. This is the fundamental difference
between the “Noua Age” and the early Hallstattian age, in which almost all the
pieces discovered had been intentionally broken, like in Vîlcele II55 or Uioara56.
50 Dergacev 1997, 138.
51 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 18.
52 Cemîkh 1992, 67-71.
2,3 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 78-79.
34 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 64, pl. 56, with older bibliography.
55 Soroceanu 1988,249-261.
36 Soroceanu, Istrate 1975, 32; Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 23-24, pl. 114-117.
Economical life in Noua Culture
17
West of the intra-Carpathian area have been discovered a few Arpășel-type
deposits, as defined by K. Kacso57. This type of deposit is very frequent in
northem-westem Romania, in the Cehăluț area, where they probably got to the
Noua environment from. It is highly probable for some Otomani pottery models to
have also reached Transylvania through the Cehăluț group, which had a strong
Otomani component.
Bronze fmdings are classified in three groups: those from settlements,
necropoleis and deposits.
The predominant fmdings in settlements are pins, with or without buttons,
piercers and a few spearheads. Comparing spearheads from Transylvania to those
from the eastem-Carpathian area, one can note that, while the weapons used inside
the Carpathian arch were very similar, if not identical to those in the Suciu-Lăpuș,
Otomani or Cehăluț area; east of the Carpathians, the weaponry is Sabatinovka-
type58, like in: Țigănești, Rogojeni, Stuhuleț59.
Necropoleis have a different inventory. Weapons, sickles and socketed
axes are not to be found, necropoleis revealing only jewellery items: knobbed pins,
buttons, lockeringes or bracelets.
The deposits from the “Noua Age”, belonging to the Uriu-Domănești
series60 are different than contemporary ones belonging to the Suciu-Lăpuș area,
both by composition and by quantity. Those in the Noua area are small deposits,
made of a few unbroken items, usually sickles with hooks and socketed axes:
Suatu, Cara, Cătina, Corund, Cluj I, Cluj II, Cluj IV, Mociu, Zimbor, Valea Largă,
Toplița61 etc. A few deposits: Uriu, lara, Aiud etc. also contain knobbed pins, saws
and fragments of weaponry. One can see that, unlike in Arpășel-type deposits,
deposits in the Noua areas have not revealed pendants or other jewellry. It must
also be noted that deposits in this horizon do not contain intentionally broken
pieces, like those from Uioara or Vîlcele II. Most sharp items (sickles, swards,
daggers) had been broken or bent before being placed there. Without going into
further details, I believe that these are offerings made to honour a Chtonian
divinity, maybe “mother earth” - the one who offered the metal and who was not
to be hurt?
Among the numerous deposits and isolated items discovered, a significant
one is the settlement at Pălatca, which is not only a settlement proper, but also a
57 Kacso 1995, 81-131.
58 Klochko 1993,43-55.
59 Florescu 1991,282-283.
60 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 51-80.
61 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977.
18
Mihai Wittenberger
62
bronze processing workshop . The presence of bronze moulds, slag, bumt stones
and of two bronze anvils of different types are arguments in this respect. One of
the items is a replica of an “oxhide”-type Cypriot ingot pl. 10/a.
It is not known for sure whether the blacksmiths settled down in the
proximity of one or several Noua settlements, but it is certain that pottery
elements, pins with four protuberances, notched shoulder bones and kantharos-
type vessels are pieces of evidence placing the settlement from Pălatca in the Noua
environment. There is a Noua settlement nearby (Petea) and a Noua grave as well,
at Arburaș. Metallographic analyses indicate a local replica of an oxhide Cypriot
ingot, due to the high percentage of iron - 3.07%63, as compared to the percentage
usually encountered in such items, which does not exceed 0.1%. Technical data
related to the fmdings from Pălatca have been kindly provided by M. Rotea, the
author of the discovery. The only item having a different composition is an anvil
pl. 10/b. Besides the peculiar shape64, this anvil has a concentration of 18.5% lead,
80.94% copper and only 0.91% iron, tin being completely absent. The massive
presence of lead, obviously not accidental, is probably due to the need for an
elastic resistance in the anvil. Without the lead, due to its rigidity, the anvil could
break. Not all anvils had the same role. Their functions were probably different,
according to the products that had to be made.
There is an item discovered near Dej at the beginning of the XXth century,
which is a mixture between the socketed axe with a concave mouth model, typical
for the Late Bronze Age and Early Hallsttat, and a hammer. Although the item was
inventoried by the National History Museum of Transylvania in 1918, it was
considered to be a forgery because of its unusual shape. The centre of mass, quite
unbalanced as compared to other socketed axes, makes it impossible for the item to
have been used as a socketed axe. A macro-photograph of the item pl. 11/2 clearly
indicates that the flat end was used as a hitting surface. The “mushroom” created is
typical of the tools in any mechanical workshop. Most probably, the item was used
as an anvil for the processing of fine bronze pieces using the cold hammering
technique.
Moreover, a meteorite, pl. 10/c, was discovered in the Pălatca settlement.
The interesting part, besides the rarity of such an item, is that one of the ends had
been carved in prehistoric times. Chemical analyses indicate a percentage of over
62 Rotea, Rotea 1997, 13-19.
63 Rotea, Mair 2009 (under press).
64 Rotea 1997.
Economical life in Noua Culture
19
80% manganese and 10% iron. It is possible for blacksmiths from the Late Bronze
Age to have used such an ore source, the metals being in an almost pure state.
I believe it is important to highlight the fact that the presence of a replica of
an “oxhide” ingot displaying local characteristics, as well as the percentage of iron,
in the time of the existence of the original items, proves that cultural, commercial
and technical connections were fast, solid and stretching over extended areas.
In the perimeter of several Noua settlements have been discovered moulds,
either unbroken or fragmentary. A few moulds and fragments of moulds have been
discovered at Pălatca, all baring traces of use. Both the moulds from Pălatca and
those from Nicoleni, Lacu and Dobric are made of volcanic tufa from Dej. A
fragment of a mould identical to those in the Cehăluț environment was discovered
at Cluj-Mănăștur. This is the same discovery as the one in which I. Kovăcs’s
dragon and “reels” were found in 191 \,pl. 12. The “reels” are in fact a representation
of oxhide ingots. Very probably these small artefacts are offerings for a god of fire.
The “dragon” is similar with the dragon from Lichitișeti, from Moldavia65.
As previously mentioned, the items discovered in deposits differ from
those from necropoleis and from settlements. The most frequent bronze items
discovered in other contexts than in deposits are: knobbed pins (Cluj, Buza,
Pălatca, Mera, Deuș, Zoltan, Dumbrăvița etc.); sickles (Zoltan, Rotbav, Apahida,
Mociu); socketed axes (Bistrița, Dumitrița); spearheads (Deuș, Mociu, Rotbav) and
bronze moulds (Pălatca).
Even though they did not have control over the ore, the bearers of the Noua
culture were undoubtedly ore users, and even imposed several distinct types and
models. The items belonging to the bearers of the Noua culture are bone sickles
with hooks, (probably) tupic, and knobbed pins, widespread over the entire Noua
culture area, including east of the Carpathians. Major deposits in Transylvania
have been dated to the Br.D-HaA| chronological bracket, concomitantly with the
presence of the Noua culture in this area. The presence in deposits of items
originating from areas far away, like the Caucasian-type socketed axe from the
Uioara deposit cannot be accidental, even though it is immediately subsequent to
the Noua culture, or the sceptre decorated with a bird’s beak discovered at Uriu,
the sceptre axe from Drajna - Moldova - also of eastern provenience or the sceptre
axes discovered at Larga, belonging to the Suciu area66.
Related to bronze items dated to the Transylvanian Noua Age, I have to
mention the fact that the bronze items deposit from Vîlcele II, Feleacu village, Cluj
63 Florescu 1991, 97, fig. 95/1.
66 Petrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 16, pl. 49.
20
Mihai Wittenberger
County was dated by T. Soroceanu to the Br. D-Ha A, but the vessel in which the
items were deposited was dated to the Noua Age67. The Passamanterie-type fibula
fragment places the discovery into the Cincu-Suseni series, therefore Ha Al!
Should this chronological attribution be correct, the question which arises is: to
which culture belongs the deposit I from Cluj68, made of 10 items, 7 socketed axes
and three sickle fragments, which most certainly belong to a previous period, but
certainly a post-Wietenberg one? Transylvanian socketed axes are part of the same
typological series as the “Oinac”-type ones, which can be attributed to the Noua
culture. The presence of fragmentary items makes me believe that the Cluj I
deposit must be attributed to Ha A1, probably being contemporary to the Vîlcele II
one, attributable to the period immediately following the Noua Age. These latter
also have a Transylvanian origin, as proven by the fmdings from the northem-
westem part of the intra-Carpathian area. Such items have also been discovered
in the Someșului Valley, at Cemic, Sălaj County69. Most probably, these
artefacts were “exported” south of the Carpathians, either directly or through
itinerant craftsmen.
Besides bronze ones, gold items have also been attributed to the Noua
culture. However, they are rare and have been generally discovered in graves, like
the lockeringe discovered in the necropolis from Cluj-Banatului Str., the
lockeringe from Morești, the string of beads with four protuberances from Boarta,
which have not been 100% proven to belong to the Noua culture, pl. 13. It is
possible for some of the bracelets discovered in small treasuries to belong to the
period under discussion as well, but due to the absence of precise information, I
prefer not to discuss them here.
6.	Exchanges
Although difficult to attest archaeologically, trade was most definitely an
important component of economic life. The presence of bronze items of eastern
provenience in Transylvanian deposits, the presence of beads made of Mycenian
glass discovered in Cluj70, of the Baltic amber discovered at Cioclovina71, and also
that of the Transylvanian type socketed axes in the extra-Carpathian area are
67 Soroceanu 1988, 249-261.
68 Petrcscu-Dîmbovița 1977, 122.
69 Bejenariu 2005, 134, fig. IV/3.
70 Wittenberger 2006b, 107.
71 Rotea 1995, 88.
Economical life in Noua Culture
21
pieces of evidence attesting a stable and long-lasting commercial exchange. The
discovery of the “oxhide” bronze ingot at Pălatca suggests a more wide-spread
trade, as indicated by the Cypriot origin of this type of item. The presence of the
biggest deposits of bronze items in the immediate vicinity of salt sources cannot be
accidental, although they only partially belong to the period under discussion.
Since in Hungary commercial routes have been established ever since the Bronze
Age72, trading bronze, tin, etc., it is unconceivable for such routes not to have existed
inside the Carpathian arch. Moreover, Transylvania’s biggest rivers were natural
communication ways and the fact that they were used in other periods, as weil
(Roman and medieval) is, in my opinion, yet another argument to support this idea.
The existence of major commercial routes is more than certain. The fact
that major communities (cultures) settled in some often unfavourable areas can be
explained either by the fact that they probably controlled some commercial routes
or vital natural resources, or both. We must visualize Europe being criss-crossed
by major commercial routes connecting the more developed South to the other
regions. These regions, although not equally highly developed economically and
culturally, were producers of goods that were necessary in any society of the time.
Thus, tin was mined in today’s Slovak and Czech Republics, gold and probably
copper were mined in the Apuseni Mountains and salt in the Transylvanian Plain
and Plateau. Amber was imported from the Baltic Sea and glass was produced in
Mycenian workshops. Moreover, archaeological findings represent important
evidence attesting the existence of commercial routes. The skeleton of a Bachtrian
camei from Asia was discovered in an ash hill in Moldova (Petrușeni) belonging to
the Noua culture. Steppe cultures, Andronovo for instance, used this animal
intensively73. Referring to the classical cultures of the Bronze Age in this area, it is
important to remember that each of the major cultures had control over specific
natural resources. Thus, in Transylvania, the Wietenberg culture had control over
salt, a vital element both for men and for animals. Thanks to the geographical
location and as a consequence of the relief configuration, the Wietenberg culture
played a key role both for extra-Carpathian products and for those having a
western origin.
The discovery, in Transylvania alone, of over 5000 kg bronze items74
cannot be accidental. Should one analyze the geographical spread of bronze
deposits, it would be noted that most of them are in the vicinity of major salt
72 Kovăcs 1966, 22^17; Kovăcs 1977, 152.
73 Bulliet 1975; Kuzmina 1994, 66.
74 Rusu 1972, 29; Pctrescu-Dîmbovița 1977, 23.
22
Mihai Wittenberger
deposits. Moreover, gold deposits are also to be found in the same area; 30 deposits,
with a total number of 3100 items, most of them made fforn Transylvanian gold75.
Quite probably, all the bearers of the Wietenberg culture also held the secret of the
making bronze artefacts; the presence in the areas dominated by these cultures of
the most numerous and the biggest deposits being an argument in this respect.
The Otomani culture controlled metalliferous resources in the Woody
Carpathians and the Biikk Mountains, as weil as the commercial routes coming
from Transylvania and along the Tisza/Tisa river. The Suciu de Sus culture held all
the resources from the Maramureșului Mountains area: salt, gold, silver and
controlled the access in the Valleys of the Someș and upper Tisza/Tisa rivers76.
The bearers of the Monteoru culture held the passes in the Curve Carpathians and
probably the enormous salt resources in the area.
As Prof. Christian Christiansen once said in a private conversation, there
must be three accumulation levels related to the ore, the raw product. First, there
are the miners, those who hold the secrets of the ore deposits and lodes and knew
which rock is active and which is not. Unfortunately, they are the hardest to attest
archaeologically, due to the absence of financing projects focused on archaeo-
mining (a most honourable exception is represented by the studies of V. Wollmann
and H. Ciugudean). The second important segment is that of the people controlling
the production, bringing an added value to the raw material (generally moulds)
through their work, tuming them into usable artefacts. Then, there is a third level,
also very important, made of the traders and of the people controlling commercial
routes. It is quite natural for the people producing the raw material not to need
fortified settlements.. .everybody needed them.
It is common knowledge that from a cultural viewpoint, the bearers of the
Noua culture had an eastem origin, being part of the Noua-Sabatinovka-Coslogeni
greater cultural area. It is not impossible for this particular culture to have been the
link between eastem Andronovo-type cultures. The discovery of a Bachtrian camei
in a Noua ash hill in the Republic of Moldova77 seems to confirm this idea. The
active role played by the Noua culture in the commercial exchanges of the time
cannot be denied.
75 Rusu 1964,29-64.
76 Bader 1978,63-66.
77 Sava, Levițki 1995, 31-32.
Economical life in Noua Culture
23
7.	Household crafts
Spinning, weaving and sewing. Vegetal fibres, like flax and hemp and
animal fibres, like wool were quite necessary for making clothes. These fibres
were probably used by the Noua environment, as well. Even though no discovery
of grains from technical plants has been documented yet, it can be assumed that
the bearers of the Noua culture, like others in prehistoric times, knew how to
harvest them from a natural environment. Animal fibres, like wool, were
undoubtedly widely used. Evidence to support this idea is provided by the
numerous spindle whorls, post-ends and hand loom weights discovered. On the
basis of the data available, it can be noted that they were all made of fired clay.
Hand loom weights were tronconical, which enables us to believe that the vertical
hand loom was widely used. It is possible that the pig jaws discovered in dwellings
were used as hand loom combs. Such objects are still in use today. Bone needles
were used for sewing.
Skin processing. As previously indicated, animal breeding was one of the
basic occupations of the bearers of the Noua culture and skin processing is directly
connected to it. Information related to the techniques used in skin processing is
unavailable, but they were undoubtedly used, especially in cold seasons.
A. C. Florescu launched the hypothesis according to which notched bones, like
shoulder bones, ribs or hooves may have been used for skin degreasing , but salt
was surely used besides these, as well.
Bone processing. Bone artefacts are omnipresent among Noua findings,
being “truly commonplace”, as A. C. Florescu used to say79.1 do not wish to insist
upon the typology of bone artefacts; briefly, they can be categorized as: notched
bones (shoulder bones, ribs, hooves), generally made of mature cattle bones;
knives, made of long cattle or horse bones; pins, piercers, spatulas, made of horse
or ovicaprid bones; spikes and piercers made of stag and bison bones, pl. 2,14,15.
Clay processing. I will not approach the pottery of the Noua culture in this
subchapter, I will only deal with clay processing. It is common knowledge that not
every type of clay is good for making pottery, just as the clay layers for the walls
of the dwellings, incorrectly called adobe, could not have been processed without
prior knowledge of the characteristics of clay. This clay must be plastic and non-
contractile. Otherwise when dry, it would simply crack.
7S Florescu 1964.
79 Florescu 1964, 19.
24
Mihai Wittenberger
Many clay objects have been discovered in settlements, coming from
spinning and weaving tools, but also rush lights and toys. Some cult objects were
also made of clay, like votive statues and chariots.
Spindle whorls.
Based on the Information available, the Noua culture is much poorer
regarding this type of fmdings than other cultures of the Bronze Age. However,
several types of spindle whorls have been discovered:
discoidal form with rounded sides
Post-ends
Very few such objects have been discovered, and they can be attributed to
the following types:
conical body
spherical body
body having a rectangular section
Weights
The items discovered so far can be attributed to one category, but this does
not exclude the existence of other models. Having different dimensions and
weights, they had a pyramidal shape, a rectangular section, one or two perforations
in the upper part. Such items have been discovered at Deuș-Lunga, Deuș-Apreșul
de Jos, Buza, Mera etc.
Economical life in Noua Culture
25
Chariots and small wheels
Although frequent in mid-Bronze Age cultures, these items are rare finds
within the Noua culture. Several discoveries were attested to previous or partially
contemporary cultures - both in a Wietenberg, Otomani or Suciu environment80,
and in a Monteoru or Tei environment. For western cultures and cultural
groups, these items were not rare83, but they have been rarely encountered within
the Noua culture. A few pieces were discovered in Moldova . A fragment of a
chariot was found inside the Carpathian arch, at Buza . For this piece from Buza,
I suggested the classification as an A2-type, according to the shape, and according
to the decoration, the classification as a C type, according to C. Schuster86.
According to the material in pit no.l, the item can be attributed to the final stage of
the Transylvanian Noua culture. The objects from Iclod also belong to the same
period. I also know that two chariot wheels have been discovered in Noua
settlements, at Dumitrița - 2 and Deuș-Apreșul de Jos - 3.
Toys?
Based on my knowledge, the object discovered in the necropolis from Bând
is the only item belonging to the Noua culture that can be attributed to this
category. Similar items existed in the Neolithic Age, the Iclod group87.
80 Bader, Dumitrașcu 1970, pl. 4-6; Ordentlich, Chidioșan 1975, 27-44; Bader 1978; Boroffka
1994, 167-168; Rotea 1999, 102-103.
81 Căpitanii, Florescu 1969, pl. 7; Oancea 1976, 199, pl. 4/5.
82 Leahu 1963, 15-47; 1963, 179-270; 339-372; pl. 36/7; Ulanici 1979, pl. 9/6; Schuster 1995,
148; Schuster, Popa 1996, 117-137.
83 Petrovszky, Gumă 1979, 127; Rogozea 1995, 83.
84 Florescu, Florescu 1990, pl. 31/3, 7-9, 97/2.
85 Wittenberger 1997, 703-715.
86 Schuster 1996, 118.
87 Maxim kind information.
26
Mihai Wittenberger
I have tried in the present paper to re-create a
fragment of the organisation and economic dynamics
existing in Noua settlements in Transylvania, as indicated
by the discoveries up to the present moment and based on
my way of understanding them. It is regrettable that some
of the specialists keep clinging to cliches originating from
a political ideology and having no archaeological support.
There is no doubt that the information related to this
subject will be enriched further on, as more and more
Noua objectives will be investigated.
References
Ackner 1856	M. J. Ackner, Die romischen Alterthiimer und deutschen Burgen in Siebenbiirgen, Jahrbuch der kaiserlich-koniglichen Central- Commission zur Erforschung und Erhaltung der Baudenkmale, Wien, 1, 1856, 3-50.
Alexianu, Dumitroaia, Monah 1992	M. Alexianu, Gh. Dumitroaia, D. Monah, Exploatarea surselor de apă sărată din Moldova', o abordare etnoarheologică, Thraco-Dacica, 12, 1992, 159-167.
Bader1978	T. Bader, Epoca bronzului în nord-vestul României, București 1978.
Bader-Dumitrașcu 1970	T. Bader, S. Dumitrașcu, Săpăturile arheologice de la așezarea de tip Otomani de la Medieșul Aurit, MCA, 9, 1970, 127-136.
Baltag 1979	G. Baltag, Date privind un studiu arheologic al Sighișoarei, Marisia 9, 1979, 90-91.
Banner1959	B. Banner, Kinderspielzeuge im Fundmaterial der bronzezeit- lichen Siedlung Gyulavarsând-Laposhalom, AAH 9, 1959, 245-252.
Bejenariu 2005	1. Bejenariu, Piese preistorice de bronz de pe valea Someșului, Marmatia, 8/1, 2005, 130-138.
Boroffka 1994 Bruck 1999	N. Borofka, Die Wietenberg Kultur. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Bronzezeit in Siidosteuropa, Bonn 1994. J. Bruck, Ritual and rationality: Problems of Interpretation in European Arheology, European Journal of Archaeology, Edinburgh, 2, 3, 1999, 313-345.
Bulliet 1975	R. Bulliet, The Camei and the Wheel, Oxford 1975.
Economical life in Noua Culture
27
Cavruc 1990
Cavruc 1997
Cavruc 1998
Căpitanu, Florescu 1969
Cemîkh 1992
Chidioșan, Ordentlich
1975
Crișan 1989/1993
Dergacev 1996
Dergacev 1997
Dobroiu 1982
Dumitroaia 1992
El Sussi 2002
Florescu 1964
Florescu, Florescu 1990
Florescu 1991
Grigoryev 1998
Haimovici 1964
Haimovici 1990
V.	Cavruc, Noi contribuții la problema genezei și atribuirii
etnice a culturii Noua, Symposia Thracologica 8, 1990,125-126.
V.	Cavruc, The final Stage of early Bronze Age in South-eastern
Transilvania (In the light of the new excavation at Zoltan,
Thraco-Dacica, 1997, 18, 1-2, 97-133.
V.	Cavruc (coord.), Repertoriul arheologic al județului Covasna,
Sfîntu-Gheorghe 1998.
V.	Căpitanu, M. Florescu, Așezarea din epoca bronzului de la
Podul Morii - Bărboasa, Carpica 2, 1969, 23-34.
E.N. Cemîkh, Ancient Metallurgy in the USSR, Cambrige 1992.
N. Chidioșan, I. Ordentlich, Un templu - megaron din epoca
bronzului descoperit la Sălacea, Crisia 5, 1975, 15—26.
Viorica Crișan, Obiecte din cupru și bronz aflate în colecțiile
muzeelor din județul Harghita, AMN 26-30,239-250.
V.	A. Dergacev, Moldova i sosednie territorii v epohu bronzî,
Chișinău 1996.
V.	A. Dergacev, Piesele de metal-referințe la problema genezei
culturilor Hallstattului timpuriu din regiunea Carpato-
Danubiano-nord-Pontică, Thraco-Dacica, 18, 1-2, 1997,
146-148.
C.	Dobroiu, Traiectorii optime, București 1982.
G.	Dumitroaia, Cultura Noua în județul Neamț, Carpica 23,
1992, 119-141.
Georgeta El Sussi, Cercetări arheozoologice în așezarea de
epoca bronzului de la Zoltan, Angustia 7, 2002, 153-174.
A. C. Florescu, Contribuții la Cunoașterea culturii Noua,
ArhMold 2-2, 1964, 143-216.
Marilena Florescu, A. C. Florescu, Unele observații privind
geneza culturii Noua în zonele de curbură ale Carpaților
răsăriteni, ArhMold 13, 1990, 49-76.
A.	C. Florescu, Repertoriul culturii Noua-Coslogeni din România,
Cultură și civilizație la Dunărea de Jos 9, Călărași 1991.
S.	A. Grigoryev, The Sintashta Migration from Near East and
some Questions of Indo-European Origins, 4th Anual Meeting of
EAA, Goteborg, 1998, 114.
S.	Haimovici, Studiu asupra resturilor de faună descoprite în
așezările aparținînd culturii Noua de la Bîrlad și Piatra Neamț,
ArhMold 2-3, 1964, 217-237.
S.	Haimovici, Caracteristicile socio-economice ale purtătorilor
culturii Noua, reieșite din studiul materialului osteologic,
Symposia Thracologica 8, 1990, 127.
28
Mihai Wittenberger
Harding 2000
Kacso 1995
Klochko 1993
Kovâcs T 19^6
KovâcsT1977
Kuzmina 1994
Leahu 1963
Leahu 1966
Levițki, Sava 1992
Marinescu 1993
Marinescu 1995
Morintz 1978
Nestor 1932
Oancea 1976
Ordentlich 1972
A.	Harding, European Societies in the Bronze Age, Cambridge
2000.
C.	Kacso, Der Hortfund von Arpășel, Kr. Bihor, Bronzefunde
aus Rumânien, Berlin 1995, 81-131.
V.	Klochko, Weapons of The Tribes of Sabatinovka Culture,
Culture et civilisation au Bas Danube 9, 1993, 43-55.
T. Kovâcs, Estern Connections of North — Eastern Hungan in
the Late Bronze Age, Folia Archaeologica 18, Budapest,
1966/1967, 27^47.
T. Kovâcs, Die Bronzezeit in Ungam, Budapest 1977.
E.	Kuzmina, Stages of development of Stock-Breeding
Husbandry and Ecology of the Steppes in the Light of the
Archaeological and Paleoecological Data, in: The Archaeology
of the Steppes, Methods and Strategies, Napoli, 1994, 31-72.
V.	Leahu, O fază tîrzie în evoluția culturii Tei din Epoca
Bronzului: faza Fundenii Doamnei, Cercetări Arheologice I,
București 1, 1963,339-372.
V.	Leahu, Săpăturile arheologice de salvare de la G tulești Sîrbi,
Cercetări Arheologice 1, 1963, 179-270.
V.	Leahu, Raport asupra săpăturilor arheologice efectuate în
1960 la Cățelu Nou, Cercetări arheologice 1, 1963, 15-47.
V.	Leahu, Date noi cu privire la faza Tei III, în lumina ultimelor
săpături arheologice, SCIV 17, 1, 1966, 3-18.
O. Levițchi, E. Sava, Nouvelles recherches des etablissements de
la culture Noua dans la zone comprise entre le Prout et Nistru,
Culture et civilisation au Bas Danube 10, Călărași, 1992, 125-
138.
G.	Marinescu, Cercetări și descoperiri arheologice de epoca
bronzului în nord-estul Transilvaniei (1), Rev. Bistriței 7, 1993,
6-7.
G. Marinescu, Cercetări și descoperiri arheologice de epoca
bronzului în nord-estul Transilvaniei (IV, Rev. Bistriței 9, 1995,
49-125.
S. Morintz, Contribuții arheologice la istoria tracilor timpurii, I,
București, 1978.
1.	Nestor, Der Stand der Vorgeschichtsforschung in Rumânien,
Ber. RGK22, 1932, 11-181.
Al. Oancea, Cercetări privind fazele finale ale culturii
Monteoru, Thraco-Dacica 1, 1976, 60-75.
I.	Ordentlich, Contribuția săpăturilor arheologice de pe “Dealul
Eida" (comuna Sălacea, județul Bihor) la cunoașterea culturii
Otomani (1), StComSatuMare 2, 1972, 63-81.
Economical life in Noua Culture
29
Ordentlich, Chidioșan 1975	I. Ordentlich, N. Chidioșan, Cărucioare miniatură din lut aparținînd culturii Otomani de pe teritoriul României, Crisia 5, 1975,27-44.
Petrescu-Dâmbovița 1977	M. Petrescu-Dâmbovița, Depozitele de bronzuri din România, București 1977.
Petrescu-Dâmbovița 1989	M. Petrescu-Dâmbovița, Die Sicheln in Rumănien, PBF XV1I1/1, Berlin 1989.
Petrovszky, Gumă 1979	R. Petrovszky, M. Gumă, Un grup cultural al epocii bronzului în sud-vestul României - Descoperirile de la Balta Sărată, StCom Caransebeș 3, 1979, 53-110.
Rogozea 1995	P. Rogozea, Balta Sărată Cultural Group. Ceramic Artifacts Decoration and Shapes Tipology, Thraco-Dacica 16, 1995, 81-86.
Roman 1976 Rotea 1995	P. Roman, Cultura Coțofeni, București 1974. M. Rotea, in: Comori ale epocii bronzului în România, București 1995, 88.
Rotea 1997	M.Rotea, Atelierul de prelucrat bronz de la Pălatca, Revista Bistriței 10-11, 1997, 13-19.
Rotea, Rotea 1997	M. Rotea, S. Rotea, The Transformation from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age inside the Carpathian Area. Continuity and/or discontinuity, 3rd EAA Meeting, Ravenna, 1997, 64.
Rotea 1999 Rotea 2000	M. Rotea, Cultura Wietenberg, PhD thesis, București 1999. M. Rotea, Mittlere Bronzezeit im Karpaten-Donau-Raum (19- 14. Jarhundert v. Chr.), in: Thraker und Kelten beidseits der Karpaten, Cluj-Napoca 2000, 22-30.
Rotea 2002/2003	M. Rotea, Non-ferrous Metalurgy in Transylvania of Bronze Age, AMN, 2002/2003(2004), 7-17.
Rotea 2004	M. Rotea, Non-ferrous Metalurgy in Transylvania, in: Orbis Antiqvvs, Studia in honorem loannis Pisonis, Cluj-Napoca, 2004, 704-711.
Rotea, Mair 2009	M. Rotea, A. G. Mair, Series analysis from Bronze Age mild artifacts from Pălatca, typewritten paper, Cluj-Napoca (under press).
Rusu 1964	M. Rusu, Depozitele de bronzuri de le Rebrișoara, ArhMold. 2-3, 1964, 237-251.
Rusu 1972	M. Rusu, Considerații asupra metalurgiei aurului din Transilvania în bronz D și HallstattA, AMN 9, 1972, 29-63.
Sava 2005	E. Sava, Viehzucht und Ackerbau in der Noua-Sabatinovka- Kultur, in: Interpretați onsraum Bronzezeit, Bonn, 2005, 143-159.
Sava, Levițki 1995	E. Sava, O. Levițki, Așezarea culturii Noua de la Petrușeni „la Cigoreanu ”. Investigații de șantier, Cercetări arheologice în aria nord-tracă, București 1, 1995, 155-188.
30
Mihai Wittenberger
Săsăran, Wittenberger
2008
Sherratt 1980
Schuster, Popa 1995
Schuster 1996
Shishlina 2001
Soroceanu 1988
Soroceanu, Istrate 1975
Ulanici 1979
Wittenberger 1994a
Wittenberger 1994b
Wittenberger 2006a
Wittenberger 2006b
Wollmann, Ciugudean
2005
L. Săsăran, M. Wittenberger, Studiu geo-arheologic pe unele
piese litice aparținînd bronzului tîrziu, in: Arheometrie în
România, 2008, Cluj-Napoca, 151-154.
A. Sherratt, Plough and Pastoralisnr Aspects of the Secondary
Products Revolution, in: Pattem of the Past, Cambridge, 1980,
261-306.
C.	Schuster T. Popa, Raport preliminar privind săpăturile de la
Mogoșești-Giurgiu, in: Cercetări arheologice în aria nord-tracă,
București 1, 1995, 147-156.
C.	Schuster, Despre cărucioarele din lut ars din epoca bronzului
de pe teritoriul României, Thraco-Dacia 17/1-2, 1996, 117-137.
N.	I. Shishlina, The seasonal cylce of grassland use in Caspian
See during the Bronze Age: a new approach to an oldproblem,
European Journal of Archaeology, 4, 3, 2001, 346-367.
T. Soroceanu, Der zweite Depofund von Vîlcele, Rumănien, PZ
3, 1988,249-261.
T. Soroceanu, M. Istrate, Faza finală a culturii Wietenberg,
StComBrukenthal 19, 1975, 21-27.
A. Ulanici, Noi cercetări arheologice la Greci, jud. Ilfov,
Cercetări Arheologice 3, 1979, 9-26.
M. Wittenberger, Considerații despre cultura Noua din
Transilvania, AMN 31/1, 1994, 151-172.
M. Wittenberger, Șantierul arheologic Buza, AMN 31/1, 1994,
367-370.
M. Wittenberger, Groapa rituală nr. 4 din Cluj, str. Banatului,
Fontes Historiae. Studia in Honorem Demetrii Protase, 2005,
146-155.
M. Wittenberger, Cultura Noua din Transilvania, PhD thesis,
Iași 2006.
V. Wollmann, H. Ciugudean, Noi cercetări privind mineritul
antic în Transilvania, Apulum 42, 2005, 95-116.
Economical life in Noua Culture
31
Pl. 1. Mera LI. Skate from dear bone.
32
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 2. Mera-“Cuimel”, 1 - arrow head; 2, 3 - shoulder bones; 4 - buffalo bone tool;
5 - small bone tool.
Economical life in Noua Culture
33
Pl. 3. Zoltan-“Cariera de Piatră”, bronze tools (after V. Cavruc).
34
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 4. Zoltan-“Cariera de Piatră”, arrow heads (after V. Cavruc).
Economical life in Noua Culture
35
Pl. 5. Buza-“După Lab”, hoes.
36
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 5. Buza-“După Lab”, Krummesser.
Economica! life in Noua Culture
37
Pl. 7 Buza, Cluj County fine sections on grindining mills - andezit with piroxen,
sours: Munții Bârgăului, Valea Someșului Mare.
38
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 8. Bronze sickles deposit from Moeciu, Cluj County.
Pl. 9. Spearheads. Cluj. 1 - Vâlcele; 2 - Moldovenești; 3 - Mociu; 4 - Cheile Turzii.
Economical life in Noua Culture
40
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl 10. Pălatca 1 oxhide ingot 2 anvil 3 metheorit.
Economical life in Noua Culture
41
1
2
Pl. 11. Small bronze anvil.
42
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 12. Cluj-Mănăștur, 1 - dragon 2-7 - oxhide representations.
Economical life in Noua Culture
43
Pl. 13. Gold hair rings, 1 - Morești; 2 - Băgau; 3 - Cluj-Banatului st.; 4-9 - Gold bent
from Boarta, Sibiu county.
44
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 14. Buza-“După Lab”; 1-5 - Bone tools from Gr. Nr. 1. Cluj County.
Economical life in Noua Culture
45
Pl. 15. Bones tools from Zoltan (after V. Cavruc).
46
Mihai Wittenberger
Pl. 16. Socketed axes (Transilvanyan Axes) from Noua founds.
Acla Musei Napocensis, 43^44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 47-88
FLOREȘTi-Poirs Center. Preliminary observations
Mihai Rotea, Monica Tecar, Szabolcs Nagy,
Paul Pupeză, Tiberiu Tecar, Luminița Săsăran
Introduction
The archaeological investigations carried out at Florești-Po/ws Center (Pl.
1) will most certainly represent a benchmark for archaeological research in
Transylvania and beyond, both for the Prehistoric and Ancient period. We are
taking advantage of this occasion2 to reveal some preliminary observations3
regarding the investigations that we have coordinated in the framework of this
program: sectors C and K5-64 (Pl. 2). Because of the large area that had to be
1 It is the efforts of many undergraduate, graduate or MA students (Magyarosi Attila, Bereczki
Judith, Piroska Eszter, Derzsi Csongor, Kirâly Jozsef, Kisgyorgy Istvăn, Balâzs Bencc, Kedves
Timca, Demjen Andrea, Ioana Chira, Ștefan Budașcu, Oniga Erika, Kovâcs Lâszlo, Kiirti Andrea,
Gereb Adăm, Puskăs Henrietta, Pinkovai Bemadett, Eross Zsuzsa) that made it possible for the
archaeological research to unfold in the most appropriate conditions and allowed for the site docu-
mentation to be drafted in due time. We would like to use this opportunity to thank them, once more.
2 For the first mention of the findings, see: M. Rotea, M. Tecar, Sz. Nagy, P. Pupeză, L. Săsăran,
T. Tecar, Florești-Polus Center. Arheologie și termoluminiscență, in C. Cosma, S. Varvara, M. Gligor
(eds.), Radioactivitatea mediului. Vârste absolute prin metode nucleare de datare, Cluj-Napoca
2008, 160-180.
3 The huge amount of archaeological material could only be partially processed up to the present
moment, in spițe of the hard work of the archaeologists and restorers (O. Bianu, G. Turculeț, D. Sima,
D. Boroș, C. Rotaru, R. Cordoș and T. Tomescu) involved in this operation. Therefore, we are not
able, for the time being, to present in detail all the archaeological complexes identified (there are
about 400 of them), nor can we reach any final conclusions.
4 Since the beginning of the investigations, in August 2006, until October the same year we
were the ones to coordinate the works on the entire site. Subsequently, general coordination
responsibilities were taken over by D. Alicu, Ph.D. This is being mentioned in order to explain the
presence in this article of several finds from sectors A and B.
48
Mihai Rotea et alii
archaeologically discharged and especially due to the type of fmdings, the
excavation technique used was a full cleaning followed by the investigation of
each complex separately - in sector C, and a parțial cleaning associated with
stratigraphic sections in sector K, where, besides funerary complexes dating from
the Bronze age or the Migration period, we found, unlike in sector C, habitation
complexes - either Prehistoric or dating from the Migration period. The area
investigated per se was quite impressive, stretching over 6,6 ha.
Physical - geographic framework5
Localization. The archaeological site Polus Center is situated in Florești
village, on the left side of the național road Cluj-Napoca - Oradea, in the area
known as Șapca Verde. It is bordered to the west by the Gârboului Valley, and to
the south by the Răzoarele hill, which goes on to the south along the Boșorului
Valley, and changes its name into the Gârboului hill.
Relief. Morphological particularities are determined mostly by the Someșul
Mic river valley axis. Basically, the land physiognomy is determined by this
valley, which is 1-2 km wide at the level of the floodplain and terrace I. The other
terraces are present only fragmentarily. The determining factor that led to the
formation of the present-day relief is the ratio between the monoclinal structure
corresponding to the edge of the Transylvanian basin and the modelating action of
the Someșul Mic river. The valley of the Someșul Mic river is characterized by an
accumulative relief made of two levels: a lower one, measuring 2-3 m, affected by
heavy overflows in heavy rain, called the Floodplain, and a second one, 4-6 m
high (the second terrace) made of sands, different types of gravei and coluvial
material (brought in from the neighbouring slopes) in various degrees of
solidification and of grass coverage. The second terrace stretches over the centre of
the village Florești and the third terrace, whose level is 20 m, is also located on the
left bank of the Someșul Mic river and has steep slopes. The relief of the village is
characterized by two genetic relief types, determined by the interaction between
the subjacent structures and the environment conditions, to which human activity
has also contributed, to a certain extent. The sculptural relief (landforms) is made
5 The general geographical bibliography consulted was: Monografia geografică a RPR,
București 1960; P. Coteț, Geomorfologia României, București 1973; V. Mihăilescu, Geografia
fizică a României, București 1980; V. Cristea, C. Baciu, D. Gafta (eds.), Municipiul Cluj-Napoca și
zona periurbană: Studii ambientale, Cluj-Napoca 2002.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
49
of lower levelling surfaces (450-550), affected by (fluvial) slope processes
(torrentiality, ravines, superficial land slippage). Generally, the slopes can be
grouped into two types: a) subsequent slopes, with severe deteriorations and
important lithologic variations, which confer a steps-like character, which can be
found on the cuesta strata forming the left edge of the Someșul Mic river. These
slopes are affected by short streams, having a torrential character imposing an
accelerated deterioration; b) monoclinal-type slopes form the northem slope of the
Feleacului hills, with running water eroding sharply into the soil, ravines,
compression creep and land slippage being the main processes affecting this
category of slopes. The fluvial accumulation relief is made of the wide floodplains
in the valley of the Someșul Mic river, the narrow, shallow valleys of the affluent
of the Someș river to the right, the shoulders of terrace IV (30-35 m) and VI
(100 m) and the dejection cones and glacises from the junction of the floodplain
and the slopes. The most frequent processes affecting the floodplain are
compaction and suffusion. Altitudinal differences reach about 250 m.
Climate. The territory on which Florești village is situated belongs to the
temperate-continental area. The mean annual temperature is +8 °C, which reveals a
thermal potențial slightly lower than that of the Transylvanian basin. This is due to
the Someșului Valley - a depression corridor allowing for the penetration and
stagnation of the masses of cold air from the NE and thus produces local
temperature inversions, especially during the night. The mean minimum
temperature is -4 °C in January and the mean maximum temperature is +18 °C in
July, thus the difference is 22 degrees, which reveals the moderate character of the
climate. The mean annual precipitation is 650 mm, with higher values in spring
and summer. The dominant winds blow from the NW and the dominant direction
is SW. Thus, Florești is situated in the Transcarpathian climatic province, whose
specific characters are enumerated above.
Soils. The soils in the area are quite diversified for a relatively confined
space dominated by the floodplain of the Someș river. The most fertile soils can be
encountered on the higher, relatively dry parts of the floodplain, and are mostly
made of haplic and luvic chemozems. Calcaric leptosols are strictly related to the
presence of the Eocene limestone and are mostly encountered in the Pusta area and
in the front of the cuesta of the river Someș. The most widespread local soils are
clayey residual soils, represented by haplic luvisols taking up most of the stable slopes
South from the village and by albie luvisols, which appear insularly on interfluves.
Hydrography. From a hydrologic viewpoint, the area belongs to the
hydrographical basin of the Someș river. The hydrographical network is made of a
50
Mihai Rotea et alii
segment of the Someșul Mic river, from its origins to the confluence with the
Nadăș river and the affluent flowing into it from the right: Feneșului, Vulpii,
Sânaslăului, Tăuțului (Boșorului), Gârbăului Valleys. Good quality ground water
reserves are significant, both in the alluvial beds of the Someș river and its
affluent, and in depth, especially in the coarse limestone beds, where the quality
increases considerably.
Flora andfauna are typical of hill and mountain regions.
The Bronze Age
The Bronze Age is one of the periods abundantly represented in the finds
from the archaeological investigation at Florești-Po/ws Center, be they from the
Early, Middle or Late period.
For the Early Bronze Age, noteworthy in this context are the finds
belonging to the Coțofeni6 culture, represented in the investigated area by a few
isolated archaeological complexes, which will be published in detail in the near
future. Among these, a few stand out in sector K5, placed along a precinct road
(Pl. 2). From the very beginning, it is important to make the precision that this is
not a compact cultural layer belonging to this culture, but a settlement of
temporary character, characterized by heaps of archaeological material found at a
distance from one to another. An identical situation has been encountered in Deva-
Lenin Str?. The pottery, which makes most of the archaeological material
unearthed is mostly undecorated and belongs to the coarse and semi-fine pottery
categories. From a typological viewpoint, the following must be mentioned:
amphoras, large bowls, jars, two-handle pots and cups (Pl. 4-12). The omaments
are mostly made by wide and deep incisions creating the impression of grooves;
also, impressed decorations and applique ribs are the most typical (Pl. 4-12). They
are arranged as hatched bands, buried triangular frames, “fir leaf’ etc. (Pl. 4-12).
All these elements indicate the presence of an early stage in the evolution of the
Coțofeni culture. Several sites belonging to the Ist stage of the Coțofeni culture
6 The dating of this culture has been drawing the attention of specialists, and no consensus has
been reached up to the present moment. For some elements, see: P. Roman, Cultura Coțofeni,
București 1976, with bibliography; M. Rotea, Contribuții privind bronzul timpuriu in centrul
Transilvaniei, Thraco-Dacica 14, 1993, 65-86; H. Ciugudean, Eneoliticul final în Transilvania și
Banat: cultura Coțofeni, Timișoara 2000, with bibliography.
7 M. Rotea, Locuirea Coțofeni de la Deva-Strada Lenin, Sargetia 20, 1987, 475-^79.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
51
have been discovered in Transylvania8, the earliest being those containing pottery
decorated with grooves belonging to the same type, previously reported, from
Deva-Temn Str. or the pottery discovered most recently at the site Vinerea-
Tăbârâște9, which still preserves the influences of the horizon Cernavodă III-
Boleraz10. In relation to this horizon, the human habitation from Florești-Po/«s
Center seems to be more recent (Coțofeni Ic after P. Roman11). A few typological
and stylistic elements support (fine incisions, angular bând and triangles) this
viewpoint (Pl. IV/4; VI/1; V/7-8).
For the Middle Bronze Age, in sector B were investigated several
archaeological complexes (dwellings, pits) belonging to the Wietenberg culture (it
is common knowledge that the notion was introduced following the investigation
of C. Seraphin at Sighișoara- Wietenberg/Dealul Turcului, dating from 1899-1904,
research carried on by K. Horedt in 1938 and I. Andrițoiu between 1991 and
1994). Monuments from this culture spread throughout the entire Transylvania and
have evolved according "to four different phases. Although they are extremely
numerous, only about 50 sites provide archaeological material that can be worked
on for relevant Progressive structures. Among them, the site at Derșida -
investigated by N. Chidioșan in 1963-1965, 1969 and M. Rotea in 1999-2000 -
has an excepțional place in this culture’s area, first and foremost because of the
unique stratigraphic scale it provides. Four stages have been defined to express the
evolution of the culture, whose content is different, according to the opinion of the
researcher12. Most of them contained a big amount of pottery specific to the
classical phase of this culture (phase III). The various types of entwined spirals and
meandres decorating the walls of the recipients are a plea in favour of this framing
(Pl. 13). Obviously, the most frequent omaments are those in relief or those with
incisions shaped as bands. Seldom are surfaces separated in two, three or four
areas, therefore seldom can we refer to a metope style, adopted most probably
8 See supra note 6.
9 C. I. Popa, Contribuții la cunoașterea perioadei de tranziție în bazinul hidrografic al
Cugirului (II), Sargetia 27, 1999, 51-101.
10 For this viewpoint, see: C. I. Popa, op. cit., 51-101 and H. Ciugudean, op. cit., 47.
11 P. Roman, op. cit., 36-38.
12 For this culture, see for instance: K. Horedt, Die Wietenbergkultur, Dacia N.S. 4, 1960, 107—
137; N. Chidioșan, Contribuții la cunoașterea tracilor din nord-vestul României. Așezarea
Wietenberg de la Derșida, Oradea 1980, with bibliography; I. Andrițoiu, Civilizația tracilor din
sud-vestul Transilvaniei în epoca bronzului, București 1992, with bibliography; N. Boroffka, Die
Wietenberg-K.ultur, Bonn, 1994, with bibliography; I. Andrițoiu, A. Rustoiu, Sighișoare-Wietenberg.
Descoperiri preistorice și așezarea dacică, București 1997; M. Rotea, Pagini din preistoria
Transilvaniei. Epoca bronzului, Cluj-Napoca 2008; Idem, Cultura Wietenberg, Cluj-Napoca 2009.
52
Mihai Rotea et alii
under the influence of other contemporary cultures. We have good analogies from
the Wietenberg site of Cluj-Napoca - Strada Banatului^.
The most numerous discoveries belong to the Late Bronze Age. It is worth
mentioning in this context the incineration necropolis made of over 20 graves and
the inhumation necropolis belonging to the Noua culture, made of over 140 graves,
both investigated in sectors C and K. The first appears as an incineration enclave
in an ocean of inhumation, but we still have to get relevant arguments to be able to
reveal the chronological connection between the two necropoleis, even though we
are inclined to believe that their evolution was characterized by a parțial
synchronism.
The practice of cremating the dead and placing the cinerary remains in ums
is an extremely old one and was widely used in Transylvania throughout the
Bronze Age, in the Wietenberg environment14. Next to ums (Pl. XVIII/1, 3-4), in
the pits of the incineration graves from Florești-Po/ws Center were found offering
vessels, jewellery made of bone (pin), stone (pendant), bronze (bracelet) or gold
(lockeringe). Some of these objects accompanied the deceased on the pyre (the
pyre must have been in another place, away from the cemetery, because its traces
have not been found). In a singular case (grave M 29)15 (Pl. XVIII/3; XIX/2), was
the um placed in a box made of shaped stone blocks; this was probably a princely
“tomb”, because a gold item (the first one in a tomb of this type) was found
between the charred bones of the deceased (the isolated position of the deceased in
relation to the compact group of incineration tombs supports this idea, as weil).
The um is a 22.5 cm tail amphora with a mouth diameter of 18 cm and with two
handles. The rim is decorated with triangular impressions arranged in a “wolf-
teeth” decoration pattem, with a row of simultaneous stitching placed diagonally
on the mouth of the vessel, a bând with circular impressing filled with horizontal
S-shaped incisions and four spirals made by wide stitching, all placed on the neck
and shoulder of the vessel. The gold item is a B-type lockeringe, according to
Eugenia Zaharia’s typology16. We have very good analogies both from
13 M. Rotea, M. Wittenberger, The ritual complex of Wietenberg Culture, Cluj-Napoca
(Transylvania), AMN 36/1, 1999, 3-25.
14 See supra note 9.
15 M. Rotea, M. Tecar, Sz. Nagy, P. Pupeză, L. Săsăran, T. Tecar, Florești-Polus Center.
Arheologie și termoluminiscență, in C. Cosma, S. Varvara, M. Gligor (eds.), Radioactivitatea
mediului. Vârste absolute prin metode nucleare de datare, Cluj-Napoca 2008, 160-180; M. Rotea,
Pagini din preistoria Transilvaniei. Epoca bronzului, Cluj-Napoca 2008.
16 E. Zaharia, Die Lockenringen von Sărata-Monteoru und ihre typologiyschen und
chronologischen Beziehungen, Dacia N.S. 3, 1959, 103-134.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
53
17
Transylvania (Alba-Iulia, Brașov or Morești) and from Hungary (Kolesd-
Hangospuszta or Kengyel)18, dated to the Middle and Late Bronze Age19. It is also
noteworthy that another tomb has been found-noted as M 30 (Pl. XVIII/3; XIX/2),
on the northern side of this box, containing a smaller um. The relationship between
these two persons is impossible to sketch (the fact that they were deposited there
simultaneously and their bonding cannot be accidental) until we receive the results
of the anthropological and DNA analyses20. However, what is unequivocal is the
idea of the two complexes’ union.
From a cultural viewpoint, we believe that the incineration graves’ group
belongs to the discoveries that we attributed to the Deva-Bădeni group21. The
settlement investigated by the team led by our colleague F. Marcu in the southem
part of sector B also belongs to this cultural horizon, and it must not be mistaken
for the Wietenberg III site. Viewpoints related to this archaeological entity are
divergent22, but the information available these days is increasingly abundant,
therefore a re-assessment of this subject looking through the lens of the new
discoveries is much needed.
The scarce evidence preserved from the peoples that used to practice
cremation in ancient times shows quite undoubtedly that the aim was a quick and
definitive separation of the soul from the body. The incineration of dead bodies, be
they princes or common people, is at the same time an expression of the care not
only for the deceased, but also for the living, as the latter will not be disturbed by
the presence of the former. We can ask ourselves where this practice comes from,
since it is not the easiest way to make a corpse disappear (burial is simpler and less
costly). According to some researchers, this practice would have appeared out of
practicai reasons with nomadic peoples, who did not have any permanent
17 D. Popescu, Cercetări arheologice în Transilvania, București 1956, 158-212; E. Sava, Die
Bestattungen der Noua-Kultur, Kiel 2002, 44, 188, with bibliography.
18 A. Mozsolics, Der Goldfund von Kengyel, Acta Arch Hung 9, 1958, 253-263; T. Kovăcs,
Bronzezeitliche Schmuckgegenstânde, Waffen und Goldschătez, in Prăhistorische Goldschâtze aus
dem Hungarische Nationalmuseum, Budapest 1999, 37-63, with bibliography.
19 D. Popescu, op. cit., 162; E. Zaharia, op. cit., 103-134; A. Mozsolics, op. cit., 253-263;
T. Kovăcs, op. cit., 37-63; E. Sava, op. cit., 44, 213-220; M. Wittenberger, Cultura Noua în
Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca 2008, with bibliography.
20 Anthropological analyses are about to be completed, thanks to the efforts of our colleague Sz. Gâl.
21 M. Rotea, Penetrația culturii Otomani în Transilvania, Apulum 31, 1994, 39-58.
22 See for example: H. Ciugudeanu, Cercetări privind epoca bronzului și prima vârstă a fierului
în Transilvania, Alba-lulia 1997, 65-81; N. Boroffka, Probleme ale sfârșitului culturii Otomani in
Transilvania, in Romanian Journal of Archaeology 1, Bucharest, 2000; M. Wittenberger, op. cit.,
passim.
54
Mihai Rotea et alii
settlements and who could thus carry their dead with them, in pottery vessels.
According to others, reasons of a religious nature must be looked for (the
incineration itself could be considered an offering) which also imply a higher level
of abstraction. We believe that this second opinion should be embraced in the
attempt to explain the present situation23.
As for the inhumation necropolis belonging to the Noua culture (the Noua
archaeological culture notion was introduced in specialized literature by I. Nestor
in 1934, having as starting point the investigation led by J. Teutsch, carried out in
1901 in Brașov), the territory occupied by this culture - more particularly this
cultural complex - was extremely wide, encompassing Transylvania up to the
Apuseni mountains, Moldova, Wallachia, Dobrogea and part of the Ukraine. In
Transylvania, Noua culture has a specific facies, which unfolds along different
phases. The first encompasses Wietenberg influences, the second is a classical one,
and the third is a final stage, marking the transition to subsequent cultural realities.
The settlements in Transylvania, insufficiently investigated, provide a mixed
ceramic material, including contemporary cultural realities from this entire area.
On the other hand, necropoleis have more unity from all points of view: the quasi-
exclusiveness of inhumation graves, the fact that the deceased were placed in a
squatted position on the left or the right side in plain pits, the inventory made of
ceramic pots with two handles, jars, bag-type ceramic vessels, more rarely
lockeringes made of gold or bronze, bracelets or pins made of bronze, etc.24 The
last monograph dedicated to funerary discoveries encompasses 710 graves, out of
which 695 are inhumation and 15 incineration graves, most of them being grouped
in the area between the Oriental Carpathians and the Prut river; in Transylvania
about 140-145 graves are mentioned25. It must be mentioned from the beginning
that it appears to be not only the largest necropolis in Transylvania, practically
doubling the number of graves known for this area, but also as one of the most
complex in this culture’s entire areal. Unfortunately, the archaeological material
has only been partially processed so far. However, some observations can be
made. The deceased were placed in a squatting position and have beside them
recipients of different types: ceramic pots with two handles and button, bag-type
ceramic vessels, jars (Pl. XIV/1-3; XV/1-2, 4; XVI/2-3; XVII/2-6), etc. Offering
23 M. Rotea, Cultura Wietenberg, Cluj-Napoca 2009, with bibliography.
24 For the Noua culture, see for example: A. C. Florescu, Repertoriul culturii Noua - Coslogeni
din România. Așezări și necropole, Călărași 1991; I. Andrițoiu, V. Vasiliev, Câteva considerații
asupra culturii Noua în Transilvania, Apulum 27-30, 1993, 121-146; E. Sava, Die Bestattungen
der Noua-Kultur, Kiel 2002; M. Wittenberger, Cultura Noua în Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca 2008.
25 E. Sava, op. cit., 97-108, 230, with bibliography.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
55
vessels were placed on the bottom of the pit, in front of the skeleton, at the level of
the head or thorax, more seldom at the back of the skull, in the rib area or next to
the legs. The inventory of some graves also contains items made of bone, bronze
or even gold, but they are few. The grave noted as M 115a (Pl. XVII/6) is included
in this latter category, as it had in the skull area, more precisely at the nape of the
neck, a B-type lockeringe made of gold.
The grave pits have an oval or rectangular shape; sometimes they are
almost square and are often marked by stones. Skeletons placed in stone circles or
covered with stone mantles have also been found. As for the position of the
skeleton, we have unearthed severely, moderately or slightly crouched skeletons
(Pl. XIV-XVII).
The dating of the necropolis is a complex issue, which shall be discussed in
detail once all the data available are fully processed. For the moment, the most certain
dating is Bronze D, taking into account the inventory of pottery uncovered, but also
the bronze and gold items found. At the same time, we have significant data that do
not exclude the possibility to exceed this chronological interval in both senses.
The most well-known among the discovered inhumation graves is the one
named “Romeo and Juliet” , a double grave dated to the Bronze Age from a strictly
archaeological viewpoint (a more precise chronological dating is still uncertain), in
which the skeletons of two young people are placed one in front of the other, in a
crouched position (Pl. XIV/3; XJX/1). A feature that is unique for the entire
Carpathian Prehistoric area is the fact that they lower limbs are intertwined, and the
entire ensemble suggests an intimate relationship, a deep feeling of unity, of Iove
between the two. Anthropological analyses carried out by our colleague S. Gal
confirm the fact that these are two teenagers (13-15 years old), a boy and a girl.
Therefore, we are drawing closer and closer to the idea we have set as our working
hypothesis, inspired by the title of one of W. Shakespeare’s plays. We are only one
step behind, as we still lack the result of the DNA analyses, in order to eliminate the
last obstacle in the way of this spectacular interpretation: the possibility for them to
be brother and sister. This discovery has a good analogy in the findings of our
colleague E. Menotti, made in Northern Italy, near Mantova29.
26 E. Zaharia, op. cit., 103-134.
27 Mention must be made of the fact that in the same area as the Noua necropolis, a small
inhumation necropolis was researched, belonging to the early Bronze Age. The separation of the
tombs without an inventory or with an atypical one has not yet been completed.
28 M. Rotea, M. Tecar, Sz. Nagy, P. Pupeză, L. Săsăran, T. Tecar, op. cit., 160-180; M. Rotea,
Pagini din preistoria Transilvaniei. Epoca bronzului, Cluj-Napoca 2008.
29 La Gazzetta di Mantova, 6 februarie 2007.
56
Mihai Rotea et alii
The Second Iron Age (3rd - 2nd centuries BC)
Generalities. The Celts’ penetration inside the Carpathian arch at the mid-
4th century BC sheds new light over the situation of these territories, some of
which were integrated into the central-European Celtic world, but there are still
many unknowns.
The Celts settled mainly in two geographic areas: the Mureș - Tâmave
river basin (Aiud , Bratei , and Mediaș ) and the Upper basin of the Someș river
(Apahida33, Fântânele34 and Dipșa35). Early artefacts - early Dux fibulae and
bracelets with thicker ends or with a Steckverschluss - type fastening system -
appear from the very beginning in the two areas mentioned36, which is a clue
supporting the idea that they were occupied concomitantly. The last horizon of the
Celtic presence in the area can be mapped around the second half of the 2nd
century BC (Panic37, Pișcolt38, Seușa39).
30	M. Roska, A Keltâk Erdelyben (Les Gaulois en Transylvanie), Kozlemenyek 1-2, 1944,
55-76.
31	I. Nestor, E. Zaharia, Raport preliminar despre săpăturile de la Brateiu,jud. Sibiu, Materiale
10, 1973, 191-202.
32	I. Nestor, Keltische Grăber bei Mediaș, Dacia VII—VIII, 1937-1940, 159-182. M. Blăjan,
G. Togan, Descoperiri celtice și dacice inedite la Mediaș și în împrejurimile sale, AMP 2, 1978,
39-51.
33	Șt. Kovacs, Az apahidai oskori telep es La Tene temeto, in Dolgozatok 11, 1911, 57-127.
I. H. Crișan, Materiale dacice din necropola și așezarea de la Ciuntești și problema raporturilor
dintre daci și celți în Transilvania, Baia Mare 1966, 46-51, fig. 20; Idem, Necropola celtică de la
Apahida, in AMN VIII, 1971, 37-70, pl. IX, XVI.
34	L. Vaida, Cimitirele celtice din nord-vestul Transilvaniei, Arhiva Someșană 3, 2004, 375-392.
35	K. Horedt, Zwei keltische Grăberfunde aus Siebenbiîrgen, Dacia 9-10, 1941-1944, 189-200.
36	V. Zirra, Beitrăge zur Kenntnis des Keltiscen Latene in Rumănien, in Dacia N. S. XV, 1971,
171-238. V. Sîrbu, Dacii și celții din Transilvania și vestul României, in Fontes Historiae. Studia in
Honorem Demetrii Protase, Cluj-Napoca 2006, 191-220.
37	A. Rustoiu, Fibulele din Dacia preromană (sec. II î.e.n - I e.n.), București 1997, 34, fig. 19/1.
38	I. Nemeti, Necropola celtică de la Pișcolt. 1, in Thraco-Dacica VIII, 1987, 49-74; Idem,
Necropola celtică de la Pișcolt. II, Thraco-Dacica 10, 1989, 75-114; Idem, Necropola celtică de la
Pișcolt. III, Thraco-Dacica 13, 1992, 59-112. V. V. Zirra, Contribuții la cronologia relativă a
cimitirului de la Pișcolt. Analiză combinatorie și stratigrafie orizontală, SC1VA 48, 2, 1997,
87-137.
39	1. V. Ferencz, M. Ciută, Finds from Seușa (Alba county) belongins to Middle Latene, in Les
celtes et les thraco-daces de Test du bassin des Carpates, Cluj-Napoca 2000, 22-50.
Florești-Fo/ns Center. Preliminary observations
57
In the settlements and the necropoleis belonging to the Celts, materials that
are not specific for their civilization were discovered (Apahida40, Ciumești41,
Fântânele42), proving the existence of a native population in the area, cohabitating
with the non-indigenous one. Moreover, some discoveries dating from this period
have a strong local character and can be attributed to the indigenous population
(Berea43, Morești44, Porț45 and Zalău46).
The complexes. Pit-House 1 had an approximately circular shape, a
maximum diameter of 6 m, and was buried about 0.50 m into the ground (Pl. XX).
The inventory of the complex included two iron fibulae, hand-manufactured
pottery fragments or made on the potter’s wheel, a firedog, a spindle whorl, animal
bones, as well as the lower part of a stone grinding mill.
The prevailing hand-manufactured pottery has chips crushed and mixed
into the fabric, is made by oxidized and reduced combustion, most of the times
incomplete, and has brick-reddish-brownish or blackish colours. The most frequent
are fragments originating from medium biconical vessels, with straight or slightly
curved walls, decorated with buttons and alveolar waves, or from pots with
incurving rims and a pointed or slightly bulging profile (Pl. XXII/1, 3-13).
The production of the vessels made on the potter’s wheel has a better
quality, with sand and mica-schist as grease-removers, and very seldom graphite.
The combustion is complete, completely reduced, and the colour is black - in
various tones, sometimes the walls are covered in a glossy slip. The most
frequently encountered shape is the bowl having a flaring rim, straight or slightly
incurving, arched walls and incised lines as decoration (Pl. XXII/2). A few of the
fragments come from cups with one handle, probably biconical.
40 I. H. Crișan, Materiale dacice din necropola și așezarea de la Ciumești și problema
raporturilor dintre daci și celți în Transilvania, Baia Mare 1966, 46-51, fig. 20; Idem, Necropola
celtică de la Apahida, AMN 8, 1971, 37-70, pl. IX, XVI.
41 I. H. Crișan, op. cit., 5-18, 33-39, fig. 3, 11-17. VI. Zirra, Locuiri din a doua epocă a fierului
în nord-vestul României. Așezarea contemporană cimitirului Latene de la Ciumești și habitatul
indigen de la Berea (jud. Satu Mare), StComSatu-Mare 4, 1980, 39-84, pl.VH-XLI.
42 L. Vaida, op. cit., 375-392.
43 VI. Zina, op. cit., 39-84, pl. XLII1-XL1X.
44 K.. Horedt, Morești. Grabungen in einer vor - und friihgeschichtlichen Siedlung in
Siebenburgen, București 1979.
45 H. Pop, P. Pupeză, Dacians and Celts in the Northwestern Romania, in V. Sârbu, L. Vaida
(coord.), Thracians and Celts, Cluj-Napoca 2006, 188-189, pl. V-VIII.
46 A. V. Matei, H. Pop, M. Andraș, D. Băcuieț-Crișan, Zalău - Dealul Lupului (jud. Sălaj), in
Cronica Cercetărilor Archaeologice din Romania (campania 2003), București 2004, p. 375-378;
H. Pop, P. Pupeză, op. cit., 185-187, pl. II-III.
58
Mihai Rotea et alii
In the proximity of this house, about 20 m SE, another complex took shape,
Pit-House 2, buried 0.60 m into the ground (Pl. XXI/2). Its shape is different than the
house previously described, as this has an almost square shape, with a 3.85 m long
side and rounded angles. The complex was partially destroyed by a medieval building.
The material uncovered was exclusively pottery, hand-made or wheel-
made, its specific features being identical to those of the material previously
described, found in the previous pit-house. The material includes vessels having
straight or slightly arched walls, decorated with buttons and alveolar waves, as
weil as bowls with inward rim, a pointed or slightly bulging profile, hand-
manufactured (Pl. XXIII/1, 3, 5, 7-12). The novelty is represented by the relief
decoration as a simple bând. The bowl is the most widely represented type from all
the types of vessels made on the potter’s wheel, with a flaring rim and arched
walls. What is noteworthy is the discovery of black vessel footrings made on the
potter’s wheel, made of a fine fabric, bum reduced, with a bulging shape, similar
to a shield-wwAo. Most of them are decorated with incised lines covering the entire
diameter of the vessel, including the inside (Pl. XXIII/2, 4, 6).
An atypical bronze fibula, as weil as a couple of atypical pottery fragments
was uncovered from a pit, about ten metres south from the Pit-House 2. The
precarious preservation condition of the fibula made its recovery impossible.
Furthermore, no profile could be rounded off completely from the ceramic fragments.
Besides the discoveries previously mentioned, no archaeological material
specific to this period was recovered, the cultural layer being almost inexistent
following the mechanized intervention carried out for the construction of the
commercial complex.
Chronology. As an overall, the archaeological material coming from the
inventory of these complexes belongs to the 3rd - 2nd centuries BC. The only more
precise chronological clue is provided by the iron fibulae in Pit-House 1. Such
fibulae, identified in variable sizes, were discovered in almost all the sites from the
La Tene period inside the Carpathian arch. They are dated to the last part of the 3rd
century BC and mostly to the 2nd century BC47.
Ethnical attribution. By analyzing only the material uncovered from the
Polus Center area, one cannot make a precise ethnical attribution of the findings,
47 The earliest exemples from the intra-Carpathian area are to be found at Pișcolt (I. Nemeti,
Necropola Latene de la Pișcolt, jud. Satu Mare, in Thraco-Dacica 13, 1992, fig. 6/3, 7/1, 9/3, 15/9,
24/1), dated exclussively to the Latene CI period. Most of them are classified as belonging to the
transition period from the Latene CI to C2 and Latene C2 (V. Zirra, Beitrăge zur Kenntnis des
keltischen Latene in Rumânien, Dacia N.S. 15, 1971, fig. 8/7-9).
Florești-Po/us Center. Preliminary observations
59
as they include both objects that have an indisputable Celtic origin (iron fibulae,
wheel made bowls) and items specific to the local, Dacian-Getic environment
(biconical cups, pots manufactured by hand). In fact, the recreation of the
framework in which interethnic relationships evolved is difficult if only based on
elements belonging to the material culture, sometimes extremely scarce. The
presence in the findings of a mixed material, Celtic or autochthonous, assumes the
existence of strong bonds between communities or even a common dwelling in the
same settlements.
Conclusion. Without being a remarkable discovery, from the viewpoint of
the general framework, the archaeological complexes from the La Tene period
uncovered at Polus Center have their degree of importance indeed, as they bring
forward new clues regarding the society from the Second Iron Age in the intra-
Carpathian area, confirming once more the complexity of the ethnical relationships
that were forged here throughout the 3rd - 2nd centuries BC.
The Gepidic Period
The Gepidic Period is one of the best represented, thanks to the richness
and diversity of the findings identified at this site. Habitation traces were identified
both by the complexes specific to a settlement and by the discovery of a large
number of graves that could be dated to this period.
The settlement was located on the first two terraces of the Someș river, at
the bottom of the Răzoarele Hill, avoiding the marshy soil, and ended in the area
where the slopes of the hill were steeper. Following the extensive archaeological
research carried out in this area, the surface on which the settlement was stretching
was delimited on three sides, the only area allowing for expansion being west from
the SW angle of the Polus commercial complex building. A kiln and a firing pit,
and several other pits having various destinations and dimensions were uncovered
from the area investigated by this team (sectors C and K). The number of
dwellings in this area was undoubtedly higher, but the fact that they are not among
the present archaeological findings is due to several factors, such as working
conditions48, the soil characteristics49 or the intensive agricultural activity in the
48 Due to the advanced phase of the construction works, large surfaces situated in the immediate
proximity of the dwellings (under the right wing of the Polus Center Commercial Complex, the one
towards Florești) could not be archaeologically researched.
49 In some areas, due to the color of the earth, the identification of the archaeological complexes
was almost impossible, they only became fully outlined at clay level.
60
Mihai Rotea et alii
area. Therefore, the surface dwellings and annexes were almost entirely destroyed.
Their traces are marked by a big number of pottery fragments and animal bones
scattered over large areas, thus excluding the possibility for archaeological
complexes to be outlined.
The dwellings identified had a rectangular or quadrilateral shape, with
rounded comers. Their sides were 2.40-3.60 m long, enclosing 7 to 10 m of living
space. They are all dwellings half buried into the ground, with the floor about
0.20-0.50 m lower than the ancient trampled surface. The presence of post-pits
was recorded in only one case (L 2), at the mid-westem side (Pl. XXIV). The lack
of these post-pits implies either the fact that the roof structure was supported by
wooden plates, placed on the outside50, or the fact that walls were made of
horizontal beams or intertwined rods51. In our case, such traces were not identified
at the site.
The archaeological material gathered from the filling and from the floor of
the dwellings is mostly made of pottery fragments and animal bones, but there are
other items present as well, although to a lower extent, such as tools, jewellery and
other clothing items.
Among household utensils unearthed at the site, the following can be
mentioned: biconical spindle whorls made of clay, pierced cone-shaped weights
made of fired clay, clustered on the floor of dwelling L 4 and probably used on the
vertical hand loom. These items probably indicate the fact that this building used
to be a weaving workshop. The traces of another craft were found in the dwelling
area, where several processed bone fragments, among which antlers were
discovered; therefore we can assume that there used to be a bone processing
workshop somewhere in the area.
The jewellery items uncovered are: a fragment of an open-ended bronze
bracelet, uncovered from the filling of dwelling L 6, having semicircular shape, a
circular section and flattened ends decorated with two rows of incised dots and a
comb, also originating from the filling of dwelling L 6. This is a bilateral bone
comb with bronze rivets, discovered fragmentarily, decorated with an X-shaped
vertical lines made by incision.
Only two of the uncovered pits really stand out (G 7 and L 9), both because
of their dimensions and thanks to the archaeological material gathered from their
50 D. Gh. Teodor, Teritoriul est-carpatic în veacurile V-IX e.n., Iași 1978, 15; I. Mitrea,
Regiunea centrală a Moldovei dintre Carpați și Șiret, în secolele VI-IXe.n., Carpica 12, 1980, 67.
51 C. Cosma, Așezări și tipuri de locuință în spațiul Transilvaniei intracarpatice în secolele
V-VI d.Chr., in S. Mitu, FI. Gogâltan (eds.), Viață privată, mentalități colective și imaginar social
în Transilvania, Oradea-Cluj 1995—1996, 41—4-2.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
61
filling. Both had an oval shape, straight walls and straight or slightly concave
footrings. Their function is yet to be established, but their filling indicates the fact
that ultimately, they were used as waste pits. First and foremost, the archaeological
material coming from these pits is made of large quantities of pottery fragments
and animal bones, several fragments of bilateral bone combs, bone piercers and
needles, an iron fibula, as weil as a fragment of a small handle made of a
transparent, greenish glass.
The conclusion of the first hand research carried out is the fact that the
complexes discovered in sectors C and K belong to a more extended habitation
area stretching over a few hectares. Analyzing the plan of the resulting findings, it
seems that they were at the outskirts of the ancient settlement. Taking into account
the function of the complexes uncovered, we can assume that they were part of the
“industrial” area of the settlement.
Besides the complexes mentioned, in the area where the parking lot of the
Polus Center commercial centre is planned, in the vicinity of sector K5 were
discovered another 13 Gepidic complexes (5 dwellings, 7 pits and a fountain).
Following the first stage of the research, they were dated to the end of the IVth
century - the first half of the Vth century BC . The chronological delimitation, as
weil as the demarcation of the various habitation phases can only be made after the
complete processing of the archaeological material originating from these complexes.
Necropolis. The Polus Necropolis can be considered among the most
important evidence, attesting the Gepides’ presence in this region. Its importance
increases, according to how much of it can represent the funerary area of as many
contemporary or successive settlements in its immediate proximity. The necropolis
belongs to the horizon of the burial “sites with graves placed in parallel rows
(Reihengrăberfeld)''’ that characterize the Gepidic world from the second half of
the Vth century AD to the mid-VIth century.
The necropolis has not been fully researched. In some areas, due to the
advanced stage of the construction works, archaeological excavations could not be
carried out, and a rather big part of the area was not included in the investigation
project. This future extension area (still untouched to the present moment) is
situated north from the central necropolis area, delimitated by the commercial
centre parking lot and the DN 1 național road Cluj-Napoca - Oradea on the one
hand, and the Polus Center foot bridge and Metro store, on the other. Due to these,
52	S. Cociș et alii, Florești, corn. Florești, jud. Cluj, Punct: Șapca Verde, in Cronica cercetărilor
archaeologicale din România. Campania 2007, București 2008, 137-138.
62
Mihai Rotea et alii
the necropolis extension limit could be estimated only lengthwise, having an EW
orientation, on about 200 m.
The 99 graves discovered in the C and K sectors were displayed in rows,
following the NS direction. Here and there, some were found grouped together, but
the distance among them or among the graves that make them is not constant.
These groups of graves can be the burial place of families. In cases when the
outline of the pit could be discemed on the surface, most of the funerary
complexes had a rectangular shape and rounded comers. The graves had been dug
in yellowish clay and then filled back up with the same clay. This made the
identification of the grave pits that had not been disturbed subsequently more
difficult. The general orientation of the graves was WE, with small detours
towards the south. The presence of coffins was noted in a couple of cases, as
indicated by the clamps discovered and by the wood impression preserved in the
filling and on the bottom of the pit. Traces of textile materials or skin, which could
attest the existence of a shroud, have not been found. Generally, the skeletons were
placed on their backs with their arms and legs stretched.
Grave pillage is a generally encountered phenomenon in this necropolis. In
almost all the cases, the intervention pit was perfectly outlined in the yellowish-
brownish earth filling the grave. The manner in which graves used to be signalled
in ancient times has not yet been archaeologically recorded, but it is certain that
these intervention pits were outlined with great accuracy on the surface of the
graves, usually in the area corresponding to the chest and pelvis of the deceased,
where the objects of interest would most likely be located. The exact moment in
which this action took place is unknown, but the position of the bones show that at
the time of the pillage, there were no ligaments left, so there must have been quite
a long time between the burial and the pillage.
The skeletons of adolescents and adults are more numerous than those of
babies, and those of children under 3 years of age are lacking almost completely.
D. Csallâny’s observation according to which men, women and children were not
buried in separate strips of land, but according to the chronology of the deaths is
not valid in our case. The lack of the small children category from this site cannot
be explained by the acidity of the soil54, but by the fact that children were buried
outside of the cemetery, in a separate area, where no archaeological excavations
53 D. Csallâny, Archâologische Denkmâler der Gepiden in Mitteldonauhecken (454-568 u.Z.),
ArchHung 38, Budapest 1961, 295.
54 The few graves preserved indicate the fact that the bones were truly less well-preserved, but
they were by no means totally decomposed.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
63
have been performed so far. Only one double grave has been identified, in sector
C: right by the skeleton of a woman (M 17) there was that of a child (M 32) both
discovered at the same depth.
Interposed graves or cases of superposition have not been recorded at this
site. In some cases, the artificial manipulation of the skull was noted. The on site
observations were then confirmed by the anthropological analyses, whose outcome
was that this practice was widely used in the community55. In Central Europe,
deformed skulls grew increasingly numerous due to the Huns’ settling down, and
after their domination ended, this practice was given up on a broader scale,
preserved only in some well-delimited territories, like the Tisza Plain for the Gepides,
Crimea for the Goths and the northem part of the Caucasus for the Alans56. Among
the Gepides, this practice was also encountered in the Avar period .
Except for the undisturbed graves (these being quite rare), the funerary
inventory recovered is quite modest, made of clothing items, few jewellery items
and some weapons. The common inventory (found both in the graves of women
and in those of men) is made of combs, knives, pottery and footwear-related items.
The combs discovered at Polus Center are included in the category of double-
toothed combs, and were made of three plates made of antlers, held together by
three or more iron or bronze rivets. Some were decorated with straight lines, in an
undulated or in a zigzag shape, made by incision. The knives were discovered in
the pelvis area or by the legs. From the viewpoint of the shape, all items were
single-edged, had a straight blade, those found in the graves of women and
children being smaller. The habit of making offerings in graves is represented by
the few pottery vessels usually found in the proximity of the skull. They were all
made on the fast wheel, out of a fine fabric, had a greyish colour and were
decorated by stamping or had a polished decoration. The presence of these vessels
does not exclude the possibility of other offerings being made (not identified
during the excavations) like wooden recipients or pieces of meat with no bones.
55 The human osteologic material was analysed by anthropologist Gâl Szilârd, to whom we give
thanks for the information revealed.
56 I. Hica-Cîmpeanu, A. Mureșan, Un mormânt din secolul al Vl-lea e.n. la Sighișoara, Marisia
8, 1979,762.
57 1. Bona, M. Nagy, Hodmezovâsârhely-Kishomok (kom. Csongrâd), in Gepidische Grăberfelder
am Theissgebiet I., Monumenta Germanorum Archaeologica Hungariae, Budapest 2002, 146;
P. Liptâk, A. Marcsik, Kora nepvândorlâskori embertani leletek Kelet-Magyarorszâgon. Ujabb
adatok a mesterseges koponyatorzitâs kerdesehez (Antropologische Funde in Ostungarn aus der
Fruhvdlkerwanderugszeit. Neuere Angaben zur Frage der kilnstlichen Schâdeldeformation). in
A Debreceni Deri Muzeum Evkonyve, Debrecen 1976, 1977, 42, table 5.
64
Mihai Rotea et alii
The inventory of men’s graves encompassed clothing or decoration items,
weapons and household objects. Among the clothing items, buckles are the best
represented. The presence of several buckles in men’s graves is a widely
encountered phenomenon, as 3 or even 4 types of buckles were discovered in the
same grave. The biggest and the most imposing was the belt buckle, followed by a
smaller one used for attaching weapons, clothes buckles, the smallest being the bag
clasp. The belt buckles discovered were medium-sized and were attached by the
means of two or several rivets. They were made of iron, bronze or, more seldom,
silver. The presence of small bags has been confirmed both by on-site observations
and by the discovery of small buckles made of bronze or silver in the pelvis area.
Their inventory includes various widely-used objects, such as firesteel and flint.
In the Polus Center necropolis, no fully equipped warrior was found.
Defensive equipment (shield, helmet, shirts) is completely lacking from the
graves’ inventory. A few offensive weapons were discovered, meant to be used in
close fighting (sabre, sword, spearhead and axe). Weapons used in distance
fighting, represented by different types of arrowheads (two-edged or triple-edged)
were uncovered more frequently.
The inventory of women’s graves is richer, as proven by the few graves
that had not suffered subsequent interventions. They are made of clothing and
jewellery items and household objects. The jewellery unearthed encompasses
crescent shaped lockeringes, made of silver and bronze, or earrings with massive
polyhedral ends. The jewellery to be wom around the neck included strings of
beads, made of amber or glass of various types and sizes. Crescent shape pendants
were sometimes found, and more seldom silver beads. On the shoulder and in the
chest area fibulae made of bronze and more seldom silver, were found. The
buckles discovered in women’s graves were medium-sized, and were made of
bronze or iron. Women’s graves also comprised spindle whorls, generally found in
the pelvis area.
As for the dating, a first-hand analysis of the artefacts indicates the fact that
the existence of the Polus Center necropolis began at the mid-Vth century AD. It
was in use until the mid-VIth century AD. A final analysis of the inventory
discovered will shed more light on these chronological limits.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
65
Pl. I. 1. Map of Transylvania; 2. Map of Someșul Mic Valley.
66
Mihai Rotea et alii
A, B, C, K5, K6 - archaeological sectors of MNIT
Pl. II. Polus Center, archaeological sectors of MNIT.
Florești-fo/z/s Center. Preliminary observations
67
Pl. III. 1. Upper view of Sector C; 2. Parțial view of Sector K6.
68
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. IV. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
69
Pl. V. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
70
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. VI. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
71
Pl. VIL Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
72
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. VIII. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
73
Pl. IX. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
74
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. X. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
Florești-Po/as Center. Preliminary observations
75
Pl. XL Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
76
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. XII. Sector K5, Coțofeni Culture pottery.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
77
Pl. XIII. Sector B, Wietenberg Culture pottery.
78
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. XIV. Sector C, Bronze Age graves.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
79
Pl. XV. Sector C, Bronze Age graves.
80
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. XVI. Sector K5, Bronze Age graves.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
81
Pl. XVII. Sector K5, Bronze Age graves.
82
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. XVIII. Sector K6, Bronze Age graves.
Florești-fo/z/s Center. Preliminary observations
83
Pl. XIX. 1. Sector C, Bronze Age grave, so called of “Romeo and Juliet”;
2. Sector K6, Bronze Age grave.
84
Mihai Rotea et alii
Pl. XX. Sector A, Pit-House 1, The Second Iron Age.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
85
Hut 2 - plan
rocks
animal bo nes
Vd ' pottery fragments
Gl, G2, G3 - pits
Pl. XXL Sector A, Pit-House 2, The Second Iron Age.
86
Mihai Rotea et alii
PL XXII. Sector A, The Second Iron Age pottery from Pit-House 1 and Pit-House 2.
Florești-Po/ws Center. Preliminary observations
87
Pl. XXII. Sector A, The Second Iron Age pottery from Pit-House 1 and Pit-House 2.
Pl. XXIV. Sector K6, Dwelling L2 (plan), Gepidic period.
00
oo
Mihai Rotea et alii
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43^14/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 89-109
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the
Hellenistic and Roman world.
Eastern sigillata B
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Eastern Sigillata B, a pottery class emerging by the end of the lst century
BC in Asia Minor, under the influence of Italian sigillata, is firstly diffused in the
basin of the Aegean Sea and sporadically in the Pontic basin1. During their
maximum dispersion period, that coincides with the decline of the Italian
workshops and the workshops manufacturing Eastern Sigillata A (third quarter of
the lst century A.D. - second half of the 2nd century A.D.), their distribution area
expands, encompassing part of Crete, western Greece, Southern Italy and the coasts
of the Adriatic Sea2.
The issue of the north Danube penetration of Hellenistic and Roman pottery,
within the territory inhabited by the Geto-Dacians, during the 2nd century B.C. and
the lst century A.D. is poorly mirrored by the Romanian archaeological literature, in
spițe of numerous references on the discovery of “imported pottery”, “Hellenistic
and Roman pottery”, “Hellenistic-Roman pottery”, “terra sigillata” etc. within
numerous Geto-Dacian sites either systematically researched or only surveyed .
1 It is believed that the production centre or centres are located somewhere in the Tralles area,
yet, insofar, the hypothesis has not been confirmed by the archaeological research (Atlante II, p. 49;
Malfitana 2002, p. 141); for the description of Eastern Sigillata B see Atlante II, p. 49-52; for a
Romanian abstract see Popescu 2006, p. 265-266.
2Atlante II, p. 52; for a study regarding the distribution of classes of Eastern Sigillata, including
Eastern Sigillata B, within the sites in the eastern basin of the Mediterranean Sea, see Malfitana
2002, p. 133-157.
3 Regularly, the Hellenistic and Roman pottery is signalled by excavation reports; it is reviewed
within special sections, either parțial or complexly compiled within certain articles and site or areas
monographs; it is either mentioned within studies addressing the issue of Hellenistic and Roman
imports in general; for instance: Sanie 1973, p. 407—435; Sârbu 1982, p. 99-125; Sârbu, Atanasiu
90
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
The theme benefited of a complex approach within the ample ffame of the
work concerning the “Dacian Trade with the Hellenistic and Roman World''’
drafted by loan Glodariu4, who considered in ensemble, the Hellenistic and Roman
influences supported and fully contributed to the development of the Geto-Dacian
civilization. The author’s remarks regarding the diffusion of the Hellenistic and
Roman pottery within the territory, its origin and the evolution of the trade with
Hellenistic and Roman pottery, still apply5. We must additionally mention the
study on the painted ware in Hadra style discovered in the Romanian territory6 and
a note describing the Eastern Sigillata B unearthed in the settlement of Poiana
(Galați county)7.
Subsequent the analysis of the Hellenistic and Roman pottery of the 2nd
century B.C. and lst century A.D. discovered in Geto-Dacian sites east of the
Carpathians, within the territory comprised between Olt river and the Danube and
a few sites inside the Carpathian arch (pl. 1, map / no. 3, 10, 11), I succeeded to
identify an important lot of Eastern Sigillata B, which constitutes the theme of the
present article8.
Beside the samples from Poiana, already published9, the catalogue
comprises 18 items uncovered in the Geto-Dacian settlements on the mid and
lower course of Șiret river: Brad and Răcătău, Bacău county and housed with the
collections of the History Museums of Roman and Bacău10.
1983, p. 11^12; Teodor 1994, p. 73-123; Ursachi 1994, p. 208-225; Crișan 2000, p. 132; Vulpe,
Teodor, 2003, p. 89-95, 321-334.
4 Glodariu 1974, p. 40-54, 140-150, 209-233.
5 Glodariu 1974, p. 46-47, 51-52.
6 Lungu,Trohani 2000, p. 137-162.
7 Popescu 2006, p. 265-273.
8 M.-C. Popescu, “Cultural interferences in pre-Roman Dacia. The imported pottery”; doctoral
thesis defended at the Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca in 2008, ms; the Geto-Dacian
settlements where was discovered Roman pottery analyzed in this work are following: 1. Bărboși
(Galați county), 2. Bâtca Doamnei (Neamț county), 3. Brad (Bacău county), 4. Buridava (Ocnița,
Vâlcea county), 5. Cemat “Pământul lui Robert” (Covasna county), 6. Covasna “Cetatea Zânelor”
(Covasna county), 7. Ipotești (Olt county), 8. Pecica (Arad county), 9. Piatra Șoimului (Neamț
county), 10. Poiana (Galați county), 11. Răcătău (Bacău county), 12. Sprâncenata (Olt county), 13.
Zimnicea (Teleorman county) (see pl. I/map).
9 Popescu 2006, p. 265-273; two remarks are worth mentioning regarding the published items
from Poiana: the present catalogue does not include two fragments identified, under reserve, as
form Hayes 80 and the cup Hayes 36, since among the items subsequently processed we identified
Pontic Sigillata with similar fabric and slip; the plate fragments Hayes 57 are incorporated with
form Hayes 58 in the current catalogue.
10 I would like to thank this way, Mr. Vasile Ursachi and Mr. Viorel Căpitanu for amiably allowing
me to process the material uncovered from within the sites where they led the archaeological research.
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
91
Although the material is largely fragmentary and poorly preserved, I
managed to distinguish, based on details particular to each obvious form of the
analyzed fragments, nine Hayes forms used in the household, which may be
grouped in two funcțional categories: tableware service and drinking cups.
The tableware are represented mainly by plates. Among them most numerous
are forms Hayes 4 (no. 1, pl. 2), Hayes 6 (no. 2-3, pl. 2/2), Hayes 7 (no. 4-9, pl.
2/9), Hayes 8 (no. 10-14, pl. 2/10), Hayes 58 (no. 19-27, pl. 2/20, 23; pl. 3/24-
25), defined by the following: rounded fine rim, with or without a groove in the
upper part; vertical wall (on occasion slightly concave or thickened on the
outside), with two outer mouldings, separated from wall by grooves; flat base or
almost flat, angular junction between wall and base; and low ring. Such forms
have a rather similar morphological evolution and therefore, their identification
raises serious questions, especially when the material is poorly preserved.
They are supplemented by a few plates form Hayes 14 (no. 15-18, pl. 2/16),
with more or less curved walls and flat base; with rounded junction between wall
and bottom on the outside and, occasionally, angular on the inside; low ring,
simple or beveled with flat or slightly rounded resting surface.
The same category of tableware also comprises a bowl form Hayes 60 (no.
28, pl. 3), with sloping wall, incurved rim with grooves below, both on the inside
and on the outside, and straight angle-floor.
Drinking cups are represented by two forms Hayes - 32 (no. 29, pl. 3) and
68 (no. 30, pl. 3), with conical body and either concave vertical rim bounded above
and below on the outside by mouldings or downtumed bevelled rim; flat base and
low rounded ring, including on the resting surface.
The fabric of which the analysed fragments are made of is homogenous,
abounds in mica and consequently falls off easily. Greater attention is noticeable
paid in the fabric refinement of the items belonging to the series of Eastern
Sigillata Bl (Hayes 4, Hayes 6, Hayes 7, Hayes 8, Hayes 14, Hayes 32). The fabric
colour varies from red to reddish yellow and pink (Munsell 10 R 6/8 - 7.5 YR 7/6).
The slip is fine, dull, shiny or metallic, the majority of the analysed
fragments preserving only parts of it. Alike the fabric, the slip on the series Bl
fragments is more homogenous and much more adherent. The slip colour varies
from red to reddish yellow and pink (Munsell 10 R 6/8 -7.5 YR 6/8).
The decoration elements are typical to the Eastern Sigillata B class.
Rouletting decoration: simple or multiple lines arranged on the outer vessel
surface, on both mouldings or only on the upper moulding, onto the rim or the
92
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
vessel floor; incised concentric circles, simple or double; and applied horizontal
“S” pairs imitating double spirals specific to Italic Sigillata".
Potter’s stamps were not found on the items discovered within the local
environment. In the case of a single plate Hayes 58, early variant (no. 22, pl.
3/22a-b), the fashion that the slip and fabric of a small base portion inside, a circle
sketched by a thin incised line, may suggest that the item was stamped.
Subsequent the forms presentation and chart 1 and 2, it may be inferred that
functionally the vessels for food service prevails (93%), while best represented
forms are Hayes 58 (31%). Forms Hayes 4, Hayes 60 and Hayes 68 (3% each) are
less found. Concerning their quantitative distribution upon sites (chart 3), most items
come from Poiana (44%), followed decreasingly by Răcătău (33%) and Brad (23%).
Unfortunately, data regarding the discovery contexts are either lacking or
do not allow for chronological refmement of the time when each of the identified
form reaches Geto-Dacian settlements, the duration of their usage and the fashion
they reach such environment, either distinctly or in compact lots.
Obviously, the appearance date of each form represents a terminus post
quem, and the final existence of Geto-Dacian settlements - at the beginning of the
second century A.D., those from Brad and Răcătău12, and in the mid of the second
century A.D. (?) that from Poiana13 -, a terminus ante quem, for the presence of
Eastern Sigillata B in the north of the Danube.
Nonetheless, should the chronology established for each form (chart 4) be
considered, it may be noticed that two thirds of the identified Eastern Sigillata B
(19 items and 6 forms Hayes 4, Hayes 6, Hayes 7, Hayes 8, Hayes 14 and Hayes
32) date from the first half of the lst century A.D.14, while the others (11 items and
3 forms Hayes 58, Hayes 60, Hayes 68) - date from the second half of the lst
century A.D.15.
11 Conspectus, p. 149.
12 The end of the Geto-Dacian settlement of Brad - although there may be elements suggesting
an earlier date - may be related to the wars by the beginning of the 2nd century B.C.. For a
discussion regarding the end of the settlement of Brad, see Ursachi 1995, p. 26, 274-279.
Regarding the stratigraphy and dating of the settlement of Răcătău, see Căpitanu 1992, p. 134-135.
13 The date when the settlement of Poiana ceases to exist is not yet established. Previous
publications concerning the site propose as final date either the end of the lst century A.D. or the
beginning of the 2nd century A.D. (Vulpe, Vulpe 1927-1932, p. 344-351; Vulpe 1951, p. 179;
Vulpe 1957, p. 145-146, 162-164). In exchange, recent publications mention that the last dwelling
level from the settlement of Poiana dated from the beginning of the lsl century B.C. until mid 2nd
century A.D. and it is believed that the settlement is defmitively abandoned by the end of the 2nd
century A.D. (Teodor 1992, p. 115-125; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 20-21).
N Atlante II, p. 54—56, 59; for form Hayes 14 see also Robinson 1959, p. 25.
15 Alame II, p. 63-64, 66.
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
93
They diffuse differently within various sites, both as forms as well as
chronology, a fact which may suggest direct connection with the sources in the
case of each settlement, irrespective of the other. Hence, according to chart 5, one
may notice that: plates Hayes 4 and Hayes 6, which date earlier, appear
exclusively in the settlement of Brad (besides, one may infer that only Eastern
Sigillata B from the first half of the lst century A.D. may be identified here16); the
forms Hayes 32, Hayes 60 and Hayes 68 emerge exclusively in the settlement of
Poiana, where forms of the first half of the lsl century A.D. dominate, most early
being plates Hayes 8, dated during the mid lst century A.D.; at Răcătău, the earliest
are plates Hayes 7, dated 25-50 A.D., while the quantitative ratio between the
items of the first half of the lst century A.D. and those belonging to the second half
of the lst century A.D. is rather balanced.
Insofar, the distribution area of Eastern Sigillata B limits to the settlements
on Șiret River. Does their absence from other Geto-Dacian settlements mirror a
reality or a state of research?
The tableware of the Roman period, present from the beginning of the lst
century A.D. until the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. within the sites of
barbarian Dacia, comes from two regions: the region of Asia Minor {Eastern
Sigillata B) and the Pontic region {Pontic Sigillata'), while Western Sigillata and
other pottery classes corresponding to the lst century A.D. is poorly represented
(chart 6). The quantitative ratio between such pottery classes decidedly favours the
Pontic Sigillata including within the sites where they may be found beside Eastern
Sigillata B: Poiana, Brad and Răcătău (chart 7). Besides, during the first half of the
lst century A.D., the two Sigillata classes rather complete each other - the drinking
ware belonging to the Pontic Sigillata class and the tableware to the Eastern
Sigillata B class - whereas, during the second half of the lst century A.D., the
Pontic Sigillata would almost completely replace Eastern Sigillata B. The fact
does not occur only north of the Danube, but is rather related to the beginning of
the production of Pontic Sigillata - initiated under the influence of Eastern
Sigillata B - and to the fact that, from the second half of the lst century AD, they
would dominate in the Pontic basin area and the neighbouring barbarian
territories17.
16 Of the seven items identified in this settlement, only one footring sherd was doubtfully
attributed to form Hayes 58 (see catalogue no. 19).
17 Atlante 11, p. 92-95; Zhuravlev 2000, p. 254-561; M.-C. Popescu, “Cultural interferences in
pre-Roman Dacia. The imported pottery”; doctoral thesis defended the Babeș-Bolyai University,
Cluj-Napoca in 2008, ms.
94
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
The presence of Eastern Sigillata B north of the Danube does not
necessarily prove direct relations with the workshops from Asia Minor. Such
products, most probably, reach the Geto-Dacian sites to the extent they emerge
within the Greek cities from the Pontic basin (most numerous analogies with the
items identified within the Geto-Dacian sites being signalled here ), thus proving
rather the range of the trade relations of the manufacturing centres.
Catalogue
Plates
Hayes 4
1.	Brad, 1972, SXII, c 4, -0,50-0,70 m; M.R., inv. no. 21956; diam. 26 cm; pl. 2/1.
Fragment (ring, three-quarters of wall and most part of base missing). Vertical slightly
concave outside wall, bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Vertical thin
rim with shallow groove on top. Groove on innerface of upper moulding. Angular junction
between wall and base. Rouletting on outside upper moulding. Hard, fine light red fabric with
mica (Munsell 2.5 YR 6/8). Metallic red slip (Munsell 2.5 YR 4/8).
Hayes 4 (Atlante II, p. 53-54, tav. XI, 13).
It is related with the Arretine form Conspectus 18.1.2 (Conspectus 1990, p. 82, Taf. 16).
Otherfindspots: Olbia (Atlante II, p. 54).
Literature: Ursachi 1995, pl. 196/2.
Dating-. Hayes 4 is produced beginning with the early lst century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 54).
Hayes 6
2.	Brad, 1971, SVI, c 3, 0,60-0,70 m; M.R., inv. no 14005; diam. 28 cm; pl. 2/2.
Very poorly preserved fragment (ring and three-quarters of wall and basemissing). Vertical
wall bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin rim with deep groove on
top. Wall meets base at angle. Base is almost flat. Micaceous, fine, pale red fabric (Munsell 10
R 7/4). Shiny light red slip (Munsell 10 R 7/6).
Hayes 6 (Atlante II, p. 54, tav. XI, 15).
Otherfindspots-. Olbia (Atlante II, p. 54).
Reference-, Ursachi 1995, p. 218.
Date: 25-50 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 54).
3.	Brad, 1972, SVIIA, c 4, -0,80 m; inv. no. 14014; diam. 28 cm.
Very poorly preserved fragment (ring and three-quarters of wall and base missing). Vertical
wall bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin rim, with deep groove on
18 Closest analogies with the identified items are found in the north of Pontus and at Histria:
Alexandrescu 1966, pl. 81, XXV, 2; pl. 101, XXV', 2; Zhuravlev 1997, p. 227-261; Zhuravlev
1998, p. 31-52; Zhuravlev 2002, p. 243-245, pl. 3; Suceveanu 2000, p. 23, pl. 3/22, p. 69, pl. 26/1.
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
95
top. Wall meets base at angle. Base is almost flat. Micaceous, light red fabric (Munsell 10 R
7/6). Dull red slip (Munsell 10 R 4/8).
Hayes 6 (Atlante II, p. 54, tav. XI, 15).
Otherfindspots: Olbia (Atlante II, p. 54).
Dating'. 25-50 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 54).
Hayes 7
4.	Brad, 1977, SXVI, c 3, -0,40-0,70 m; M.R., inv. no. 16058; diam. 24 cm.
Restored (one-quarter of ring, wall and base preserved). Vertical slightly thickened outside
wall, bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin flat rim. Wall meets base at
angle. Base is almost flat. Beveled low ring-foot with flat resting surface. Fine micaceous light
red fabric (Munsell 10 R 7/8). Shiny red slip (Munsell 10 R 5/8).
Hayes 7 (Atlante II, p. 54-55, tav. XI, 18).
Otherfindspots-, Panticapaeum (Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/3).
Literature: Ursachi 1995, p. 219, pl. 196/5, 322/3.
Dating-, 25-50 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 54-55).
5.	Brad, 1965, SXIII, c 3A, -1,10 m; M.R., inv. no. 13854; diam. 12 cm.
Fragment (ring and three-quarters of wall and base missing). Vertical slightly thickened
outside wall, bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thickened rim; shallow
groove below. Wall meets base at angle. Base is almost flat. Fairly hard, fine fabric with mica;
light red (Munsell 2.5 YR 7/6). Dull red slip (Munsell 2.5 YR 5/8).
Hayes 7 (Atlante II, 1985, p. 54-55, tav. XI, 18).
Otherfindspots-, Panticapaeum (Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/3).
Reference'. Ursachi 1995, p. 218.
Dating: 25-50 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
6.	Brad, 1975, SXXI, c 23, -0,20-0,40 m; M.R., inv. no. 13896; 11x10 cm.
Fragment (one-quarter of base; wall mostly missing). Fiat base. Moulding on bottom of the
wall with groove above. Two concentric circles on the innerface of floor. Micaceous, hard,
pink fabric (Munsell 5 YR 8/4). Metallic reddish yellow slip (Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 7 (Atlante II, 1985, p. 54-55, tav. XI, 18).
Otherfindspots: Panticapaeum (Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/3).
Reference: Ursachi 1995, p. 219.
Notes: Hayes 7?
Dating: 25-50 A.D.? (Atlante II, p. 55)
7.	Răcătău, 1975; SXVIII, c 9, -0,60- 0,80 m; M.B., inv. no. 32419; diam. 20 cm.
Fragment (one-quarter wall and base preserved). Vertical slightly thickened outside wall,
bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin thickened rim. Shallow grooves
on bottom moulding and below. Angular junction between wall and base. Bottom almost flat.
Fine, micaceous, reddish yellow fabric (Munsell 7.5 YR 7/6). Tin, dull, reddish yellow slip
(Munsell 7.5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 7 (Atlante II, 1985, p. 54-55, tav. XI, 18).
96
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Otherfindspots: Panticapeum (Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/3).
Dating: 25-50 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
8.	Răcătău, 1971, SVI1I, c 8, - 0,30, loc.; M.B., inv. no. 32184; diam.19 cm.
Fragment (one-quarter wall and base preserved). Vertical slightly thickened outside wall,
bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Fiat rim with groove bellow; other
slightly grooves on bottom of wall, inside. Angular junction between wall and base. Almost
flat base. Fine, micaceous, reddish yellow fabric (Munsell 7.5 YR 7/6). Tin, dull, reddish
yellow slip (Munsell 7.5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 7 (Atlante II, p. 54-55, tav. XI, 18).
Findspots: Panticapaeum (Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/3).
Dating: 25-50 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
9.	Răcătău, 1970, SVI, c 5, -0,60-0,80 m; M.B., inv. no. 32173; diam.16 cm; pl. 2/9.
Fragment (rim and two-quarters wall and base missing). Vertical slightly thickened outside
wall, bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Two grooves bellow of top
moulding and one on innerface of rim. Angular junction between wall and floor. Almost flat
floor. Micaceous fine reddish yellow fabric (Munsell 5 YR 7/6). Shiny reddish yellow slip
(Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 7 (Atlante II, p. 54-55, tav. XI, 18).
Otherfindspots: Panticapaeum (Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/3).
Dating: 25-50 A.D.
Hayes 8
10.	Poiana, M.T, inv. no. 1227; diam. 27,5 cm; diam. of ring 13 cm; H 5,5 cm; pl. 2/10.
Restored (half preserved). Vertical wall bounded above and below on the outside by
mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Fiat rim. Angular junction between wall and base.
Almost flat base. Rouleting on innerface of base. Hard fabric with mica, light red (Munsell 10
R 7/8). Metallic red slip (Munsell 10 R 5/8).
Hayes 8 (Atlante II, p. 55, tav. XI, 19). It is related with Arretine form Conspectus 20.4.1
(Conspectus 1990, p. 86, Taf. 18).
Otherfindspots: Corinth (Atlante II, p. 55).
Reference: Teodor 1994, p. 80, cat. 6, fig. 2/1; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 323, cat. 799, fig.
236/1; Popescu 2006, p. 268, cat. 3, pl. II/2.
Notes: drawing after Vulpe, Teodor, 2003, p. 323, fig. 236/1.
Dating: mid first century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
11.	Poiana, P. 1950, J8; M.T.; diam. 10 cm.
Small fragment of wall. Vertical slightly concave outside wall, bounded above and below on
the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Deep groove on bottom moulding.
Homogenous, fine, pink fabric, with mica (Munsell 2.5 YR 8/4). Shiny light red slip (Munsell
2.5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 8 (Atlante II, p. 55, tav. XI, 19). It is related with Arretine form Conspectus 20.4.1
(Conspectus 1990, p. 86, Taf. 18).
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world 97
Otherfindspots: Corinth (Atlante II, p. 55).
Reference: Popescu 2006, p. 268, cat. 4.
Dating: mid first century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
12.	Poiana, P 1950; M.T.; diam. 9 cm; diam. of ring 6 cm; H 3 cm.
Fragment (one-quarter wall and two-quarters of base missing). Vertical wall, bounded above
and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin rounded rim. Angular junction between wall and
base. Low ring foot with flat resting surface. Two concentric circles on innerface of base.
Micaceous, fine fabric, reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 7/8). Shiny reddish yellow slip (Munsell
5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 8 (Atlante II, p. 55, tav. XI, 19). It is related with Arretine form Conspectus 20.4.1
(Conspectus 1990, p. 86, Taf. 18).
Otherfindspots: Corinth (Atlante II, p. 55).
Reference: Popescu 2006, p. 268, cat. 5.
Dating: mid first century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
13.	Poiana, 1950, J 4; M.T.; diam.9 cm.
Fragment (ring and three-quarters of wall and base missing). Small size. Vertical wall,
bounded above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin rounded rim. Shallow grooves on
innerface of wall. Micaceous, porous fabric, light reddish brown (Munsell 5 YR 6/4). Dull
reddish brown slip inside (Munsell 5 YR 4/4).
Hayes 8 (Atlante II, p. 55, tav. XI, 19). It is related with Arretine form Conspectus 20.4.1
(Conspectus 1990, p. 86, Taf. 18).
Otherfindspots: Corinth (Atlante II, p. 55).
Dating: mid first century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
14.	Poiana, 1987, S -NI, -0,90 m; M.T. inv. no. 2272; H 2,4 cm.
Small fragment (ring and three-quarters of wall and base missing). Vertical wall, bounded
above and below on the outside by mouldings. Thin rounded rim. Fairly hard fabric with mica,
reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 7/6). Metallic reddish yellow slip (Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 8 (Atlante II, p. 55, tav. XI, 19). It is related with Arretine form Conspectus 20.4.1
(Conspectus 1990, p. 86, Taf. 18, form 20.4.1).
Otherfindspots: Corinth (Atlante II, p. 55).
Reference: Teodor 1994, p. 83, cat. 16, fig. 2/6; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 324, cat. 809, fig.
236/9; Popescu 2006, p. 268, cat. 7.
Dating: mid first century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 55).
Hayes 14
15.	Poiana, P. 1950, S. J, 13; M.T. inv. no. 2266 (marked 2072); diam.13,5 cm; diam. of ring
7,2 cm; H 3,1 cm.
Restored (two-quarters preserved). Curving wall. Thin rim. Fiat base. Beveled low ring with
flat resting surface. Slightly concentric circles on innerface of base. Fairly hard fabric with
98
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
mica, reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 7/6) Shiny reddish yellow slip, mostly missing (Munsell
5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 14 (Atlante II, p. 56, tav. XII, 6).
Other findspots: Olbia (Atlante II, p. 56); Athens (Robinson 1959, p. 25, pl. 61); Histria
(Suceveanu 2000 type V, p. 23, pl. 3/22).
Reference'. Teodor 1994, p. 79, cat. 2, fig. 27/4; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 322, cat. 795, fig.
235/3; Popescu 2006, p. 268, cat. 8.
Dating: uncertain, sometime during the lst century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 56); it is related to form
Robinson G31, dated first half of lst century A.D. (Robinson 1959, p. 25, pl. 61).
16.	Poiana, P. 1985, N', - 0,60 m; M.T. inv. no. 2267; diam. 13,6 cm; H 3,2 cm; pl. 2/16.
“...plate with incurved wall, rounded rim and ring-foot, covered inside and outside with red
glaze; light brown patches on rim outside. Shallow concentric circles on base, inside. Thin
reddish yellow fabric with sand inclusions. Two-quarters restored. IInd century B.C. - Ist
century A.D.” (Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 322, cat. 796).
Hayes 14 (Atlante II, tav. XII, 6).
Otherfindspots'. Olbia (Atlante II, p. 56); Histria (Suceveanu 2000 type V, p. 23, 3/22.)
Reference'. Teodor 1994, p. 79, cat. 3, fig. 1/5; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 322, cat. 796, fig.
235/5; Popescu 2006, p. 269, cat. 9.
Notes', drawing after Vulpe, Teodor 2003, fig. 235/5.
Dating: uncertain, sometime during the lst century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 56); it is related to form
Robinson G31, dated during the first half of the lst century A.D. (Robinson 1959, p. 25, pl. 61).
17.	Poiana, M.T., inv. no 6282, old collection; diam. 14 cm; diam. of ring 7 cm; H 3 cm.
Restored (two-quarters preserved). Curving, shallow beveled wall. Thin rim. Fiat base.
Beveled low ring with flat resting surface. Slightly concentric circles on innerface of base.
Fairly hard fabric with mica, reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 7/6). Metallic reddish yellow slip
(Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 14 (Atlante II, tav. XII, 6).
Otherfindspots: Olbia (Atlante II, p. 56); Histria (Suceveanu 2000 type V, p. 23, pl. 3/22).
Reference: Teodor 1994, p. 81, cat. 7, fig. 2/5; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 323, cat. 800, fig.
236/5.
Dating: uncertain, sometime during the lst century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 56); is related with
Robinson G31 form, dated during the first half of the lst century A.D. (Robinson 1959, p. 25,
pl. 61).
18.	Răcătău, 1987, c 11, -0,40-0,60 m; M.B., inv. no. 33268; diam. 16 cm; diam. of ring 9
cm; H 3,8 cm.
Fragment (half preserved). Curving, shallow beveled wall. Thin rim with shallow groove on
top. Fiat base. Beveled low ring foot with resting surface flat. Groove at junction between
baseand ring, outside. Fairly hard fabric, with mica, light red (Munsell 2.5 YR 7/8). Metallic
reddish yellow slip (Munsell 5 YR 7/8).
Hayes 14 (Atlante II, tav. XII, 6)
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
99
Otherfindspots: Olbia (Atlante II, p. 56); Histria (Suceveana 2000 type V, p. 23, pl. 3/22.)
Dating'. uncertain, sometime during the lst century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 56); is related to
Robinson G31 form, dated during the first half of the lst century A.D. (Robinson 1959, p. 25,
pl. 61).
Hayes 58
19.	Brad, 1976; SXIII, c 10 B, -1,40-1,60 m; M.R., inv. no . 13843; diam. of ring 7 cm.
Small fragment. Fiat base. Low ring with flat resting surface. Rouletting (double circle) on
innerface of base. Fine micaceous reddish yellow fabric (Munsell 5 YR 6/8). Metallic reddish
yellow slip (Munsell 5 YR 5/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3).
Other findspots'. Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.1, p. 237-238, fig. 6).
Reference'. Ursachi 1995, p. 221, pl. 198/9.
Notes: Hayes 58?
Dating: 50-125 A.D.? (Atlante II, p. 63)
20.	Poiana, M.T. inv. no. 6283, old collection; diam.13,9 cm; diam. of ring 10,2 cm; H 2,5; Pl.
2/20.
Restored (half preserved). Vertical slightly inner and concave outside wall, bounded above and
below on the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Almost flat base. Angular
junction between wall and base. Low ring with flat resting surface. Rouletting on mouldings
and one “S” applied onto the wall. Fine micaceous fabric, light red (Munsell 2 YR 7/6). Dull
light red slip (Munsell 2 YR 6/8)
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV,3). Later variant of form Hayes 4-8 (Atlante II, p. 63).
Otherfindspots: Histria (Alexandrescu 1966, pl. 81, XXV, 2; pl. 101, XXV,2; Suceveanu 2000
type XVIII, p. 70, pl. 26/1); Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.3, p. 237-238, fig. 3/3-9;
Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/2).
Reference: Teodor 1994, p. 81, cat. 8, fig. 2/2; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 323, cat. 801, fig.
236/2; Popescu 2006, p. 269, cat. 10, pl. II/l;
Remark: drawing after Vulpe, Teodor 2003, fig. 236/2.
Dating: early variant is dated 50-75 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63).
21.	Poiana, P. 50, L3; M.T.; diam. 14 cm.
Small part of wall and base. Vertical slightly inner and concave outside wall, bounded above
and below on the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Angular junction
between wall and base. Rouletting on mouldings and a small “S” applied onto the wall. Fine
fabric, with mica, light red (Munsell 2 YR 7/6). Shiny light red slip (Munsell 2 YR 6/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3). Later variant of form Hayes 4-8 (Atlante II, p. 63).
Other findspots: Histria (Alexandrescu 1966, pl. 81, XXV, 2; pl. 101, XXV', 2; Suceveanu
2000 type XVIII, p. 70, pl. 26/1); Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.3, p. 237-238, fig.3/ 3-9;
Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/2).
Reference: Popescu 2006, p. 269, cat. 11.
Dating: early variant is dated 50-75 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63).
100
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
22.	Răcătău, 1972, SX, cl4, -1,20-1,40 m; M.B., nr. inv. 12191; diam. 12 cm; diam. of ring
7,6; H 3 cm; pl. 3/22 a-b.
Fully preserved. Vertical slightly inner and concave outside wall, bounded above and below on
the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Almost flat base. Angular junction
between wall and base. Low ring with flat resting surface. Rouletting on mouldings and two
“S” applied onto the wall and circle on innerface of base. Fine fabric, with mica, light red
(Munsell 2 YR 7/6). Shiny light red slip, almost missing (Munsell 2 YR 6/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3). Later variant of form Hayes 4-8 (Atlante II, p. 63).
Findspots: Histria (Alexandrescu 1966, pl. 81, XXV, 2; pl. 101, XXV’, 2; Suceveanu 2000
type XVIII, p. 70, pl. 26/1); Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.3, p. 237-238, fig. 3/3-9;
Zhuravlev 2002, fig. 3/2).
Dating: early variant is dated 50-75 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63).
23.	Răcătău, 1970, passim; M.B., inv. no. 32410; diam. 16 cm; pl. 2/23.
Small part of wall and base. Vertical slightly inner and concave outside wall, bounded above
and below on the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Almost flat base.
Angular junction between wall and base. Rouletting on top moulding. Micaceous, fine, reddish
yellow fabric (Munsell 5 YR 6/8). Dull, yellow reddish slip (Munsell 5 YR 5/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3). Later variant of Hayes 4-8 forms (Atlante II, p. 63).
Other findspots: Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.1, p. 237-238, fig. 3/1; Zhuravlev 2002,
fig- 3/4).
Dating: later variant is dated 75-125 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63).
24.	Răcătău, 1970, SIV, square 8; gr. 14; M.B., inv. no. 32181; diam. 16 cm; diam. of ring 12
cm; H 3 cm; pl. 3/24.
Fragment (very poorly preserved). Vertical slightly inner and concave outside wall, bounded
above and below on the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. Almost flat
base. Angular junction between wall and base. Low ring with flat resting surface. Rouletting
on top moulding. Fine fabric with mica, reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 7/6). Shiny reddish
yellow slip, almost missing (Munsell 5 YR 6/8)
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3). Later variant of form Hayes 4-8 (Atlante II, p. 63).
Other findspots: Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.1, p. 237-238, fig. 3/1; Zhuravlev 2002,
fig. 3/2,4).
Dating: early variant is dated 50-75 A.D.. (Atlante II, p. 63).
25.	Răcătău, 1971, SVI1I, c 1, gr. 1; M.B., inv. no. 32186; diam.20 cm; diam. of ring 14 cm; H
2,5 cm; pl. 3/25.
Fragment (half preserved). Vertical slightly inner and concave outside wall, bounded above
and below on the outside by mouldings, separated from wall by grooves. The top moulding is
thickened outside. Almost flat base. Angular junction between wall and base. Low ring with
flat resting surface. Rouletting on the top moulding. Micaceous fine fabric, reddish yellow
(Munsell 5 YR 6/8). Shiny light red slip (Munsell 2.5 YR 4/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3). Later variant of form Hayes 4-8 (Atlante II, p. 63).
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman worid 101
Other findspots'. Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997, form 3.1, p. 237-238, fig. 3/1; Zhuravlev 2002,
fig. 3/2,4).
Dating: early variant is dated 50-75 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63).
26.	Răcătău, 1980; SXXIII, c 2, gr. 1; M.B., inv. no. 32190; diam. of ring 11 cm.
Small part of base. Fiat base, low ring, with flat resting surface. Rouletting on the innerface of
base. Fine fabric, with mica reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 7/8). Poorly preserved shiny
reddish yellow slip (Munsell 5 YR 5/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV, 3).
Notes: Hayes 58?
Dating: 50-125 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63)?
27.	Răcătău, 1970, c 5, SV, -1,20 -1,40 m; M.B., inv. no. 32172; diam. of ring 9,5 cm.
Small part of base. Fiat base, low ring, with flat resting surface. Two concentric circles on the
innerface of base. Fine micaceous fabric, reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 7/6). Shiny reddish
yellow slip (Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 58 (Atlante II, p. 63, tav. XIV,3).
Notes: Hayes 58 (?)
Dating: 50-125 A.D. (Atlante II, p. 63).
Bowl
Hayes 60
28.	Poiana; 1926; M.T. inv. no. 1652; diam. 26 cm; pl. 3/28.
Fragment (one-quarter preserved). Sloping wall and incurved rim with two grooves below on
the outside; one groove bellow on the inside. Fiat base. Micaceous fabric, yellow reddish
(Munsell 5 YR 7/6). Poorly preserved slip; reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 60 (Atlante II, p. 64, tav. XIV, 6).
Other findspots: Athens (Robinson 1959, p. 25, pl. 61 G 25); Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997,
form 1.1, p. 235, fig. 1/2).
Literature: Popescu 2006, p. 269, pl. II/3;
Dating: mid lst century - mid 2nd century A.D. (Atlante II, p. 64); it is related to Robinson G
25 form, dated during the first half of the 1S1 century A.D. (Robinson 1959, p. 25, pl. 61).
Cup
Hayes 32
29.	Poiana, 1982, S4; M.T. inv. no. 1280; diam. 13 cm; diam. of ring 5,7 cm; H 6 cm; pl. 3/29.
Restored (half preserved). Conical body and concave vertical rim bounded above and below
on the outside by mouldings. Fiat base. Low beveled ring with flat resting surface. Rouletting
on the mouldings. Micaceous light red fabric (Munsell 2.5 YR 7/8). Poorly shiny light red slip
(Munsell 2.5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 32 (Atlante II, p. 59, tav. XIII, 3).
102
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Other findspots'. Athens (Robinson 1959, p. 24, pl. 61, G 18); Belbek IV (Zhuravlev 1997,
form 8.5, p. 240-241, fig. 4/14).
Literature: Teodor 1994, p. 86, cat. 30, fig. 3/12; Vulpe, Teodor 2003, p. 325, cat. 823, fig. 237/12;
Popescu 2006, p. 267, cat. 1, pl. II/7.
Notes', drawing after Vulpe, Teodor 2003, fig. 237/12.
Dating: 25-50 A.D (Atlante II, p. 59); it is related with Robinson G18 form, dated during the
first half of the lst century A.D. (Robinson 1959, p. 24, pl. 61).
Hayes 68
30.	Poiana, 1986 M; -2 m, X; M.T.; diam. 12 cm; diam. of ring 6 cm; H 3 cm; pl. 3/30.
Fragment, (three-quarters of cup preserved). Conical body and downtumed beveled rim.
Vertical thin rim. Fiat base. Beveled ring with flat resting surface. Two shallow grooves on the
rim. Fairly hard fabric with mica, reddish yellow (Munsell 5 YR 8/4). Metallic reddish yellow
slip (Munsell 5 YR 6/8).
Hayes 68 (Atlante, II, p. 66, tav. XIV, 18).
Literature: Popescu 2006, p. 269, cat. 13.
Dating: 50-75 A.D.; B1/2 (Atlante II, p. 66).
	Bibliography
Alexandrescu 1966	P. Alexandrescu, Necropola tumulară. Săpături 1966-1960, in: Histria I, București, 1966, p. 133-295.
Alexandrescu 1993	P. Alexandrescu, Distrugerea zonei sacre a Histriei de către geți, SCIVA44, 3, 1993, p. 231-267.
Atlante II Căpitanu 1976	see Hayes 1985. V. Căpitanu, Principalele rezultate ale săpăturilor arheologice în așezarea geto-dacică de la Răcătău (jud. Bacău), Carpica 8, 1976, p. 49-121.
Căpitanu 1992	V. Căpitanu, Noi contribuții la cunoașterea civilizației geto-dacice în bazinul Șiretului mijlociu. Dava de la Răcătău, Carpica 23/1, 1992, p. 131-193.
Conspectus	Conspectus formarum terrae sigillatae italico modo confectae, Bonn 1990.
Crișan 1969	I. H. Crișan, Ceramica daco-getică. Cu specială privire la Transilvania, București 1969.
Corpus Vasorum Arretinorum	A. Oxe, H. Confort, P. Kenkrich, Corpus Vasorum Arretinorum. A catalogue of the signature, shapes and chronology of Italian Sigillata, Bonn 2000.
Crișan 1978	I. H. Crișan, Ziridava. Săpăturile de la „Șanțul Mare” din anii 1960, 1961, 1962, 1964, Arad 1978.
Crișan 2000	V. Crișan, Dacii din estul Transilvaniei, Sf. Gheorghe 2000.
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
103
Diachkov 1998	S. Diachkov, Stamps on red slip pottery from excavations of the Chersonesos “Barracks", Papers of the State Historical Museum 102, Hellenistic and Roman pottery in the Northern Pontic Area I, Moscow, 1998, p. 88-94.
Domzalski 1998	K. Domzalski, Some aspects of the History of research on red slip pottery (terra sigillata) of the eastern provenience, Papers of the State Historical Museum, 102, Hellenistic and Roman pottery in the Northern Pontic Area I, Moscow, 1998, p. 17-31.
Dragendorff 1984	H. Dragendorff, La Sigillee, Revue Archeologique Sites, Avignon 1984.
Glodariu 1974	I. Glodariu, Relațiile comerciale ale Daciei cu lumea elenistică și romană (sec. II a. Chr. - I p. Chr.), Cluj 1974.
Hayes1976	J. W. Hayes, Roman Pottery in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto 1976.
Hayes 1985	J. W. Hayes, Sigillate orientali, in: Enciclopedia dell'arte antica classica e orientale. Atlante delle forme ceramiche. II. Ceramica fine romana nel bacino mediterraneo (tardo-ellenismo e primo impero), Roma 1985, p. 2-95.
Hayes 1997	J. W. Hayes, Handbook of Mediterranean Roman Pottery, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press - Great Britain 1997.
Lungu 1999/2000	V. Lungu, Ceramique du style Hadra ă Histria, 11 Mar Nero. Annali di archeologia e storia, Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l'homme, Paris, 4, 1999-2000, p. 43-87.
Lungu, Trohani 2000	V. Lungu, G. Trohani, Vases hellenistiques â decor peint de la plaine roumaine, in: Istro-Pontica, Tulcea, 2000, p. 137-162.
Malfitana 2002	D. Malfitana, Eastern terra sigillata wares in the Eastern Mediterranean. Notes on an inițial quantitative analysis, Ceramiques hellenistiques et romaines, Lyon 35, 2002, p. 133-157.
Munsell 1994 Popescu 2006	Munsell Book of Color, Baltimore, 1994. C. Popescu, Sigillate Orientale B („Ceramică Samiană”) descoperite în așezarea geto-dacică de la Poiana, jud. Galați, in: Fontes historiae. Studia in honorem Demetrii Protase, Bistrița - Cluj-Napoca 2006, p. 265-273.
Pucci 1985	G. Pucci, Terra sigillata italica, in: Enciclopedia dell'arte antica classica e orientale. Atlante delle forme ceramiche. II. Ceramica fine romana nel bacino mediterraneo (tardo-ellenismo e primo impero), Roma 1985, p. 361-405.
Robinson 1959	S. H. Robinson, Pottery of the Roman period, The Athenian Agora V, Princeton - New Jersey 1959.
Ruscu 2002	L. Ruscu, Relațiile externe ale orașelor grecești de pe litoralul românesc al Mării Negre, Cluj-Napoca 2002.
Sanie 1973	S. Sanie, Importuri elenistice și romane în câteva cetăți și așezări dacice din Moldova, SCIV 24, 3, 1973, p. 407-435.
104
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Sârbu 1982	V. Sârbu, Importuri grecești în Câmpia Brăilei (sec. V—l î.e.n.), Pontica 15, 1982, 99-125.
Sârbu, Atanasiu 1983	V. Sârbu, F. Atanasiu, Cercetările din așezarea geto-dacă de la Grădiștea, județul Brăila, campania 1979-1981, Istros 2-3, 1983, p. 165-191.
Suceveanu 1977	Al. Suceveanu, Viața economică în Dobrogea romană, sec. I—III e.n., București 1977.
Suceveanu 2000	Al. Suceveanu, La ceramique romaine des 1-er — IlI-e siecles ap. J.-C, Histria 10, București 2000.
Teodor 1992	S. Teodor, Stratigrafîa stațiunii de la Poiana, Carpica 23/1, 1992, p. 115-125.
Teodor, Mihăilescu- Bîrliba 1993 Teodor 1994	S. Teodor, V. Mihăilescu-Bîrliba, Descoperiri monetare din așezarea geto-dacică de la Poiana - Tecuci, ArhMold 16, 1993, p. 121-129. S. Teodor, Ceramica de import din așezarea geto-dacică de la Poiana, jud. Galați, I, Carpica 25, 1994, p. 73- 123.
Teodor, Chiriac 1994	S. Teodor, C. Chiriac, Vase de sticlă din așezarea geto-dacică de la Poiana (jud. Galați) 1, ArhMold 17, 1994, p. 183- 221.
Ursachi 1995 Vulpe, Vulpe 1927-1932 Vulpe 1951	V. Ursachi, Zargidava. Cetatea dacică de la Brad, București 1995. R. Vulpe, E. Vulpe, La fouilles de Poiana, Dacia 3—4, 1927-1932, p. 253-351. R. Vulpe, Raport preliminar asupra activității șantierului arheologic Poiana-Tecuci, 1950, SCIV 2, 1, 1951, p. 178-180.
Vulpe 1957	R. Vulpe, La civilisation dace et ses problemes ă la lumiere des dernieres fouilles de Poiana, en Basse-Moldavie, Dacia NS 1, 1957, p. 143-165.
Vulpe, Teodor 2003	R. Vulpe, S. Teodor, Piroboridava. Așezarea geto-dacică de la Poiana, București 2003.
Zaitsev 1998	Y. Zaitsev, A Pottery with a Slip Coating from the first fire level of the South place in Neapolis of Skythians, Papers of the State Historical Museum 102, Hellenistic and Roman pottery in the Northern Pontic Area I, Moscow, 1998, p. 52-61.
Zhuravlev 1997	D. V. Zhuravlev, Eastern Sigillata B from the Necropilis Belbek IV in the South-West Crimea, in: Eurasian Antiquities, Moscow 1997, p. 227-261.
Zhuravlev 1998	D. V. Zhuravlev, Terra Sigillata of the North Black Sea Coast of the Roman Time: the main results and perspectives of study (a short survey of Russian bibliography), Papers of the State Historical Museum, 102, Hellenistic and Roman pottery in the Northern Pontic Area I, Moscow, 1998, p. 31-52.
Zhuravlev 2002	D. V. Zhuravlev, Terra Sigillata and red slip potteiy in the north pontic region (A short bibliographical survey), Ancient civilization from Scythia to Siberia, Moscow, 8/3-4, 2002, p. 237-309.
Pl. 1. The map with Geto-Dacian settlements where was discovered Roman pottery: 1.Bărboși (Galați county),
2. Bâtca Doamnei (Neamț county), 3. Brad (Bacău county), 4. Buridava (Ocnița, Vâlcea county),
5. Cemat “Pământul lui Robert” (Covasna county), 6. Covasna “Cetatea Zânelor (Covasna county), 7. Ipotești
(Olt county), 8. Pecica (Arad county), 9. Piatra Șoimului (Neamț county), 10. Poiana (Galați county),
11. Răcătău (Bacău county), 12. Sprâncenata (Olt county), 13. Zimnicea (Teleorman county).
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
106
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Pl. 2.
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world
107
Pl. 3.
108
Mariana-Cristina Popescu
Pl. 4.
Pre-Roman Dacia within the trade with the Hellenistic and Roman world 109
Pl. 5.

Acta Musei Napocensis, 43^14/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 111-150
EMPEROR WORSHIP IN LATIN SETTLEMENTS
of Lower Moesia (1st-3rd c. A.D.)
Valentin Bottez
The extensive bibliography which deals with the imperial cult makes the
approach of any analysis on the subject a difficult job. The overall direction of the
imperial cult research points to the importance of the local context in which the
cult appeared, context that shaped the latter’s institutions and manifestations. This
perspective led to the publication of works focusing on the imperial cult in certain
areas of the Roman Empire1; we therefore have chosen to focus on the imperial
cult in the province of Lower Moesia, a topic that constitutes our PhD topic. The
present paper is part of the research undertaken in this context.
The study of the imperial cult in Moesia Inferior has to apply two types of
standards, as the province was culturally and politically separated into two areas:
1) the area controlled by Greek cities on the Black Sea shore , to which one must
add Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum further inland, both founded by Trajan
but Greek by organization; 2) the area ranging from the Danube southwards to the
Thracian border where, even though there existed a number of pre-Roman and pre-
urban settlements, those that developed did so in the Roman urban system ciuitas-
municipium-colonia, with its respective institutions. Given the complex and often
different problems concerning these two areas, we have decided to focus in the
present paper only on the second one which, only conventionally*, we will caii the
Latin area.
1 Etienne 1958 [1974] for the Iberian Peninsula, Price 1984 for the province Asia, Liertz 1998
for the Germanies and Gallia Belgica, and of course D. Fishwick’s vast work on the imperial cult in
the Latin west, which expressed and followed this particular idea - Fishwick 1987, ix.
2 Of which Histria, Tomis, Kallatis, Dionysopolis and Odessos formed a koinon at the beginning
of the 2ndc. A.D.
3 The sources show an important number of foreigners settled in this area, and of course there
was the majority of the population, which was formed by Thracian tribes. We can only presume the
112
Valentin Bottez
Twenty-five years ago Elias Bickerman4 opened a sensitive discussion
concerning the imperial cult, which attracted long interventions from the
specialists’ audience. It is not the place to present these discussions, but we would
like to note that most scholars present agreed that the term “ruler cult” was a
modem invention, and that we should treat each aspect of emperor worship in its
cultural and historical context. We fully agree with this perspective and intend to
conduct our investigation accordingly.
I)	First, we will present the historical context in Moesia Inferior, empha-
sizing the military and urban aspects. Then we will proceed with the
research of emperor worship, which we divide into two main sections:
II)	The imperial cult proper, with subsections for the a) municipal and
b) provincial cult (both with their respective institutions and
manifestations);
III)	Peripheral manifestations of the imperial cult.
I. The historical context
The monographic approach presents, in this case, a very interesting, yet
difficult problem, caused by the specific situation in Moesia Inferior. Without
developing this direction, we will focus on its main points of interest and their
significance for the imperial cult.
Following a series of military conflicts (such as M. Terentius Varro
Lucullus’ campaign in 72-71 B.C., during the 3rd Mithridatic war, C. Antonius
Hybrida’s campaign in 62-61 B.C. and M. Licinius Crassus’ campaign in 29-28
B.C.), the Thracian territory down to the river Danube entered the Roman sphere
of influence5. This was followed by efforts from govemors Lentulus and Catus
concerning the pacification (the latter also moved 50000 Getae across the Danube
- Strabo 7.10) of the area6. The province Moesia was created immediately
afterwards, and comprised the area between the Morava and Timoc rivers.
involvement of Thracians in the imperial cult at a local or regional level, as there are no sources to
prove it. Even so, one must take this aspect into consideration, as the example of the altar of the
Three Gauls, the Ara Ubiorum and the Arae Sestinae (Fishwick 1987, 102-144) prove the effort
made by Roman officials to involve local tribes in emperor worship. In any case, whether foreign
or Thracian inhabitants, all sources concerning emperor worship in the non-Greek area of Moesia
Inferior follow cult pattems established in the Latin West.
A Bickerman 1973.
5 Vulpe, Bamea 1968, 24-34; Suceveanu, Bamea 1991, 22-35.
6 Syme 1971,49-58.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lsl-3rd c. A.D.)	113
Two legions ensured the security in the area: legio IUI Scythica and legio V
Macedonica. They were stationed, at least from Emperor Claudius’ reign, at
Viminacium (?) and Oescus respectively. This laid the premises for the
development of important urban settlements at those sites.
Later on, Emperor Vespasian’s reign marks the advance of military units
along the Danube, which suggests the annexation of the eastern territories down to
the Black Sea to the province . The province was highly militarized, as it was
defended by several legions: the legio VII Claudia (stationed at Viminacium-
Kostolac), the legio V Macedonica (stationed at Oescus), maybe the legio V
Alaudae and the legio I Italica (replacing the VIII Augusta at Novae from 69 A.D.
onwards). Also, an important number of auxilia completed the province’s
o
defensive system .
Trajan9 operated major changes in Moesia Inferior’s military in conjunction
with the Dacian wars, concentrating the major units on its eastern flank. He
brought the legio XI Claudia to Durostorum and moved the legio V Macedonica
from Oescus to Troesmis (the system was completed by legio I Italica, stationed at
Novae). Over 20 auxiliary units were stationed in forts along the Danube in
Moesia Inferior10, some of them in newly-built forts, such as those at Rasova,
Carsium and Bărboși. Also, the classis Flavia Moesica" had bases at Troesmis,
Dinogetia, Noviodunum and Bărboși, with a further possible base at Halmyris .
Later on, the only major changes in the province’s defensive system were
the re-deployement of the legio V Macedonica in the Orient during Lucius Verus’
Parthian campaigns, following which it was sent to Potaissa, in Dacia. From there
it was brought back to Oescus in 271 A.D., following Aurelianus’ retreat from Dacia.
From an administrative point of view, after the creation of the province of
Moesia (organized around 15 A.D. as an administrative unit), several other units
appeared in order to organize and incorporate the territories down to the Black Sea.
As early as the reign of Emperor Claudius a praefectus ciuitatium Moesiae et
Treballiae is attested in the area between Ratiaria and Oescus.13 Another pre-
provincial administrative unit was the praefectura ripae Thraciae, which covered
the area along the Danube, from Dimum to the Black Sea. An important role was
7	Suceveanu 1971, 118-120.
8	Țentea, Matei-Popescu 2004, passim.
9	For Emperor Trajan’s policy in the Lower Danube area, see Petolescu 2007, 84-91.
10	Matei-Popescu 2004, 175-238.
11	Aricescu 1977, 70-74.
12	Suceveanu et ații 2003, 89-96.
13	ILS 1349.
114
Valentin Bottez
played in the area by Tiberius Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, govemor of Moesia
between 56-66 A.D., who moved 100000 people inside the Empire’s borders,
probably to create a buffer zone14.
In 86 A.D., province Moesia was divided into two units by Emperor
Domitianus, Upper and Lower Moesia. The latter was bordered to the West by the
Tibritza River, to the East by the Black Sea, to the North by the river Danube
(even though its legions’ military control covered the Wallachian plain), and to the
South by the Thracian border (generally following the line of the pre-Balkans
plateau, with a Southern salient in the area of the Vit and Osăm Rivers), at an
average of 60 km South of the Danube, but retreating to around 40 km South of it
in the area of Nicopolis ad Istrum. On the Black Sea coast, the last Lower Moesian
city was Mesambria. This was to change during Pertinax’s reign15 or at the
beginning of Emperor Septimius Severus’ reign, when Marcianopolis and
Nicopolis ad Istrum were transferred to Moesia Inferior - thus extending its central
territory - and Mesambria to Thracia16. Finally, Aurelianus reduced the province,
by incorporating its western part into the newly formed province Dacia Ripensis,
and later on Diocletianus’ and Constantine’s reforms saw this area reorganized
into two new provinces, Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor17.
The information we presented above is important for our analysis for
several reasons. From a geographical point of view, the province is a small one,
representing mostly a strip of land along the limes - in geographical terms the
Danube and the Black Sea. This defines its role inside the imperial system: it was a
border province, with a high military profile centered on defending the Danubian
front’s eastern flank, weakened by the Wallachian salient.
The military aspect had an important influence on the province’s
urbanization. Even though in the territory which formed the province there existed
a number of cities, such as the Greek cities along the sea coast - which always
remained ciuitates peregrinae -, the province’s interior contained only a small
number of settlements, such as those implied in the title praefectus ciuitatium
Moesiae et Treballiae. A series of settlements developed around Roman forts, such
as those at Cius, Halmyris, Montana, Novae, Noviodunum, Oescus, Sexaginta
Prista, Transmarisca and Troesmis. Another category of urban settlements is that
formed around a pre-Roman settlement and the local Roman fort’s civil settlement,
14 CIL XIV 3608 = ILS 986 = IDRE I 113; Pippidi 1967, 306 (also for Pârvan’s and Patsch’s
views on this subject).
15 Boteva 1997,37-38.
16 Gerov 1979, 224-230.
17 Suceveanu, Bamea 1991, 154-155.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lSI-3rd c. A.D.)	115
which follows the formula castellum-canabae-ciuitas peregrina - such as
settlements at Abrittus, Aegyssus, Arrubium, Axiopolis, Capidava, Carsium,
Dimum and Durostorum. There are also newly-formed ciuiîates peregrinae created
probably immediately after the organization of the Roman province - ciuitas
Ausdecensium, Dianensium, (L)ibida and Melta. There is also Tropaeum Traiani,
which was a Roman civil settlement.
These 22 settlements, plus 8 Greek cities (out of which Marcianopolis and
Nicopolis ad Istrum were Trajanic foundations) seem to cover the province’s
surface with an urban network. The truth is that only very few of them became
sizeable towns: Oescus (raised directly to the rank of colonia by Trajan)19,
Tropaeum Traiani (founded by Trajan, probably directly as a municipium)20,
Durostorum (although the civil settlement canabae Aeliae legionis XI Claudiae is
the only recorded case where canabae receive juridical recognition before
Septimius Severus21, it is mentioned as a municipium only from Marcus Aurelius’
reign)22, Novae {municipium from the time of Marcus Aurelius)23, Noviodunum24
and Troesmis (a municipium from Marcus Aurelius25 or Septimius Severus). To
synthesize the information: two main periods of major urban development can be
identified - the reigns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. These waves of urban
development therefore coincide with organization / reconstruction periods
following military campaigns. Development can also be seen in settlements of
lower importance, especially starting with the Severan period, during which
Moesia Inferior reached its highest level of development - Melta (mentioned as a
ciuitas in the 3rd century)27 and Abrittus (mentioned as a ciuitas at the middle of
the 3rd century)28. For the Latin part of the province, urban development was
strongest in military settlements.
18 For an extensive analysis of the urban settlements, their territories and juridical status, as well
as rural structures, see Bâltâc 2005, 69-95 and 117-129.
19 Ivanov, Ivanov 1998, 200. For the monumental character of the city’s civic center see Ivanov,
Ivanov 1998, 208-211.
20 Doruțiu-Boilă 1978, 245-246; Bărbulescu 2001, 119.
21 Ivanov, Atanasov, Donevski 2006, 226 and 186-242 for the entire presentation of the
canabae and their juridical status.
22 Another view places the granting of municipium status during the reign of Caracalla -
Doruțiu-Boilă 1978, 246-248.
23 Gerov 1977,300-301.
24 Barnea 1988, 80.
2’ Vulpe, Bamea 1968, 167.
26 For a comprising view on the province’s evolution during the Severi see Boteva 1997.
27 CIL VI 2736.
28 Ivanov 1981, 50.
116
Valentin Bottez
This situation has to be taken into account when examining the
development of the imperial cult in the province. Even though we can presume that
ceremonies which involved the worship or divine honoring of the emperors took
place in all types of settlements, it is clear that a proper cult, with structures such
as temples, altars and with public ceremonies could not be sustained by most of the
small communities, which sometimes could not even sustain normal taxation29.
The solid relation between urban structures and the evolution of the imperial cult
has long been recognized, as emperor worship closely involved public civic
institutions and, as a consequence, the urban elite. For an area with close ties to the
Greek world, the foundation of two new Greek cities (Nicopolis ad Istrum and
Marcianopolis) followed the general pattem30 and boosted the practice of the
imperial cult.
IL The imperial cult
Some scholars31 have tried to approach the imperial cult as an ensemble of
god-like honors (isotheoi timai), a social and political practice different of a proper
Greek or Roman cult32. For our part, we agree with F. Miliar that, as long as we
have temples, priesthoods and altars dedicated to the imperial persons, imperial
sacrifices and religious feasts, we cannot deny the imperial cult the name of
“religion” without implying the same for all pagan cults . Therefore these are the
sources we will analyze in connection with the cult proper.
ILa. The municipal cult
Zlatozara Goceva is the first author that made a separate analysis on the
imperial cult in the Latin part of Moesia Inferior, concentrating on the relationship
between the cult and romanization34. But the author failed to differentiate between
monuments for the emperor and monuments to the emperor, as she considered
throughout her work pro salute dedications35 as monuments of imperial cult.
29 It is the case of the «opr) Xopa Aâyci - ISM I 378.
30 Price 1984, 44.
31 Following the general lines established by Nock 1930; Scott 1932; Nock 1934a.
32 Among the arguments generally used are the facts that there are no prayers to the emperor,
but only for him, that there are no imperial ex nota, that there are differences between the religious
vocabulary used in tradițional cults, and the one used in imperial cults, etc.
33 Miliar 2004, 300.
34 Goceva 1990; Goceva 1998; there is also a short article on the imperial cult at Novae -
Goceva 1994- to which we did not have access.
35 Fishwick 2004, 352-360: they are proofs of the dedicant’s piety.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	117
Nevertheless, Zlatozara Goceva made some interesting remarks: at Oescus she
considers the temple of Fortuna (built by Commodus) more appropriate for
imperial cult ceremonies than the Capitoline temples in the forum. At Novae she
emphasizes the role the legion’s sanctuary played in the imperial cult, based on the
discovery there of the finely carved head of a statue representing Emperor
Caracalla36 and several fragments of bronze statues that she relates to uninscribed
statue bases. Zlatozara Goceva also mentions in relation to the imperial cult the
cult of Dea Roma (Aetema)37, of Victoria Augusta38 and the temple of Sol
Inuictus39. At Durostorum she also mentions a temple dedicated to Hadrianus and
in his health40.
Recently, D. Aparaschivei41 has published an article on the flamines from
Moesia Superior and Moesia Inferior. Besides a prosopographical analysis (which
we will not repeat in this paper) for each flamen, he correctly disapproves of the
restitution flam(en) Tit(i) Ve[sp(asiani)] in ILBulg 75 from Oescus, proposing
(following N. Sharankov’s suggestion) the restitution flam(en) et II ui[ral(is)],
which fits in with Oescus’ urban status during the Antonines, as well as with a
flamen's usual public career.
Our own approach seeks to analyze emperor worship as it developed and
manifested itself at different levels - public or private, and within different social
categories.
As the imperial cult was first of all the duty of local authorities, we will
start with priests of the official cult, the flamines and the sacerdotes. Then we will
proceed with the private associations for lower social categories that did not have
access to municipal priesthoods - the Augustales and the cultores. We will try to
establish the type and location of shrines they celebrated the cult in, and finally we
will analyze the imperial dedications.
36 Samowski 1980.
37 IGLNovae 45.
38 IGLNovae 46.
39 It is not clear if this is the temple and altars dedicated to Sol Augustus, located outside the
Roman fort (Bottez 2006, 292-294 with bibliography) or the temple dedicated to Sol Inuictus,
located inside theprincipia - Bunsch, Kolendo, Zelazowski 2003, 44—50).
40 The temple and statue, mentioned by CIL III 7474, are dedicated to an unknown divinity, by
the local Roman citizens and in the name of two imperial legates. The dedication is made to
luppiter Optimus Maximus and for the health of the emperor.
41 Aparaschivei 2007.
118
Valentin Bottez
Imperial flaminesA2
The flamen was one of the most important religions ranks in the Roman
Empire, and it had its origin in the Archaic period. Emperor worship started using
this type of priesthood precisely in order to confer the utmost prestige to the
imperial cult, as sometimes the ruler’s successor was also named his priest. It is the
case of Marcus Antonius for Gaius lulius Caesar and of Germanicus for Augustus.
Once adopted, the emperor’s flaminate seems to have been a major one, as during
the Julii one of the conditions for becoming a flamen Augustalis was to belong to a
patrician family43 (similar priesthoods, implying great prestige and which were
also adopted by the imperial cult, were the solidalitates)AA.
The imperial flamen was the priest that served in the combined cult of
Rome and Augustus45, or after the death of the first emperor in that of dead and
living emperors. In the Latin West several terms were used - flamen diuorum
Augustorum, flamen diuorum et Augustorum, flamen Augustorum etc. - which
represented variants meant to indicate exactly to whom the cult was dedicated46.
In Moesia Inferior only four flamines are attested:
Oescus:
1)	Gaius Scopius Marcianus (ILBulg 75), 2nd c. A.D., after the reign of
Hadrianus. He was also a duumuirA1. Unfortunately, there is no other information
concerning him to be found in other inscriptions in the province. Although the
restitution proposed in ILBulg 75, which would make Gaius Scopius Marcianus a
flamen of the deified Emperor Vespasian, is in accordance with the general
religious policy of the mentioned emperor , it is difficult to see a continuation of
his separate cult in the Antonine period. Therefore we accept D. Aparaschivei’s
version.
2)	Marcus Titius Mărci f. Papiria Maximus (ILBulg 16), 2nd c. A.D.
Besides being a flamen perpetuus, he was also a duumuir quinquennalis and
belonged to the equestrian order49. The perpetuai priesthood was a mark of his
important social standing, and could suggest a retention of his title and
42 Gysler, Bielman 1994; Chastagnol 1980.
43 For the entire issue see Lyasse 2007.
44 Miliar 1992, 355; their relation with the imperial flamines is yet unknown- Fishwick 1987, 162.
45 Fishwick 1987, 98-149.
46 Fishwick 1987, 269-281.
47 Aparaschivei 2007, 92-93.
48 Fishwick 1987, passim.
49 Mrozewicz 1999, 68.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	119
prerogatives after his annual term in oftice50, maybe in a priestly college. Earlier in
his career, when he was a duumuir coloniae, Maximus made a dedication to
Mithras. We must stress that we find further connections between the imperial cult
and mithraicism at Istros and Novae51. M. Clauss has shown the relation between
the mithraic hierarchy and that of Roman public life, mentioning that for the
Rhenan and Danubian regions mithraicism was an instrument of romanization, and
therefore promoted by local authorities52.
3)	Titus Flauius Titi f. Papiria Valentinus (Ivanov 2005, 219-222), 193—
235 A.D. He was also a duumuir, praefectus saltus, patronus colegii fabrorum
Oesc(ensium) et Apul(ensium), patronus coloniae and was a member of the
equestrian order53. Both Valentinus and Maximus belong to the Papiria, and both
are members of the equestrian order. This suggests that, once Trajan had raised
the rank of Oescus to that of colonia, he also promoted a number of citizens to
the order of equestrians, and thus laid the premises for the development of an
active local aristocracy, as the careers of the two flamines prove54. The
inscription was discovered in Building no. 5, in the eastern part of the forum, and
was written on an impressive base (1.74 m high) for the flamen's bronze statue.
Building no. 5 seems to have been used for administrative purposes by municipal
authorities55, which underlines again the close relation between municipal civic
and religious authorities.
Troesmis:
Caius Valerius Longinianus (ISM V 163), Severan period. He was also a
quaestor, aedilis and duumuir municipii. His nomen is a common one in the
inscriptions of Troesmis since the time of Hadrianus, when an important number
of soldiers were honorably discharged - among them an important number of
Valerii56. Longinianus could be the son or even grandson of one of legio V
Macedonica's veterans, and his career would be in line with the settlement’s
development from canabae to municipium.
50 Aparaschivei 2007, 92, citing Hirschfeld.
51 ILBulg 29; see Bottez 2006, 290-294 for the relation between the imperial cult and
mithraicism at Istros, Oescus and Novae.
52 Clauss 2000, 40^11.
53 Mrozewicz 1999, 67.
54 We would like to thank Mr. F. Matei-Popescu for this suggestion, and for all the support
given during the redaction of this paper. Two other members of the Papiria are mentioned in
inscriptions, both with public careers (ILBulg 18 and 70).
55 Ivanov, Ivanov 1998, 211.
561SM V 136.
120
Valentin Bottez
One notices that, even though in the same period other settlements became
municipia, such as Durostorum, Novae and Noviodunum, or had already reached
this status - such as Tropaeum Traiani only at Troesmis do we fmd the title flamen.
If we analyze all the inscriptions from Troesmis, we will fmd that only two
inscriptions were certainly dated to Hadrian’s reign, and as early as that date the
canabae legionis were already organized. After Hadrianus the number of
inscriptions increased and kept a constant level, without showing any remarkable
change starting with the promotion to the status of municipium.
As far as religious matters are concemed, we fmd one dedication for Sol
(ISM V 169), one for Honos (ISM V 163) and the only mention of an established
cult - Marcia Basilissa, priestess of the dendrophori (ISM V 160). To this we
oppose dedications to luppiter Optimus Maximus and Liber pater (ISM V 162),
one for the Capitoline Triad (ISM V 155), one just to I.O.M. (ISM V 164) and six
for I.O.M. and for the health of the emperors (ISM V 154, 156-159, 167). It is a
clear predominance of the state cult, which is also suggested by the mentions of
three augurs (ISM V 166, 180, ISM II 244; the only other augur in the province is
mentioned at Oescus - ILBulg 141 -, the other important cult center) and two
pontifs (ISM V 151; other pontiffs appear at Oescus, ILBulg 17 and 75). In the
Tabula Imperii Romani Troesmis is mentioned as the province’s juridical
(conuentus) and religious capital (siege of the concilium prouinciae)51. We do not
know the exact arguments for this theory, which is very important, as usually the
capitals of conuenta were also regional capitals for the imperial cult.
We fmd mentions of five public buildings in the epigraphs: one tabularium
in Antoninus Pius’ reign (ISM V 134), a temple built during Marcus Aurelius and
Lucius Verus’s reign (ISM V 135), another temple built by a private person during
the 2nd c. A.D. (ISM V 161) and another built during Septimius Severus and his
sons’ reign (ISM V 167; the dedication is set up for luppiter Optimus Maximus
and the three emperors). Finally, a very interesting monument is a capital from a
temple dedicated to luppiter Optimus Maximus Sarapis (ISM V 168), which is
vaguely dated to the 2nd- 3rd c. A.D.
The I.O.M. dedications, the presence of augurs, pontiffs and the temple of
I.O.M. Sarapis indicate the presence of an important centre of the official religion,
and thus the presence of a flamen here is fully justified.
The Information concerning the flamines in Moesia Inferior shows that they
were of a high social status (which is in agreement with character of the tradițional
priesthood), and had their term in office as a crowning of a municipal career. If
57 Gostar 1969, 73-74.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	121
Oescus represented, from the moment it received colonial status from Trajan, an
co
important centre for the official , as weil as for the imperial cult, Troesmis
developed as a military and religious centre throughout the Antonine period, and
only starting with Marcus Aurelius it became a high-profile imperial cult centre.
The title of the priests, flamen, and the lack of the name of a specific
emperor in the genitive after it, shows that the official state cult was dedicated to
the living and deified emperors, a practicai solution for both economical reasons
(state imperial worship was unified, thus reducing costs) and ideological ones (by
combining the cult of the living emperor - officially unfit for Roman citizens -
with that of the diui, the former did not pose an ideological problem anymore).
The sacerdotes
Municipal priests bore different titles, depending on the local context. In
the Three Gauls they usually bore the title flamen, but also of sacerdos59; in the
Germanies and Gallia Belgica the titles also varied60.
In Moesia Inferior we have only three mentions of sacerdotes in
inscriptions61:
Tropaeum Traiani:
Flavius Petronius (Bamea 1977, 350-354), 270-300 A.D. He was a
sacerdos and, along with Flavius Germanus, decurio municipii Tropaei, offered a
votive altar to a divinity whose name is now lost. The joint offering between the
imperial priest and the municipal magistrate is suggestive and shows that, even
though poorly attested, at least in this case emperor worship had a direct relation
with the local civic structures. And there is important information concerning
municipal structures, as Tropaeum Traiani has yielded until now 8 inscriptions
concerning this subject62. Our inscription is extremely interesting because of the
very late date at which it was dedicated. The last quarter of the 3rd c. A.D. is a
period when most institutions of imperial cult had disappeared, both in the Latin
58 It is here that the only Capitoline temples have been excavated - Ivanov, Ivanov 1998, 205-
208-, and the third inscription mentioning a flamen was discovered in Building no. 5 in the forum -
Ivanov, Ivanov 1998, 209-211.
59 Fishwick 2002b, 28; Gysler, Bielman 1994, 97-100.
60 Liertz 1998, 213-215 for a list of sacerdotes and flamines.
61 ILBulg 415 from Paskalevets mentions a [..j]us Verus sacerd(os), but we cannot take it into
consideration due to the monument’s fragmentary state.
62 AE 1964, 251 = AE 2004, 1270; CIL III 12465; CIL III 12466; CIL III 12473; CIL III
14214.02; CIL III 14214.04; CIL III 14214.06; IDRE II 337 = AE 1964, 252.
122
Valentin Bottez
and in the Greek milieus. Yet, in Tropaeum Traiani municipal civil and religious
life seems to continue even at this late date.
Emporium Piretensium:
[Secun]dinus (ILBulg 443), unknown date. He was a sacerdos empori
Piretensium who set up a votive altar for his son, Aetemus. The emporia were
regional commercial centers63, developed around a market/fair that did not hold a
city-status64. This is monument is up to the present moment the only proof of
organized public cult in a non-urban structure.
Visovgrad:
The monument is a tombstone of a former priest, Lucius Petronius Sentius
(ILBulg 410). Given the fact that he was a Citizen, and there is no god name in the
genitive following his title, we can presume that he had served as an imperial
priest. As there is no information as to where the priest served, we can only
suggest that he could have headed the imperial cult in a pre-urban settlement such
as the emporium Piretensium.
The three monuments give very little information concerning the
priesthood. One suggestion is that this function was held by citizens. The title -
sacerdos - borne by the priests shows that they probably served the cult of living
emperors65. Although we one would expect such priesthoods in urban centers such
as Tropaeum Traiani, the presence of the official imperial cult in non-urban
settlements is a surprising factor, and could imply new levels to which the imperial
cult was implanted into public life in the province.
The Augustales
The Augustales, seuiri Augustales or magistri Augustales were private
religious associations focusing on emperor worship66. They were different from
other collegia, as they had a semi-official status (no doubt because the municipal
authorities saw emperor worship as a commendable civic activity); the term honor
63 Rouge 1966, 108.
M Robert 1946,-135.
65 Fishwick 2002b, 294—295, but concerning the title of sacerdos prouinciae in the Danubian
provinces.
66 Premerstein 1895; Mourlot 1895; Ross Taylor 1914; Duthoy 1978, with a comprising
overview of research up to that moment; Fishwick 1991, 609-616 for the object of their
ceremonies; Tondel 1979 for the Augustales in the Danubian provinces.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	123
used when describing Augustalitas is one argument in support of this theory (this
also implied that every member had to pay a summa honoraria to the municipal
treasury)67.
Another argument is that even though these were private associations, their
involvement in emperor worship and high public expenditure (celebration of
public festivities and setting up public monuments) was highly appreciated by
local municipal authorities, which bestowed upon them a series of honors in retum.
Among these were their insignia: the toga praetexta, the lictores with fasces for
the seuiri Augustales, while the ornamenta augustalitas were the crown and the
fasces^. They also had their own places in theaters and amphitheaters69, and
decurions would set up statues for them, paid of public funds70. But crucial for
understanding the driving force behind the Augustales was the award of the
ornamenta decurionalia, that showed they were worthy of decurional honors,
denied to them only because of their lower social standing71.
The Augustales and seuiri Augustales were probably made up of members
(in the case of the seuiri Augustales the name implying a number of six) under 25
years old72, elected annually73. Scholars tend to agree on the fact that they were
usually freedmen74 or first-generation citizens of non-Italic stoc75, and came from a
commercial/artisan background, which probably influenced their shaping of the
institution of Augustales similar to a professional association. This explains the
many titles which present the Augustales as a Corporation76. A very important fact
is that after serving their term in office, the Augustales kept their title and
became part of an order placed (from a social point of view), beneath the
decurions but above the plebs77. But, as J. H. Oliver remarks, some of them were
67 Duthoy 1978, 1266; Gradel 2002, 230 considers that municipal authorities encouraged
Augustales in their liberalities in order to spare the public budget, without actually involving them
in public govemment.
68 Duthoy 1978, 1268 and 1282.
69 For example at Camuntum they had reserved the loca Augustalium - Tondel 1979, 52. Nock
1934b, 634, shows that these reserved seats helped create a sort of class-consciousness. Kolendo
1981, 310 shows that their position was similar to that occupied by representatives of villages.
70 Gradel 2002, 230.
71 Duthoy 1974, 147.
72 Duthoy 1978, 1282.
73 Nock 1934b, 631; Duthoy 1978, 1277; contra Etienne 1974, 273.
74 Nock 1934b, 631; Duthoy 1978, 1272.
75 Oliver 1958,492.
76 Duthoy 1978, 1274 and 1285.
77 Nock 1934b, 634; Duthoy 1978, 1289.
124
Valentin Bottez
actually men of rank, situation which is presented by the scholar as a means to
encourage new citizens to get involved in public matters and, in the meantime, to
obtain personal fame, as for a municipal aristocrat there was no moral obligation
to take up such a position78.
This brings us to the role played by the Augustales, seuiri Augustales or
magistri Augustales from a municipal and imperial perspective. Their public
actions consisted mainly, as we have already mentioned, in liberalities of all kinds
(which probably determined the decurions to choose Augustales among the richest
citizens of lower standing)79. They also collaborated with the municipal collegia
and, significantly, with the associations of iuuenes, as the latter’s inscriptions
mention Augustales with functions in their institutions, Augustales as patrons of
iuuenes and special honors conferred to Augustales by the iuuenes30. This is
significant, as one notices the same strong link between the gerusiae and the
epheboi in the Greek cities; it is normal for local authorities to give a special
attention to the education of the youth, not in the old ideal of soldier-citizens, but
of citizens loyal to their supreme benefactor, the Emperor. And what better way
was there to express their loyalty but in the form of emperor worship?
As to the precise religious role played by the Augustales, there remain
many unknown factors. D. Fishwick thinks it consisted mainly of vegetal or
sometimes even animal sacrifices at their own altar, as weil as public participations
in processions, maybe carrying imperial images. Their dedications are to the
emperor’s genius or numen, to the numen of the imperial house, to the lares
Augusti, to Augustan gods, Augustan abstractions etc. On the whole, they
basically had the same religious role as that of associations of imperial cultores
and that of colleges; what differed was their social standing, also reflected in their
name and semi-official character.
So, from the authorities’ point of view, the Augustales reinforced the social
structure by strengthening civic loyalty through emperor worship. From the
Augustales' point of view, this system helped promote them on the civic scale. J.
Tondel has studied in detail the social evolution of the Augustales and their
families, and his conclusions83 show that the peak of an Augustalis' career was to
78 Oliver 1958, 492.
79 Duthoy 1978, 1269.
80 Jaczynowska 1978, 36-39; Nock 1934b, 629-630 notices the role played by the seuiri in the
training of young men in cavalry exercises.
81 Fishwick 1991, 613.
82 Duthoy 1978, 1296-1299.
83 Tondel 1979, 40-43.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lsl-3rd c. A.D.)	125
occupy a position in their own institution, then a municipal magistracy (in the case
of Augustales of free origin) or a honorific position in the municipal
administration; their sons would have access to all municipal magistracies, which
would be obtained or not, in direct relation with the father’s mumficentia^
(normally only grandsons of freedmen had access to municipal magistracies). So
usually no son of an Augustalis would take up his father’s position, but rather one
of his freedmen.
In Moesia Inferior we have Augustales mentioned in inscriptions in only
two cities, Oescus and Novae:
Oescus:
1)	Titus lulius Capito (ILBulg 20), 161-168 A.D. Capito was a very
important person85; along with his brothers C. lulius Epaphroditus and lulius
lanuarius he was responsible for the administration of the customs in the Illyricum
circumscription, and is mentioned in several inscriptions: in Moesia Inferior at
Almus (CIL III 6124)86 and Lăzane - Malcika (ILBulg 441)87, in Noricum at
Atrans (CIL III 5121) and in Moesia Superior at Viminacium (IMS II 70). Titus
oo
lulius Capito, like his brothers, was a freedman who managed to make a
successful public career. The inscription we are referring to shows he was honored
by the ordo of colonia Sirmium and received from it the ius sententiae dicundae,
he received ornamenta decurionalia from the ordines of the colonia Vipia
Poetouio in Pannonia Superior, the colonia Vipia Ratiaria in Moesia Superior and
the colonia Sarmizegetusa in Dacia Superior; he also received ornamenta
duumuiralia from the ordo municipii Romulensium and he was a member of the
boule in Tomis. In Oescus he received the priestly honors from the ordo coloniae
Oescensium, that also set up his bronze statue through public collection and
awarded him decurional and duumviral ornamenta by decree. And very important
for our subject, he was also the patron of the Augustales in Oescus.
The first important information is that there existed an association of
Augustales in Oescus, at least from the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and that it was
organized similarly to professional corporations and was led by a patronus. It is
strânge that only this late we have the first precisely-dated inscription to mention
the Augustales, even though the city was thriving since the times of Emperor Trajan.
84 Kotula 1997, 35-38 - which resulted in a tendency to impose “municipal dynasties”.
85 See commentary of IDRE II 319.
86 A slave from their administration, Hermes, makes a dedication here to their genius.
87 The same slave, Hermes, makes a dedication to the numina Augustorum.
88 De Laet 1949,398.
126
Valentin Bottez
In accordance to the honors usually sought by the Augustales, Titus lulius
Capito received municipal and colonial ornamenta in five cities in different
provinces. All of these conferred on the receiver no real power, but the ius
QQ
sententiae dicundae suggests that he had a certain, unclear role in tribunals . All
the honors received point out his important social and administrative standing in
the area and, in turn, indicate that the Augustales in Oescus chose their leaders
among the very influential and rich, but not necessarily among their co-citizens -
there is no indication that Capito was from Oescus and he received important
honors in many places. The function of patron of the Augustales is actually
mentioned in the second-last place on the inscription.
2)	Titus Aurelius Artemidorus (ILBulg 19), 217 A.D. He was Augustalis of
Oescus, a freedman - he has a Greek cognomen and he dedicates the inscription to
his patron. His patron was Titus Aurelius Flavinus90 (from the Papiria), princeps
ordini coloniae Oescensium and member in the council of five different cities,
patron of the artisans’ Corporation in Oescus and decorated by Caracalla for his
brave actions against the Cenni91. Thus, the freedman of the chief municipal
magistrate sought the highest semi-official position he was allowed.
3)	Lucius Valerius Eutyches (ILBulg 43), 2nd-3rd c. A.D. He was
Augustalis coloniae, and made a votive offering. Again, the Greek cognomen
indicates a freedman; there is a Lucius Valerius Dotianus (ILBulg 37) at Oescus,
but no connection can be made between the two.
4)	Marcus Disius G(ratus?) (ILBulg 23), 2nd-3rd c. A.D. He was Augustalis
coloniae Ulpiae Oesci and made a votive offering to luppiter Optimus Maximus.
Although his cognomen remains unknown, there is a high possibility that he was a
freedman of Marcus Didius lulianus (ILBulg 44), a duumuir coloniae, as the
latter’s name is the only Marcus Disius in the colony. If this hypothesis is correct,
we see again the pattem of a civic magistrate’s freedman joining the ranks of the
Augustales.
5)	Unknown name (ILBulg 112), 2nd-3rd c. A.D. Only a few words, among
which — august[alis —], are preserved from the inscription.
Novae:
lulius Statilis (IGLNovae 39 = ILBulg 281), 180-250 A.D. He was an
Augustalis municipii Nouensium, who made a votive offering to Dea Sancta
89 As the seuiri Augustales had - Duthoy 1978, 1268.
90 ILBulg 18.
91 The ILBulg 18 restitution is [adu]ersus hostes Cțarpos], but Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 202 shows
that the inscription more likely refers ro the Cenni, against which Caracalla fought in 213 A.D.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lsl-3rd c. A.D.)	127
Placida. No other Statilis appears in inscriptions in Novae. With no further
indication, we cannot presume on his free or servile origin. We can only stress that
the development of the local settlement into a municipium must have encouraged
emperor worship, which was celebrated by the lower-class citizens through the
association of the Augustales. Actually, the inscription offered by lulius Statilis is
the only one mentioning the municipium, and no other members of the municipal
aristocracy appear in epigraphs. Even though at Novae there are several I.O.M.
dedications and quite a few temples (for popular, “oriental” gods such as Isis and
Sarapis, Mithras, Sol, Deus Aeternus and the Mother of Gods, in most cases
related to the military milieu), it is clear that local aristocracy consisted mainly of
superior ranks in the army, and that urban life was not significantly developed.
We must also mention the name Augustalis (ILBulg 438), attested in the
inscription of a Bacchic association discovered at around Butovo. Also, at
Ulmetum a Flavius Augustales dedicates an altar and a ceremonial table to I.O.M.
and Silvanus, to the health of the emperor and of the members of a cultic
association of consacranis92. J. Tondel93 highlights the possibility that such
cognomina could indicate an ancient Augustalis the family.
As primary observations on the Augustales in Moesia Inferior, it is seif
evident that the institution of the Augustales was not widespread in the Latin
settlements of the province, as is the general situation with entire area. On over
2500 Augustales, seuiri Augustales and magistri Augustales inscriptions in the
Empire, in Moesia Inferior there are only five certain inscriptions. Also, this
institution seems to be (based on inscriptions discovered until now) a late
development in the province, as even in Oescus they are certainly attested only as
early as Marcus Aurelius. An impediment to the development of this institution
must have certainly been the feeble urban development in Lower Moesian cities,
as a dynamic public urban activity would have stimulated the creation of
associations of Augustales', this, however, does not explain why at Troesmis,
where we have attested an intense activity on the part of both municipal, as well as
pre-municipal authorities, no Augustalis is mentioned.
The cultores9^
Other institutions for imperial cult at a private level were cultic
associations dedicated to different aspects of emperor worship. In inscriptions they
92 See IGLNovae 24 and further on, on the cultores.
93 Tondel 1979,42.
94 For corporale worship see Gradel 2002, 213-233.
128
Valentin Bottez
are designated by the term cultores domus diuinae / domus Augustae / larum
Augustorum / imaginum domus Augustae / larum et imaginum doumus Augustae,
or the collegium numinis dominorum etc.95 These titles also indicate the object of
their cult - the imperial divine house and Lares, for which the made vegetal and
animal sacrifices (as the decoration of the altar from Nola, CIL X 1238, suggests).
As far as the social composition is concemed, these associations were usually
made up of freedmen and even slaves96, who worshipped the living emperor, not
the diui.
We have no direct proof for the existence of such private associations in
Moesia Inferior. What we do have are two dedications for the domus diuina (CIL
III 12468 = AE 1894, 109 and CIL III 7601); although there is no proof they had
anything to do with a private association focused mainly on emperor worship, we
have evidence for private religious associations at Novae (IGLNovae 24; 205-211
A.D.) and Ulmetum (ISM V 66 and 67, dated to 178 and 191 A.D. respectively).
The monuments from Ulmetum belong to an association of consacram Siluani
Statoris', the first monument is dedicated by the association’s quaestor, and the
second is dedicated to I.O.M. and Silvanus, for the health of the emperor and
consacranorum. The association at Novae was called the consacranis louianorum,
and it spared a certain Caius Staboratius, former beneficiarius consularis, the
membership fee. What is very important for our subject is that the relief offered to
the consacranis in exchange for their generosity bears the figures of the Capitoline
Triad, with Emperor Septimius Severus represented as Jupiter. Therefore such
private associations could also play a role in imperial worship, even though at a
much lower key.
Places of worship. Imperial shrines and shrines used
for imperial worship
Imperial worship complexes were extremely varied in type. There were
imperial temples, altars and shrines, but there were also shrines improvised in pre-
existing buildings, there was worship of the emperor as a synnaos theos in another
god’s temple, in imperial porticoes or agonistic complexes.
As far as imperial temples are concemed, there is practically no typology to
be drawn out, as their characteristics changed due to local particularities. But several
characteristics of the municipal temples have been noticed by H. Hănlein-Schăfer97:
95 Gradel 2002, 217, 220; for the cult of the domus diuina also see Fishwick 1991, 423^135.
96 Gradel 2002, 222-223.
97 Hanlein-Schăfer 1985, 31-36.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	129
1)	some of the municipal imperial temples were built in the forum / agora in order
to take advantage of the prestigious position offered by the civic centre ; these
temples tend to be bigger than those of other divinities; 2) others were built in
ports, and insured their dominant position by high podia, thus marking the
dominance of the Roman power (Eresos, Caesarea, Alexandria); 3) some temples
were built on naturally dominant locations, such as hills or mountains in the city;
4) and many imperial temples used pre-existent shrines which enjoyed important
local, regional or even internațional prestige, such as those built on the Acropolis
in Athens, in the Asklepion in Messene etc.
As far as Moesia Inferior is concerned, we would like to begin by saying
that there is only one direct mention of a temple in the province’s Latin settlements
(CIL III. 1 7597). There are a series of temples mentioned at Troesmis (ISM V 135;
ISM V 161), Durostorum (CIL III 7474), or Cloșca (ISM V 238), whose gods
remain unknown.
In the case of the flamines, worship must have taken place in a public and
prestigious context, in or around the forum. For Oescus, Zlatozara Goceva99
mentions the temple of Fortuna as a more likely place of imperial worship100,
rather than the Capitoline temples. Even though it is very possible that imperial
worship took place in Fortuna’s temple, it is hard to see the official municipal cult
celebrated for the emperor as a synnaos theos. Our opinion is that the official
imperial cult must have been celebrated in a temple or at an altar within the civic
centre, maybe even in architectural (physical or axial) connection to the Capitoline
temple. No such building has been discovered yet, to our knowledge.
At Troesmis it is difficult to emit any hypothesis, as excavations did not
reveal the early Roman city. The official temple or altar must have been located in
the civic centre. But in which of the two urban centers present there? Hopefully,
future excavations will bring some kind of answer to this problem.
The sacerdos at Tropaeum Traiani could have served in a temple, but most
likely at an imperial altar located in the public area around the basilica forensis. As
for the priest in emporium Piretensium (modem Slomer), we presume he served at
an altar, such as the one in pagus Scunasticus in Dalmația101. But there is also the
possibility of a rural temple.
98 See also Schalles 1992, 193-194; 196: in certain cases Capitoline temples, the tradițional
religious centres within the civic ones, were replaced by imperial temples.
99 Goceva 1998.
100 AE 1987, 893.
101 Abramic 1955, 235-236.
130
Valentin Bottez
For example CIL III. 1 7597 mentions a temple and arca (treasury coffer?
probably a piece of religious fumiture) dedicated to Emperor Caracalla by a certain
[...]rz«5, in the name of the Roman citizens residing in uicus Cleuant[...].
Unfortunately, the place of discovery is unknown. Although it was a custom for
inhabitants of rural settlements around a city to set up monuments in those cities in
order to obtain maximum visibility, it is hard to imagine the same for a temple, as
this type of monument implied constant heavy expenses. Therefore we assume that
this was a rural imperial temple, probably run by a sacerdos. The monument on
which the text was inscribed is described in the corpus as the base of the emperor’s
statue. This would give us the image of a temple of Caracalla, with the emperor’s
cult statue and religious fumiture inside.
The Augustales functioned in their own cult building, which housed the
altar at which they worshipped the emperors. These buildings were usually located
in the vicinity of forums or civic centers102, “within easy reach of the municipal
altar or temple of imperial cult”103. In Oescus the portico Building no. 6
(incompletely excavated), opposite the Capitoline temples, is a likely candidate for
a cult-building for corporate imperial worship104. In Novae we have no information
concerning the ground plan of the civic centre, and therefore can only presume that
the cult building of the Augustales functioned in connection with it.
Other private corporations must have had the imperial altar, or an altar at
which they also worshipped the emperor or imperial house, in the building in
which their collegium functioned. No such buildings have been identified yet in
any sites in Moesia Inferior, but at Lăzane - Malcika (maybe brought from
Nikopol?) two altars with similar dedications (ILBulg 441 and 442: to the imperial
imperial numen and the genius publici portorii) suggest the existence of a local
cult building in which imperial worship was celebrated at a corporate level.
The basilica forensis^5 in Tropaeum Traiani presents a very interesting
archaeological situation: its main (northem) entrance was blocked at a later date by
an annex, which has an apse at its eastern end. Initially considered a Christian
chapel, it was later on identified as a uestibulum, and as a consequence could have
contained a pagan shrine in its apse106. Because of its connection to the civic
basilica, this shrine could have represented one of the places where imperial
worship was celebrated in a public setting in the city.
102 See the case of Sarmizegetusa in neighboring Dacia - Piso 2006, 167-169.
103 Fishwick 1991,613.
104 Ivanov, Ivanov 1998, 211.
105 Built during the reign of Constantine, according to Suceveanu, Bamea 1991, 200.
106 We would like to thank Prof. Alexandru Bamea for this information.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	131
Following future excavations, special attention should be paid to a possible
role of civil basilicas in emperor worship in urban settlements in Moesia Inferior.
This type of building started to have - usually in military settlements - apart from
an administrative role, an increasingly religious one, especially in connection to
emperor worship107. The situation in Tropaeum Traiani seems to confirm this in a
civil settlement.
More information on cult buildings in which public imperial worship, but
not the official cult, was celebrated, comes from the military milieu. Sources as the
feriale Duranurn^ and wall paintings from the same site prove that public
imperial celebrations were part of military life, and it involved both simple soldiers
and officers109. In Novae, a military shrine existed in the Southern part of the
principia, and in this rectangular room was discovered the head of a statue of
Emperor Caracalla110, which - as mentioned above - Zlatozara Goceva relates,
along with fragments of bronze statues, to uninscribed statue-bases also found
there. This suggests that some kind of imperial worship or honoring took place there.
The temple dedicated to Sol Augustus in Novae is also to be related to the
military milieu, as it was dedicated by the fort’s prefect111 and provided a public
context for a form of imperial worship112. It is unfortunate that the dimensions and
general characteristics of such an important and interesting monument were not
published. The only information we have is that this temple had a S-N orientation,
and that in its longitudinal axis three altars were set, one with the dedication Soli
Augusti (the central altar), another with the name of the dedicant, T. Flavius
Sammius Terentius, the fort’s prefect. The third altar and two other monuments
were recuperated from the former mithraeum that existed on the same spot
(destroyed by the Gothic invasions). The temple of Sol Augustus was probably
built during Aurelianus’ reign, and it demonstrates the strong connection solar and
imperial theology played in this area.
Object of worship in the imperial dedications
Dedications to the emperor
In the Latin settlements of Moesia Inferior only four monuments dedicated
to emperors as divinities were discovered:
107 Schalles 1992, 194.
108 Fishwick 1991, 593-608.
109 Fishwick 1992.
110 Samowski 1980.
Bottez 2006,292-294.
112 For the close relation between solar theology and the imperial cult see Turcan 1978.
132
Valentin Bottez
At Pliska was discovered a monument consecrated to the two emperors
(AE 1944, 11): Auggfustis) / sa(c)r(um). The formula indicates a sacred act
performed to the emperors as divine beings.
The same formula, followed by a pro salute dedication, was used on an
altar set up in Nicopolis ad Istrum113 by Lucius Oppius Maximus and Lucius
Oppius lanuarius, priests of the Mother of Gods and Liber Pater respectively,
members of the uexillum Nouensium Oppianorum. We have included this
monument in our analysis because, even though set up in Nicopolis ad Istrum, the
monument was dedicated by two priests from Novae and sheds light on the type of
imperial ceremonies that were celebrated in the headquarters of the legio I Italica.
A dedication to Sabina Tranquillina, called sanctissima"4, was discovered
at Belimel, but was probably set up in civitas Montanensium (CIL III 14211.09 =
IDRE II 316 = AE 1896, 116; 241-244 A.D.). It was dedicated by the cohors
Gemina Dacorum Gordiana^5.
Finally, there is the inscription from Durostorum (AE 1985, 727),
dedicated to the bona conscientia, to the emperors and the emperors’ numen. The
association of the emperors with a deified abstraction was a common practice,
used to show the qualities of that emperor’s reign, as well as to provide an
ideological solution for worshiping an emperor during his lifetime116. In this
inscription the dedicant clearly went one step further, placing the emperor on a
divine scale.
The imperial numen
The imperial numen was clearly the most popular object of imperial
worship in the area we focus upon. The imperial numen has been the subject of
many analyses117, because it involves the problem of the emperor’s divinity. The
"’Tsarov 1995.
114 Although this formula marks a difference between the empress’ divinity and that of a
tradițional god, as does the epithet Oca used often in inscriptions at Nicopolis ad Istrum (IGB II
613, 618, 619, 623, 626, 631, 632, 633, 634 and 640), it nevertheless reflects a common view of
imperial divinity.
115 Adding an imperial epithet to a military unit was a way of honoring the emperor, and at the
same time the permission to adopt the imperial epithet was a statement of the good relation between
that unit and its emperor. Apart from the above-mentioned cohort, the legio I Italica was called
Antoniniana under Caracalla and Elagabalus, and Seueriana under Septimius Severus - Bunsch,
Kolendo, Zelazowski 2003, 45 with bibliography.
116 Fishwick 1991, 455-474.
117 Fishwick 1991, 375—422 (which reunites several revised previous articles) with comprising
bibliography, Potscher 1978; Gradel 2002, 234-250.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	133
idea supported by many scholars is that the numen represented the inner funcțional
property of a god, his quintessential property, that which makes him a god118. The
cult of the numen Augusti was instituted by Tiberius immediately after Augustus’
death, thus establishing the emperor as an intermediary being between man and
divinity; the new cult served as an important instrument for romanization in newly
conquered or pacified territories119. One of the main problems approached by
researchers was if numen in inscriptions refers to living or dead emperors.
One finds mentions of the imperial numen at:
Durostorum (AE 1985, 727; 161-169 A.D.) in the above-mentioned
dedication to bona conscientia, nn(ostrorum) Impp(eratorum) and n[um(ini)}
Augg(ustorum). As the dedication is for the the two living emperors, it is likely
that the inscription is referring to the numina of the diui.
Lăzane - Malcika120 (ILBulg 441; 161-168 A.D.), in one of the
inscriptions mentioning the three brothers in charge of the publicum portorium
Illyrici et ripae Thraciae. The dedication is made to the numen of the emperors
and the genius p(ublici) p(ortorii). It is very likely that the dedication refers to the
numen of the living emperor. The person who sets up the monument is Hermes, a
slave in the administration of the customs service.
A similar inscription was later set up in the same place as the previous
(ILBulg 442; 182 A.D.) and is dedicated to I.O.M. et num(ini) Aug(usti) n(ostri) et
p(ublici) p(ortorii). D. Fishwick considers that the third divinity is also the genius
p(ublici) p(ortorii), and that the lapicid left out genius, mentioned in the first
inscription, in order to save space. The monument was set up by slave of the
customs administration. The two inscriptions are very similar and fit the
description of corporate emperor worship celebrated by freedmen, their slaves and
imperial slaves. All this evidence suggests the existence of a local cult, probably
celebrated at a corporate level (see above, at cult buildings for corporations),
starting with the time of Marcus Aurelius.
At ciuitas Montanensium (modem Montana; Montana II 3; 235 A.D.) an
altar is dedicated to the numen perpetuus of Maximinus Thrax by the n(umerus)
c(iuium) R(omanorum) [[Maximinianus]]X2X deuotus numini maiestatique eius.
The formula deuotus numini maiestatique eius / eorum is an established
formula that appears early in the 3rd century A.D.122 and becomes very popular
118 Fishwick 1991, 383; Gradel 2002, 235.
119 Fishwick 1991,388-390.
120 These two inscriptions are treated in Fishwick 1991, 386, as coming from Nicopolis ad Istrum.
121 For imperial epithets of military units, see above n. 115.
122 Fishwick 1991, 388; Gundel 1953.
134
Valentin Bottez
among soldiers in the western provinces.123 Although it does not always constitute
a proof of the actual worship of the imperial numen -as is the case of the
inscription dedicated to the perpetuai imperial numen in the previous inscription-,
the formula shows that by the third century the cult of the imperial numen had
become an integrant part of public religiosity.
In Latin settlements from Moesia Inferior we find it, apart from the above-
mentioned inscription, again at ciuitas Montanensium (modem Montana; CIL III
14211.09 = IDRE II 316 = AE 1896, 116; 241-244 A.D.), where the already-
presented dedication to Sabina Tranquillina was set up by the cohors gemina
Dacorum Gordiana miliaria deuota numini maiestatique eius.
In the same city the cohors III colecta deuota numini maiest(atis) eius
(Emperor Valerianus), represented by its tribune, Aelius Maximus, set up an altar
(Montana II 4; 253-259 A.D.).
In Oescus a monument was dedicated to Emperor Diocletianus by the
praetorian prefects Afranius Hannibalianus and lulius Asclepiodotus (ILBulg 8;
285 A.D.), both devoted to the emperor’s numen and maiestas.
In Tropaeum Traiani we also fiind the formula, once on a fragmentary
inscription (CIL III 12471; 3rd c. A.D.), and again - slightly modified - on the
inscription marking the city’s reconstruction under Constantine and Licinius in 316
A.D. (IGLR 170; 316 A.D.), dedicated by the praetorian prefects numini eorum
semper dicatissimi.
The gathered evidence indicates that the cult of the imperial numen in
Moesia Inferior seems to have been celebrated especially by the military, often as a
collective cult rendered by an entire unit, led by their officer. This makes us think
of the ceremony represented by a wall painting in Dura124, in which an officer
offers incense in front of the statues of Pupienus, Balbinus and Gordianus III, as
well as of the public religious feasts mentioned by the Feriale Duranum. The
formal honoring of the emperor’s numen in inscriptions was also part of the
administrative authorities’ obligations, even though it probably consituted a
formality. The best level at which the proper cult is attested is the corporate level,
where members of (religious?) assoctiations set up altars for the imperial numen
(the evidence at Lăzane - Malcika).
Domus diuina
D.	Fishwick considers that, even though initially the term domus diuina
signified the ‘house of the diuus'', in time it came to represent the imperial family
123 Fishwick 1991,391.
124 Fishwick 1992,64.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lsl-3rd c. A.D.)	135
as successors of deified emperors and thus likely to be deified as well - hence the
divine character125. The cult of the divine imperial house seems to have been
celebrated mostly at the level of religious associations .
Two inscriptions mentioning the domus diuina were discovered in Latin
settlements of Moesia Inferior, one set up in Tropaeum Traiani (CIL III 12468 =
AE 1894, 109; 3rd c. A.D.) by Quintus Lucilius Piscinus, centurion of the legio I
Italica. It is dedicated in hon(orem) d(omus) d(iuinae) and Soli inuicto sacrum,
which suggests that we are not dealing with a religious cult proper, but more with
an awareness of the divinity of the imperial institution. To the same conclusion
leads the another inscription, with an unknown fmdspot (CIL III 7601), dedicated
[In honore]m d[omus diuinae] and to the emperor.
Augustan epithets
The attachment of the genitive Augusti / Augustorum or the epithet Augustus
/ Augusta to the name of a god in an inscription intended to profoundly associate
the living emperor to that respective divinity, to appropriate its specific powers for
the emperor and his family. Still, D. Fishwick explains, in time this practice
became a custom that meant just to express the dedicant’s loyalty127, and in no way
can these formulas mean that the dedicant identified the god with the emperor128,
This seems to be confirmed in Moesia Inferior, where apart from dedications for
gods with the Augustan epithet, monuments for the same gods with their simple
name were discovered - the case of Diana at Montana (29 inscriptions alone and
five together with Apollo), where the hunting goddess had a popular cult, Bonus
Euentus (IGLNovae 3, 5, 6 and 7) and the Quadriuiae at Novae (IGLNovae 42).
Yet the relief of the Capitoline Triad (IGLNovae 24) and probably the relief of
Hercules, dedicated to Hercules Augustus (ILBulg 421, see below), could suggest
that isolately, this was not the case, and dedicants identified their emperor with a
certain god’s attnbutes .
The following table presents the evidence of Augustan Gods attested in the
area of interest.
125 Fishwick 1991,423^35.
126 Gradel 2002,216-219.
127 Fishwick 1991,446-448.
128 Fishwick 1991,453.
129 A certain case comes from Tomis - Bordenache 1965, 221-222 and fig. 10, where a bust of
Tranquillina (?) represented as Isis was discovered.
136
Valentin Bottez
LOCATION	AUGUSTAN EPITHET	DEDICANT	REFERENCE	DATE
Almus (Lom)	Nemesis Augusta	Caesius Amandus beneficiarius	AE 1900, 198.	?
Montana	Diana Augusta	P. Ael. Clemens b.c leg. I Italicae and Aurelia Rutina	Montana 11 19	Around 250 A.D.
Montana	Diana Augusta	C. Aemilius Donatus, c. leg. XI Claudiae	Montana II 18	150-200 A.D.
Montana	Diana Sancta Augusta	T. Flavius lulius, c. leg. 1 Italicae and praepositus numeri duium Romanorum	Montana 11 30	200-250 A.D.
Montana	Diana Lucifera Augusta	Sergilianus, uilicus	Montana II 32	200-250 A.D.
Nikopol	Diana Augusta	Arius Coryphus, p. p. leg. I Italicae	ILBulg 143	211-217 A.D.
Novae (SviJtov)	Diana Augusta	M. Ulpius Peregrinus, trib. Leg. I Ital.	IGLNovae 10	180-230 A.D.
Novae (SviJtov)	Victoria Augusta Panthea sanctissima	L. Maximus Gaetulicus, p. p. leg. I Ital.	IGLNovae 46	184 A.D.
Novae (Sviătov)	Quadriuiae Augustae	Fortunatius Lucius	IGLNovae 41	101-250 A.D.
Novae (Sviătov)	Bonus Euentus Augustus	Maesius p. p.	IGLNovae 4	182 A.D.
Novae (Sviătov)	Sol Augustus	T. Flauius Sammius, praef. kast.	Najdenova 1998, 171-172, nos. 2-3.	270-275 A.D.
Pavlikeni	Hercules Augustus	Maximus Baradi	ILBulg 421	?
Tropaeum T raiani	Neptunus Augustus	uexil. leg. I Ital. M(oesicae) et V Ma(cedonicae) D(acicae) Trop[ae]i (agens) sub curam Eptidi(i) Modești (centurionis) leg. V Mac. et Valeri Clementis (centurionis) leg. I Ital.	Popescu 1964, 198, n. 73.	?
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lsl-3rd c. A.D.)	137
What is evident from these inscriptions is that four out of thirteen were set
up by soldiers. Moreover, the “augustified” gods are usually those usually invoked
by soldiers - Diana, Nemesis, Hercules, Sol130 and Victoria. An interesting
occurrence is the invoking of Neptunus Augustus at Tropaeum Traiani, a city
nowhere near a body of water, by an entire unit. One should more likely search for
the evidence of an earthquake maybe?
ILb. The provincial cult
One of the most important instruments of imperial control in the Latin
West and in the meantime the most prestigious political battleground for the
provincial elites was the provincial cult and its priesthood. These issues have been
the subject of several analyses, among which the most important are the works of
R. Etienne, J. Deininger, and D. Fishwick; for the Greek East the fundamental
work is that of S. R. F. Price131.
The cult evolved from local to regional and finally to provincial level132; it
aimed at reuniting representatives - legati - of all the civic communities in a
particular province in the common celebration of emperor worship at a provincial
shrine. This allowed the respective communities to develop a special relationship
with the emperor through ambassadors sent to inform emperors of honors decreed
by the provincial assembly, and in retum to ask for certain privi leges or favors.
The provincial priest bore the title of flamen or a sacerdos, followed by
his position’s area of exercise. The priest was chosen, without regard of the juridical
status of his hometown, from among the legati to the concilium prouinciae, and was
always the member of wealthy aristocratic families. The receival of the provincial
priesthood usually marked the peak of a brilliant municipal career, usually suggested
by the formula omnibus honoribus apudsuos functus^.
For Moesia Inferior, the problem of the provincial cult was briefly
described by J. Deininger135, who noticed the scarcity of information on the
provincial cult in the Danubian provinces, mentioning the two provincial priests at
Troesmis, which he considered the provincial centre.
130 Alongside the altar dedicated to Sol Augustus there is another, dedicated to Sol inuictus,
recuperated from the ancient mithraeum (Najdenova 1998, 171, nr. 1).
131 Etienne 1974; Deininger 1965; Price 1984; Fishwick 1987 and the monographical volumes
Fishwick 2002a; Fishwick 2002b and Fishwick 2004.
132 Fishwick 2002a, passim.
133 Fishwick 2002b, 291-309.
134 Fishwick 2002b, 299.
135 Deininger 1965, 113-1 15, 120.
138
Valentin Bottez
E.	Komeman, D. Fishwick, Zlatozara Goceva and lately D. Aparaschivei136
support the idea of the provincial cult centre at Oescus, as a more developed urban
centre and seat of four municipal flamines. D. Fishwick is not convinced of the
location of the provincial centre at Troesmis, and dates the inscription mentioning
Tiberius Vitales before the mid 160’s, when the legio V Macedonica was moved to
Potaissa. As before Marcus Aurelius Troesmis was not an urban centre, the
location of the provincial centre there is unlikely, and D. Fishwick supports the
idea that Oescus was the provincial centre of Moesia Inferior .
The two inscriptions mentioning the provincial priests were, as mentioned,
discovered at Troesmis. The first one is ISM V 194, dated vaguely to the second c.
A.D - hence the chronological problem rose by D. Fishwick. The former
beneficiarius, veteran of the legio V Macedonica and former provincial priest
Tiberius Vitales, who lived for sixty years, set the tombstone during his lifetime.
Strangely enough, Tiberius Vitales was not a Roman Citizen, a fact that D.
Fishwick explains by a lack of citizens at Troesmis - another case of a non-
citizen provincial priest is Albinus Albui in Lusitania (AE 1946, 201). We do not
necessarily agree with this, as one of the founding stones of the civil settlement at
Troesmis is the Hadrianic honorable discharge for around 300 soldiers of the legio
V Macedonica (ISM V 137), and there are quite a number of citizens mentioned in
later inscriptions. Nevertheless, the choice of a non-citizen for what was supposed
to be the province’s highest magistracy remains a mystery, the only possible
explanation being that Vitales had an important position locally, which resulted in
his receiving the provincial priesthood.
The second inscription (ISM V 151; 218-222 A.D.) is written on the base
of a statue of Emperor Elagabalus, set up by T(itus) Fl(auius) Nouius Rufus
leg(atus) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) and M(arcus) Ulp(ius) Antipater sacerd(os)
prouin(ciae) et bis duumuiral(is), who set up the monument ob hon(orem)
pontif(icatus). The priest was a Citizen of Greek origin, who probably held the
provincial priesthood in the middle of his municipal career, which he later resumed
and became pontifex, the function he held at the moment of the dedication.
As far as the priestly title is concemed, D. Fishwick noticed that in Moesia
Superior, as weil as in the Danubian region, the title sacerdos prouinciae indicates
that the cult focused on the living emperor at an altar, without the joint cult of the
136 Komemann 1901, 135; Fishwick 1978, 1234; Goceva 1990, 142-144; Aparaschivei 2007,
95-96.
137 Fishwick 2002a, 179-180 and Fishwick 2004, 183.
138 Fishwick 2002b, 286.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lsl-3rd c. A.D.)	139
goddess Roma139. Also, the formula omnibus honoribus apud suos functus, popular
in many provinces, is not used here, and instead the priest’s cursus is noted.
Regarding the problem of the provincial centre, we think that there are
several points to be considered:
a)	there are not one, but two mentions of the provincial priest at Troesmis,
and none elsewhere;
b)	the provincial priesthood was a prestigious position, which would surely
have been mentioned in the many inscriptions set up by officials at Oescus
starting with the beginning of the second century; no such mention appears,
even though many other priesthoods are attested;
c)	as we have mentioned in our analysis of municipal priesthoods, beginning
with the reign of Marcus Aurelius, Troesmis became an important urban
and religious centre, thus becoming eligible for housing the provincial
assembly;
d)	D. Fishwick’s dating of the inscription mentioning Tiberius Vitales can be
set back after the legio V Macedonica left and Troesmis became a
mumcipiurn^, as there is at least one inscription (ISM V 160) mentioning
a veteran of the legion that can surely be dated after 170 A.D. Therefore his
main argument can no longer stand.
Although this would be an exception, our conclusion is that there was no
provincial assembly of Moesia Inferior until Marcus Aurelius’ reign. It is hard to
believe that an institution with such an important public profile would not appear
in sources that comprise several hundred inscriptions (inscription that otherwise
mention numerous public positions and institutions). And the motive for this
absence lies precisely in this public profile. A provincial cult implied important
expenses on the part of the representatives, as well as the member communities.
Until the time of Marcus Aurelius, apart form Oescus and the Greek cities141,
Moesia Inferior was made up of non-urban communities that could hardly be
expected to support such a high-profile institution. It is quite possible that Oescus,
clearly the strongest centre of imperial cult, played a regional role until the 160’s.
But, if so, it was unofficial. The first established provincial cult is mentioned
twice, only at Troesmis, and that is where we would place the provincial shrine.
139 Fishwick 2002b, 294-295.
140 We must also remember that, as mentioned above, the provincial priest was not necessarily
chosen from cities of the highest juridical status - Fishwick 2002b, 297-298.
141 Which, by the way, abound in sources concerning the federal emperor worship celebrated by
the West Pontic koinon.
140
Valentin Bottez
III. Peripheral manifestations of the imperial cult
The imperial cult, as we have seen, was not a unitary religious phenomenon,
as it was spread in all the social segments and took different shapes according to
the different local contexts. Apart from information concerning imperial worship,
we will present further monuments concerning phenomena indirectly connected
with the imperial cult.
Cult of Roma
The cult of goddess Roma142 was set up when Roman influence grew in the
Greek East, and was a form of worshiping the Roman power, along with cults
dedicated to Roman generals143 and gods that symbolized the good relationship
between the Greeks and Romans144. During the Principate goddess Roma became
an associate of Augustus in the imperial cult145 and, when appearing separately,
represented the power and dominance of the Roman state.
In Latin settlements of Moesia Inferior the established cult of Roma is
attested only at Oescus (ILBulg 75)146. Here Cl(audius) Ael(ius) Optim[us]
pontif(ex) et h[ar(uspex)] col(oniae), sacerd(os) [deae] Rom(ae) set up a honorary
inscription to the wife offlamen Gaius Scopius Marcianus, mentioned above. We
do not agree with the possibility of a joint cult of Rome, the living emperor and the
diuiw at Oescus, as the title of the flamen would have mentioned it. Instead, the
priest is clearly in charge only of the goddess’, and not of a combined imperial
cult. But at the same time it is clear that the cult of goddess Roma gravitated in the
sphere of the tradițional state and official imperial cults, having as sacerdos a
person as important as the city’s pontifex and haruspex. From a social point of
view, the priest of Roma had probably received his citizenship during Hadrian’s
reign, and belonged to the local aristocracy.
The other two inscriptions are dedicated to the deified city of Rome. At
Durostorum (Donevski 1976, 62-63, nr. 3; 235-236 A.D.) the legatus Augusti pro
praetore Domitius Antigonus, his wife and two sons set up a monument dedicated
142 Meilor 1975.
143 Fishwick 1987,46-47.
144 One such case is the temple of Concordia in Kallatis, where the treaty between the city and
Rome was set up - ISM III 1.
145 Fishwick 1987, passim.
146 The cult of Roma was also celebrated in Greek cities such as Odessos (IGB I2 48) and
Nicopolis ad Istrum (1GB 11 701).
147 Aparaschivei 2007, 93.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (ls'-3rd c. A.D.)	141
Diuinib[u]s Romae aeternae and Ge\ni\o prouinciae, and at Novae - Svistov
(IGLNovae 45) an altar or statue base was consecrated to Vrbs Roma Aeterna.
Public spectacles
The imperial cult was primarily a public phenomenon, and as such was
conceived to dominate public festivities and entertainment, in order to obtain
maximum popularity. In the case of imperial cult buildings we have stressed the
fact that their location was chosen in such a way as to connect to tradițional
religious and civic centres in order to obtain the same prestige. The same applied
to public spectacles, so besides imperial festivities, during tradițional ones imperial
cult features such as processions, sacrifices etc were introduced. Therefore each
public event was deliberately related to emperor worship or honoring.
Games and banquets were among the favorite public events, and
constituted occasions for the manifestation of the imperial cult, making it
impossible to study emperor worship without devoting special attention to these
phenomena148.
In Moesia Inferior we have a special situation concerning such public
festivities. In the province’s Greek149 cities we have numerous and important
sources concerning both religious festivities (imperial or not) and public games,
with an important role played by gladiatorial fights150. Yet in Latin settlements we
have practically no such information.
The only references concerning the logistics of public games we managed
to find are two inscriptions from Montana. The first one (Montana II 9; 147 A.D.),
is dedicated to Diana by the tribune c(o)h(ortis) I Cil(icum) and mentions the capture
of bears and bisons for the imperial combats with beasts given by Antoninus Pius to
celebrate 900 years since the foundation of Rome151. The other inscription (Montana
II 1) mentions two soldiers specialized in hunting - im(m)unes uen(atores) hd(ius)
Longinus et Fl(auius) Valerius. Even though there is no mention of gladiatorial or
beast fights in the Latin settlements, such soldiers must have provided animals for
the province’s Greek cities that did put up such shows.
148 The bibliography on the subject is impressive, which forces us to mention only the most
important general contributions: Robert 1971; Fishwick 1987, 574-590; Viile 1981; Newby 2005.
149 In Istros, Tomis, Kallatis, Dionysopolis, Odessos, Nicopolis ad Istrum and Marcianopolis.
150 Initially considered by scholars a typical Roman practice that failed to gain ground in a
culturally different Greek East, it was proved by L. Robert as a very popular public activity in both
old and new Greek cities.
151 Velkov, Alexandrov 1988, 273.
142
Valentin Bottez
Imperial statues
Another phenomenon indirectly related to emperor worship is the practice
of setting up imperial statues in public spaces. We will exclude from our analysis
cult statues in temples or at altars (such as the one set up in the temple of Caracalla
- CIL III.l 7597) or religious gold or silver imperial statues152 such as that of
Commodus offered by En[ni]us Repertu[s] in a temple in Dionysopolis or those
1
mentioned by Ovid in his house .
Imperial statues were not only honorary monuments: they were also
endowed with the ability of offering sanctuary, which demonstrates their religious
attribute.154 Such monuments were present in all urban settlements, and even
though they had no role in the cult, they transmitted the idea of the emperor’s
divinity.
So far we have identified in Moesia Inferior the following imperial statues /
statue bases:
LOCATION	OBJECT OF THE DEDICATION	MONUMENT	DEDICANT	DATE (A.D.)	REFERENCE
Axiopolis	lulia Domna	statue base	nautae uniuersi Danuuii	193- 211	CIL III 7485
Durostorum	Faustina Minor	statue head		169- 176	Bordenache 1965, 219 and fig. 6
Durostorum	Severus Alexander?	statue head	7	222- 235	Ivanov, Atanasov, Donevski 2006, 138 and fig. 18.
Durostorum	Gordian III	statue head	?	241	Bordenache 1965, 221 and fig. 9
Durostorum	Aurelianus/ Tacitus/ Florianus?	statue head	?	270- 280	Bordenache 1965, 222, and fig. 11
Novae	Septimius Severus	statue base	primi ord(ines) et centurionfes) leg(ionis) / Ital(icae)	195- 196	ILNovae 57b
Novae	Septimius Severus and sons	statue base	?	198	ILNovae 63
152 Pekâry 1985, 66-80.
153 Ov. Pont. 4. 9. 109 sq.
134 Gaius Inst. 1. 53; Plin. Ep. 10. 74. 1 - these cases show that demanding sanctuary at the
emperor’s statue was an actual practice. Not that it was always respected - Pekâry 1985, 130. Pliny
also made suspected Christians offer wine and incense to the emperor’s statue, which he had
brought along with statues of other gods - Plin. Ep. 10. 96.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	143
LOCATION	OBJECT OF THE DEDICATION	MONUMENT	DEDICANT	DATE (A.D.)	REFERENCE
Oescus	Hadrianus	statue base	?	117- 138	ILBulg 5
Oescus	Traianus Decius		?	249	ILBulg 7
Oescus	Antonine empress	statue	?	100- 150	Bordenache 1965, 220 and fig. 7
Sexaginta Prista	Septimius Severus	statue base	the people of Nicopolis ad Istrum155	202	Velkov 1986, 28.
Sucidava	Commodus	statue and base	Claudius Xenophon imperial procurator, Zoticus and Salvianus, uilici	180- 192	CIL III. 1 8042
Troesmis	Elagabalus	statue base	M. Ulpius Antipater, sac(erdotalis) prouin(ciae) and the Roman govemor T. Flauius Nouius Rufus	218- 219	ISM V 151
The Antonine empress from Oescus is a colossal statue, which indicates
that the princess was represented as a diua. As far as the colossal statue of
Emperor Aurelianus / Tacitus / Florianus from Durostorum, it is difficult to believe
that it was the representation of a diuus and not of an emperor-god, as in those
troubled times it is hard to see emperors supporting cults dedicated to their
predecessors. The statue set up by the former provincial priests with the help of the
provincial govemor, marking the former’s taking up the office of pontifex, shows
the strong connection between the imperial cult, the tradițional state cult and the
practice of setting up statues.
*
The following conclusions can be drawn from the facts presented above.
The historical and geographical contexts of the province Moesia Inferior
indicate that its small dimensions and low degree of urban development in the
“Latin area” are a direct consequence of its initially predominant military role.
During the lst c. A.D., the space covered by the future province Moesia Inferior
155 The fact that the statue was set up by the people of Nicopolis ad Istrum prompted V. Velkov
to support the theory that at that moment Sexaginta Prista was part of its territory - Velkov 1986, 28.
144
Valentin Bottez
had no urban settlements (apart from the Greek cities on the Black Sea coast,
which represent a different historical phenomenon and therefore are not treated in
the present paper). In the 2nd c. A.D. there are two important phases of
development: 1) the reign of Trajan, who raised Oescus to the rank of colonia and
founded Tropaeum Traiani (probably directly as a municipium) and 2) the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, who probably raised Durostorum, Noviodunum, Novae and
Troesmis to the rank of municipium, inaugurating a period of urban development
that continued during the Severi.
These data are suggestive when compared to the chronology of the
monuments directly or indirectly related to emperor worship.
First of all, no monuments related to emperor worship appear before the
reign of Trajan. And when they finally appear, it is only at Oescus, which clearly
played a very important role in the official cult of the emperors.
Secondly, in the rest of the province’s Latin area no monuments of emperor
cult are certainly dated before the reign of Marcus Aurelius; most important, all
priesthoods or cult associations are dated with certainty only starting with Marcus
Aurelius’ reign. And with the emperor-philosoper’s reign Troesmis emerged as a
very important municipal centre of state cults (proved by I.O.M. dedications, the
presence of augurs and pontifs) and emperor worship, the latter headed by an
imperial flamen. Moreover, Troesmis is the only attested seat of the provincial
cult. Other smaller municipal centres of imperial worship in this period were
Novae (with a college of Augustales and other cult associations) and Tropaeum
Traiani (a sacerdos mentioned late in the 3rd c. A.D.). Small centres in non-urban
settlements existed at emporium Piretensium, uicus Cleuant..., probably at
Lăzane-Malcika / Nikopol and maybe at Visovgrad.
The end of emperor worship should be placed in the interval 270-300 A.D.,
when an imperial sacerdos still functioned at Tropaeum Traiani, the emperor was
associated with Sol in the temple at Novae and a colossal imperial statue was
dedicated at Durostorum, despite the hardships endured by the entire area during
the invasions and military anarchy.
We can also infer that emperor worship must have been celebrated, in a
non-institutionalized manner (that is not in imperial shrines), in all military
centres, as indicated by monuments from Novae, Durostorum, Axiopolis, Sucidava
and Montana. These celebrations could take place both inside and outside the
military compounds, as is the case of the temple of Sol Augustus at Novae or the
setting up of dedications to Diana Augusta in Montana (obviously in the goddess’,
and not in an imperial temple).
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	145
From a social point of view, even though there were clear class
distinctions, emperor worship was celebrated at every social level. And as
M. P. Charlesworth (quoted by A. D. Nock) put it:
...while the classes were all closely related to Augustus, they were
sharply separated from one another.156
The general scheme looked as follows:
1)	At the top of the municipal hierarchy the official imperial cult focused on the
diui, was closely related to tradițional state cults and was headed by flamines
at Oescus and Troesmis; the provincial cult, focusing on the living emperor
and attested at Troesmis, represented the peak of the municipal career.
2)	Lower-profile official cults focusing on the living emperor (headed by Roman
citizens bearing the title sacerdos} existed at Tropaeum Traiani, emporium
Piretensium and maybe Visovgrad. The last two locations could suggest a
network of small centres of emperor worship in non-urban settlements.
3)	For freedmen and slaves of well-to-do status and with public-career
aspirations there were private associations for emperor worship, such as the
colleges of Augustales in Oescus and Novae, which represented the key to
social promotion.
4)	The lower categories of citizens, freedmen and slaves must have also used
private associations, focused on emperor worship or not, to show their loyalty;
no imperial-worship association is directly attested (maybe the monuments
from Lăzane-Malcika indicate such an institution), but religious associations
are attested at Novae and Ulmetum; also, there were the usual colleges, such
as the nautae uniuersi Danuuii in Axiopolis, which could undertake
manifestations related to emperor worship. Private religious associations
should not necessarily be considered a rare occurrence, as their members
could not afford high expenses157 and they are therefore rarely attested by
monuments such as those from Novae and Ulmetum.
Although present in most of the important Latin Lower Moesian centres,
emperor worship was less developed here than in other provinces and even than in
Greek cities on the Black Sea coast. It seems to have emerged as a late development,
boosted by imperial inițiative and urban development and in direct relation to them.
156 Nock 1934b, 636.
157 The altar from Nola is an exception explained in Gradel 2002, 219, as it was a reused altar.
146
Valentin Bottez
This explains its feeble development even in the Severian period when, in contrast to
the province’s Greek cities, no imperial feasts or games are attested.
	Bibliography
Abramic 1955	M. Abramic, Dva historijska natpisa iz antikne Dalmacije (Deux inscriptions historiques de la Dalmatie antique), in: Serta Kazaroviana, Sofia, 1955, 235-240.
Aparaschivei 2007	D. Aparaschivei, Le culte imperial et les flamines municipaux en Mesie Inferieure et Mesie Superieure, Archaeologia Bulgarica, Sofia, 11 (3), 2007,91-100.
Aricescu 1977 Bâltâc 2005	A. Aricescu, Armata în Dobrogea romană, București 1977. Adela Bâltâc, Lumea rurală în Moesia Inferior și Thracia. Romanitate și elenism în mediul rural, PhD thesis at the Faculty of History, Bucharest University 2005.
Bărbulescu 2001	Maria Bărbulescu, Viața rurală în Dobrogea romană (sec. I—III p. Chr.), Constanța 2001.
Bamea 1977	Al. Bamea, Descoperiri epigrafice noi în cetatea Tropaeum Traiani, Pontica 10, 1977, 349-355.
Barnea 1988	Al. Bamea, Municipium Noviodunum. Nouvelles donnees epigraphiques, Dacia, N.S. 32, 1988,53-60.
Bickerman 1973	E. Bickerman, Consecratio, in: W. den Boer (ed.). Le culte des Souverains, Entretiens sur l’antiquite classique XIX, Vandoeuvres - Geneve, 1973, 1-26.
Boteva 1997	Dilyana Boteva, flonHa Musufi u TpaKun e puMCKama uMnepcxa cucmena (193-217/218 s. cji. Xp.) / Lower Moesia and .Thrace in the Roman Imperial System (A.D. 193-217/218), Sofia 1997.
Bottez 2006	V. Bottez, Quelques aspects du culte mithriaque en Mesie Inferieure, Dacia, N.S. 50, 2006, 289-300.
Bunsch, Kolendo, Zelazowski 2003	E. Bunsch, J. Kolendo, J. Zelazowski, Inscriptions decouvertes entre 1998 et 2002 dans les ruines du valetudinarium â Novae, Archeologia, Warszawa, 54, 2003, 43-64.
Chastagnol 1980	A. Chastagnol, L’organisation du culte imperial dans la cite â la lumiere des inscriptions de Rennes, in: A.-M. Rouanet Liesenfelt (ed.). La civilisation des Riedones, Brest, 1980, 187-199 ( = La Gaule romaine et le droit latin, Lyon, 1995, 29-35).
Clauss 2000	M. Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras (in Engl. by R. Gordon), Edinburgh 2000.
Deininger 1965	J. Deininger, Die Provinziallandtage der romischen Kaiserzeit von Augustus bis zum Ende des dritten Jahrhunderts n. Chr., Miinchen - Berlin 1965.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	147
De Laet 1949	S. J. de Laet, Portorium: etude sur l'organisation douaniere chez les Romains, surtout â l'epoque du Haut-Empire, Brugge 1949.
Doruțiu-Boilă 1978	Emilia Doruțiu-Boilă, Uber den Zeitpunkt der Verleihung des Munizipalrechts in Scythia Minor, Dacia, N.S. 22, 1978, 245-248.
Donevski 1976	P. Donevski, JlamuHCKu Hadnuc om flypocmopysi (Inscriptions latines de Durostorum, Archeologija, Sofia, 4, 1976, 61-64.
Duthoy 1974	R. Duthoy, La fonction sociale de TAugustalite, Epigraphica 36, 1974, 134-154.
Duthoy 1976	R. Duthoy, Recherches sur la repartition geographique et chronologique des termes sevir Augustalis, Augustalis et sevir dans l’Empire romain, Epigraphische Studien 9, 1976, 143-214.
Duthoy 1978 Etienne 1974	R. Duthoy, Les Augustales, A.N.R.W. II 16.2, 1978, 1259-1309. R. Etienne, Le culte imperial dans la peninsule Iberique d' Auguste â Diocletien, B.E.F.A.R. 191, Paris 1958 [1974],
Fishwick 1978	D. Fishwick, The Development of Provincial Ruler Worship in the Western Roman Empire, A.N.R.W. II 16.2, 1978, 1201-1253.
Fishwick 1987	D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, I, 2, Leiden - New York - Kobenhavn - Koln 1987.
Fishwick 1991	D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire. Volume II, 1, Leiden - New York - Kobenhavn - Koln 1991.
Fishwick 1992 Fishwick 2002a	D. Fishwick, Soldier andEmperor, AHB 6 (1), 1992, 63-72. D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western provinces of the Roman Empire, Volume III: The Provincial Cult, Part 1: Institution and Evolution. Leiden - Boston - Koln 2002.
Fishwick 2002b	D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western provinces of the Roman Empire, Volume III: The Provincial Cult. Part 2: The Provincial Priesthood, Leiden - Boston - Koln 2002.
Fishwick 2004	D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western provinces of the Roman Empire. Volume III: The Provincial Cult. Part 3: The Provincial Centre; Provincial Cult, Leiden - Boston 2004.
Gerov 1977	B. Gerov, Zur Problem der Entstehung der romischen Stâdte am unteren Donaulimes, Klio 59, 1977, 299-310.
Gerov 1979	B. Gerov, Die Grenzen der romischen Provinz Thracia bis zur Griindung des Aurelianischen Dakien, ANRW II 7.1, 1979,212-240.
Goceva 1990	Zlatozara Goceva, Der Imperatorenkult in Moesia Inferior und das Problem der Romanisierung, Balcanica Posnaniensia, Poznan, 5, 1990, 139-149.
148
Valentin Bottez
Goceva 1994	Zlatozara Goceva, II culto imperiale a Novae, in: G. Susini (ed.), Limes. Studi di storia 5, Bologna, 1994, 101-105.
Goceva 1998	Zlatozara Goceva, Le culte imperial sur le limes bas-danubien et les problemes de la romanisation, in: Studia Danubiana. Pars Romaniae. Series Symposia I. The Roman Frontier at the Lower Danube. 4th-6lh centuries. The 2nd International Symposium (Murighiol / Halmyris, 18- 24 August 1996), Bucharest, 1998, 263-266.
Gostar 1969	N. Gostar et alii, Tabula Imperii Romani : Romula, Durostorum, Tomis: sur la base de la carte internaționale du monde â l'echelle de 1:1,000,000 : L 35, București 1969.
Gradel 2002 Gysler, Bielman 1994	I. Gradel, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion, Oxford 2002. L.-A. Gysler, Anne Bielman, Le flaminat municipal: pretrise officielle du culte imperial â travers les temoignages epigraphiques de la province des Trois Gaules, Etudes de Lettres, Lausanne, 1994, 93-111.
Hănlein-Schăfer 1985 Ivanov 1981	H. Hănlein-Schăfer, Veneratio Augusti. Eine Studie zu den Tempeln des ersten romischen Kaisers, Roma 1985. R. Ivanov, Mwiuapua kojioho c uMemo na A6pumyc (Borne milliare avec le nom d'Abritus), Arheologija, Sofia, 23, 3, 1981, 48-54.
Ivanov 2005	R. Ivanov, T. Flauius Valentinus aus Colonia Ulpia Oescensium (cursus honorum), in: Miroslava Mirkovic (ed.), Rbmische Stădte und Festungen an der Donau. Akten der regionalen Konferenz organisiert von Alexander von Humbolt-Stiftung. Beograd, 16-19 Oktober 2003, Beograd, 2005, 219-222 = R. Ivanov, Hoe enucpafcKU naMemuuK om Vrinun EcKyc (New Epigraphic Monument from Ulpia Oescus), Archeologija, Sofia, 46, 1-4, 2005, 159-161.
Ivanov, Atanasov, Donevski 2006	R. Ivanov, G. Atanasov, P. Donevski, HcTopmi Ha CmiMCTpa. Tom I. Ahthhhhht /lypocTopyM / History of Silistra, Volume I. The Ancient Durostorum, Silistra - Sofia 2006.
Ivanov, Ivanov	T. Ivanov, R. Ivanov, Ulpia Oescus / Vnmui Ecxyc 1, Sofia 1998.
1998
Jaczynowska 1978	Maria Jaczynowska, Les Associations de Ia jeunesse romaine sous le Haut-Empire, Wroclaw - Gdansk 1978.
Kolendo 1981	J. Kolendo, La repartition des places aux spectacles et la stratification sociale dans lEmpire romain, Ktema 6, 1981, 301-315.
Kolendo, Sultov 1991	J. Kolendo, B. Sultov, Kolegium Consacram lovianorum w inskrypcji z Novae (Le college des consacram louianorum dans une inscription de Novae), Novensia, Warszawa, 2, 1991, 33-44.
Komemarm 1901	E. Komemann, Zur Geschichte der antiken Herrscherkulte, Klio 1, 1901,51-146.
Liertz 1998	Uta-Maria Liertz, Kult und Kaiser. Studien zu Kaiserkult und Kaiserverehrung in den germanischen Provinzen und in Gallia Belgica zur romischen Kaiserzeit, Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 20, Roma 2002.
Emperor worship in Latin settlements of Lower Moesia (lst-3rd c. A.D.)	149
Lyasse 2007	E. Lyasse, Germanicus flamen Augustalis et la creation de nouveaux flaminats â Rome, Gerion 25, 1, 2007, 305-328.
Matei-Popescu 2004 Meilor 1975	F. Matei-Popescu, Trupele auxiliare ale armatei romane din Moesia Inferior, SCIVA 52-53, 2001-2003 (2004), 173-242. R. J. Meilor, ©EA PQMH. The Worship of the Goddess Roma in the Greek World, Gottingen 1975.
Miliar 1992	F. Miliar, The Emperor in the Roman World (31 B.C. - A.D. 337), London 1992.
Miliar 2004	F. Miliar, The Imperial Cult and the Persecutions, in: F. Miliar, Rome, the Greek World and the East (Hannah M. Cotton, G. G. Rogers eds.), Chapel Hill & London, 2004, 2, 298-312.
Mourlot 1895	F. Mourlot, Essai sur l’histoire de l’Augustalite dans l’Empire romain (Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences philologiques et historiques, 108), Paris 1895.
Mrozewicz 1999	L. Mrozewicz, Munizipalgesellschaft und romische Ritter. Das Beispiel der Nordprovinzen des romischen Reiches, in: L’ordre equestre. Histoire d’une aristocrație (IIe siecle av. J.-C. - IIIe siecle ap. J.-C.). Actes du colloque internațional de Bruxelles-Leuven (5-7 octobre 1995), Rome, 1999,31-78.
Najdenova 1998	Verbinka Najdenova, Nouvelles evidences sur le culte de Sol Augustus a Novae (Mesie Inferieure), in: E. Frezouls, Helene Jouffroy (eds.), Les Empereurs illyriens. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg (11-13 octobre 1990), Strasbourg, 1998, 171-178.
Newby 2005	Z. Newby, Greek Athletics in the Roman World. Victory and Virtue, Oxford 2005.
Nock 1930 Nock 1934a	A. D. Nock, Synnaos theos, HSCPh 41, 1930, 1-62. A. D. Nock, Religious Developments from the Close of the Republic to the Death of Nero, in: Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge, 10, 1934, 465-511.
Nock 1934b Oliver 1958 Pekâry 1985	A. D. Nock, Seviri andAugustales, in: Melanges Bidez 2, 1934, 627-638. J. H. Oliver, Gerusiae and Augustales, Historia 7, 1958, 473-496. T. Pekâry, Das romische Kaiserbildniss in Staat, Kult und Gesellschaft. Dargestellt Anhand der Schriftquellen, Berlin 1985.
Petolescu 2007 Pippidi 1967	C.	C. Petolescu, Contribuții la istoria Daciei romane. I, București 2007. D.	M. Pippidi, Tiberius Plautius Aelianus și frontiera Dunării-de-Jos în sec. I e.n., in: Contribuții la istoria veche a României (2nd ed.), București, 1967, 287-328.
Piso 2006	I. Piso, Colonia Dacica Sarmizegetusa. I. Le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa, București 2006.
Popescu 1964	Em. Popescu, Epigraphische Beitrăge zur Geschichte der Stadt Tropaeum Traiani, StCl 6, 1964, 185-203.
Potscher 1978	W. Potscher, 'Numen' und ‘Numen Augusti', A.N.R.W. II 16.1, 1978, 355-392.
150
Valentin Bottez
Premerstein 1895	A. von Premerstein, Augustales, in: Dizionario Epigrafico, Milano, I, 1895,824-877.
Price 1984	S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor, Cambridge 1984.
Robert 1946	L. Robert, Hellenica. Recueil d'epigraphie, de numismatique et d'antiquites grecques, II, Limoges 1946.
Robert 1971 Ross Taylor 1914	L. Robert, Les Gladiateurs dans l’orient grec, Amsterdam 1971. Lilly Ross Taylor, Augustales, Seviri Augustales, and Seviri: a Chronological Study, T.A.P.A. 45, 1914, 231-253.
Rouge1966	J. Rouge, Recherches sur l'organisation du commerce maritime en Mediterranee sous l'Empire romain, Paris 1966.
Samovski 1980	T. Samovski, MpaMopna znaea Ha Kapaxana om Hoee (Tete de Caracalla en marbre de Nouae), Izvestija, Sofia, 3, 1980, 35-43.
Scott 1932	K. Scott, The Elder and the Younger Pliny on Emperor Worship, T.A.P.A. 63, 1932,156-165.
Suceveanu 1971	Al. Suceveanu, In legătură cu data anexării Dobrogei de către romani, Pontica 4, 1971, 105-123.
Suceveanu, Bamea	Al. Suceveanu, Al. Bamea, La Dobroudja romaine, București 1991.
1991
Suceveanu et alii 2003 Syme 1971 Țentea, Matei- Popescu 2004	Al. Suceveanu, M. Zahariade, F. Topoleanu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea, Halmyris I. Monografie arheologică, Cluj Napoca 2003. R. Syme, Danubian Papers, București 1971. O. Țentea, F. Matei-Popescu. Alae et cohortes Daciae et Moesiae. A review and updating of J. Spaul's Ala and Cohors, AMN 39—40/1, 2002-2003 (2004), 259-296.
Tondel 1979	J. Tondel, Le role social des Augustales dans les provinces danubiennes, Historia 13, 1979, 29-57.
Tsarov 1995	I. Tsarov, Sacral inscription from Nicopolis ad Istrum by priests from Novae, Novensia, Warszawa, 8, 1995, 7-13.
Turcan 1978	R. Turcan, Le culte imperial au 11 f siecle, A.N.R.W. II 16.2, 1978, 996-1084.
Velkov 1986	V. Velkov, Hoeu daHHU 3a mepumopuxma Ha HuKononuc ad Hcmpyw u 3a ceeepuama epanuya Ha npoBUHyufi TpaKun npe3 11 e. (Nouvelles donnees concernant le territoire de Nicopolis ad Istrum et la frontiere nord de la province de Thrace pendant le If siecle), Archeologija, Sofia, 28 (2), 1986,24-28.
Velkov, Alexandrov 1988 Viile 1981	V. Velkov, G. Alexandrov, Tenatio Caesariana. Eine neue Inschrift aus Montana (Moesia Inferior), Chiron 18, 1988, 271-276. G. Viile, La gladiature en Occident des origines â la mort de Domitien, Rome 1981.
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43-^44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 151-161
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans
le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa*
Ioan Piso
En 1993, neuf fragments d’une inscription monumentale en calcaire ont ete
trouves dans de trous modemes devant le tetrapyle servant d’entree dans le forum
vetus de Sarmizegetusa (fig. 4). J’ai etabli le texte suivant (fig. I)1 :
[Imp(erator)] Ca[es(ar)] Div[i] Ne[r]v[a]e f(ilius) Nerva Trai[a]n[us]
[Aug(ustus) Germanicus] D[acicus p]ontif(ex) max(imus) trib(unicia)
pot(estate) [X.? i]m[p(erator) VI]
[co(n)s(ul) V p(ater) p(atriae) col(oniam) Ulpiam Trai]ana[m Augusta]m
Dacic(am) [Sar]miz[egetusam fecit].
* Abreviations: Dacia felix = Dacia felix. Studia Michaeli Bărbulescu oblata (ed. S. Nemeti et
alii, Cluj-Napoca 2007 ; Diaconescu 2004 = Al. Diaconescu, Statuaria majoră în Dacia romană I—II,
Cluj-Napoca (sur CD); Diaconescu 2006-2007 = Al. Diaconescu, Inscripția monumentală de la
intrarea în forul traianic al Sarmizegetusei. O reconsiderare, dans : EN 16-17, 2006-2007, p. 95-
106; Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2002-2003 = R. Etienne, I. Piso, Al. Diaconescu, Les fouilles du
forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa. Rapport general, dans: AMN 39-40, 2002-2003, p. 59-154;
Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006 = R. Etienne, I. Piso, Al. Diaconescu, Rapport archeologique, dans :
Le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa I (ed. I. Piso), Bucarest 2006, p. 41-210; Piso 2005 = I. Piso, An
der Nordgrenze des Rdmischen Reiches, Stuttgart 2005 ; Piso 2006 = I. Piso, Corpus epigraphicum,
dans : Le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa I (ed. I. Piso), Bucarest 2006, p. 211-339 ; Piso-Diaco-
nescu 1999 = Testo epigrafico, supporto architettonico e contesta archeologico nei fori di Sarmi-
zegetusa, dans : XI Congresso Intemazionale de Epigrafia Greca e Latina. (Roma, 18-24 settembre
1997). Atti, Rome 1999, p. 125-137.
1 Le texte, signale par I. Piso, dans le catalogue de l’exposition d’Ancone, Traiano. Ai confini
dell 'Impero, Milan 1998, p. 276, n° 212 (= AE 1998, 1084), a ete assume par Al. Diaconescu et par
R. Etienne chez Piso-Diaconescu 1999, p. 126-127, Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2002-2003, p. 87,
n. 35, p. 89, pl. XIX, Ep. 1 et a ete accepte par C. C. Petolescu, SCIVA 54-56/3—4, 2003-2005,
p. 367, n° 1011 etdans ILD 237.
Fig. 1. - I. Piso, premiere variante.
Lh
Fig. 2. - Al. Diaconescu, premiere variante.
loan Piso
RBPOT
DEDIT
IF
Fig. 3. - Al. Diaconescu, seconde variante.
AN-DACIC-PARTHICVS'P
FORVMCOLONIAEVLP1AETRAI
VSOPTAVG
•xincosvipp
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa 153
Problematiques resterent Ies fragments d et h. Dans la reconstitution
graphique j’ai place le fragment d en bas, â une certaine distance du fragment e
(fig. 1), en supposant que dans une inscription aussi officielle le nom de la colonie
devait etre complet, notamment colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizege-
tusa, quel que fut le cas ou il se trouvait. Ce n’est qu’apres quelques hesitations
que j’ai place le petit fragment h â droite du fragment g, car j’avais remarque qu’il
presente sur le cote gauche une marge, celle d’un des blocs qui constituent
l’inscription, et que cette marge etait trop proche de la marge du fragment g. A ce
moment-lâ je ne pouvais pas identifier un autre endroit convenable, oii un M de la
deuxieme ligne se serait trouve au-dessous d’une haste de la premiere ligne. Le
grand probleme de cette inscription restait le manque du fragment contenant le
chiffre de la puissance tribunicienne. Le chiffre X (a. 106), qui resultait de ma
reconstitution graphique, je l’ai prevu d’un signe d’interrogation.
Recemment, Al. Diaconescu a mis en question le texte de l’inscription et
son interpretation2. Sa demonstration porte sur deux elements essentiels: le fragment
d se colle â la pârtie inferieure, gauche, du fragment e et le fragment h doit etre eli-
mine. L’une des consequences en est que la trace visible dans la pârtie inferieure,
gauche, du fragment e n’appartient pas â un M, mais bien â un E. Une autre conse-
quence est que ce que j’avais considere comme un D appartenant â D[acicus], ce
serait en realite un O appartenant â [p] ontif(ex). Le nom de la colonie se trouverait
donc au datif3 et non â l’accusatif et il lui manquerait l’epithete Augusta. Quant â
la structure du texte, Al. Diaconescu s’est inspire de la reconstitution recente, due â
Zs. Mrâv, d’une inscription de Poetovio4. II en resulta la lecture suivante (fig. 2)5 :
[Imp(erator)] Ca[es(ar)] Div[i] Ne[r]v[a]e f(ilius) Nerva Trai[a]n[us]
[Aug(ustus) Germanicus] D[acicus p]ontif(ex) max(imus) trib(unicia)
pot(estate) [? i]m[p(erator) VI]
[co(n)s(ul) V-VI? p(ater) p(atriae) forum col(oniae) Ulpiae Trai]anae
Dacic(ae) [Sar] miz[egetusae dedit].
2 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 95-106.
3 II ne s’agit pourtant pas d’une dativus commodi, comme croient Al. Diaconescu et C. H.
Opreanu (dans : Dacia felix, p. 609), mais bien d’un datif d’attribution.
4 Zs. Mrâv, dans : Epigraphica I. Sudies on Epigraphy (ed. Gydrgy Nemeth et Peter Forisek),
Debrecen 2000, p. 80, 92, pl. I = AE 2000, 1189: [Imp(erator) Caes(ar) Divi Nervae f(ilius) Nerva
Traianus Aug(ustus) / Germanicus Dacicus po]ntife[x maximus / tribunicia potestate----imp(e-
rator)] IUI co(n)s(ul) V [pater patriae / coloniae Ulpiae Trai]anae Poet[ovionensium / forum(?)
dedit] ; la meme argumentation chez C. H. Opreanu, loc. cit. (n. 3).
5 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 96 sqq., 104, fig. 2a.
154
loan Piso
L’inscription monumentale ne serait donc pas une inscription de fondation,
mais bien une inscription de construction du premier forum de Sarmizegetusa.
Pour des raisons de « pedanterie » Al. Diaconescu propose ensuite, exempli gratia,
une place aussi pour le fragment h dans une variante de lecture, â laquelle, selon
ses propos, il ne croit pas (fig. 3)6:
[Imp(erator)] Ca[es(ar)] Div[i] Ne[r]v[a]e f(ilius) Nerva Trai[a]n[us]
Opt(imus) Aug(ustus)]
[Germanicus Dacic(us) Parthicus p]ontif(ex) max(imus) trib(unicia)
pot(estate) [XXI i]m[p(erator) XIII co(n)s(ul) VIp(ater) p(atriae)]
[forum col(oniae) Ulpiae Trai]anae Dacic[ae Sarmizegetusae dedit].
Je reconnais volontiers que le fragment d se colle au fragment e (fig. 4) et
qu’une solution dans la direction proposee par Al. Diaconescu est tout-â-fait
probable. Je ne peux pourtant accepter le ton arrogant de mon ancien etudiant et
doctorant7. II n’est pas justific en premier lieu parce que Al. Diaconescu s’est
assume â plusieurs reprises mon texte et mon interpretation, autrement dit, ils sont
devenu un bien commun. II l’a fait une premiere fois en 1997, lorsque je l’ai invite
â presenter ensemble â Rome, lors du XIeme Congres International d’Epigraphie
Grecque et Latine, une conference sur les monuments epigraphiques des forums de
Sarmizegetusa8; une seconde fois en 2002-2003, quand nous avons signe, Robert
Etienne, moi-meme et Alexandru Diaconescu, un substantiel rapport preliminaire
sur le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa9; la troisieme fois en 2006 dans le rapport
final de la monographie sur le meme forum vetus10. Voilâ pourtant qu’en 2006-
2007 il combat ce qu’il avait soutenu peu de temps avant. Aura-t-il eu une
revelation immediatement apres la parution de la monographie ? Non, car dans ce
cas il aurait du reconnaître qu’il a change d’avis. On a donc tous les motifs de
croire que Al. Diaconescu a evite de contribuer avec sa part aux ouvrages
communs. C’etait la seule possibilite de prouver que son genie etait superieur aux
capacites conjuguees des autres auteurs de la fouille. Voilâ un bel exemple de
collegialite et d’ethique professionnelle11 !
6 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 101, 104, fig. 2b.
7 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 95 avec n. 3, 100. Al. Diaconescu affirme (p. 95) qu’il a ete invite â
publier cet article dans EN (sous cette forme ?) par C. Opreanu, lui aussi un de mes anciens
etudiants et doctorants.
8 Piso-Diaconescu 1999, p. 126-127.
9 Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2002-2003, p. 87-88, avec n. 35.
10 Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 73-74, 95.
11 On peut aller meme plus loin que cela. Depuis peu, Al. Diaconescu a publie ma lecture de
l’inscription d’une base de statue de Porolissum, en utilisant ma reconstitution graphique (Diaconescu
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa 155
L’inelegance de Al. Diaconescu apparaît plus clairement encore dans la
critique sans menagements contre la date que j’aurais propose pour l’inscription en
discussion12, notamment 106, en comptant probablement sur le fait que personne
n’aura la curiosite de lire ce que j’ai vraiment ecrit lâ-dessus. La reconstitution que
j’avais proposee, trib(unicia) pot(estate) [X?], pourvue d’un signe d’interrogation,
indiquerait vraiment l’annee 106, mais voici mon commen-taire : « La fondation si
rapide de la premiere communaute romaine en Dacie pourrait trouver des
explications d’ordre tant affectif que politique. II faut pourtant accepter qu’une
reconstitution graphique ne peut pas garantir une datation. Ensuite, le premier
gouvemeur de Dacie a ete selon toutes les probabilites lulius Sabinus, alors que
Sarmizegetusa sera fondee sous son successeur, D. Terentius Scaurianus . Du point
de vue de la reconstitution graphique, l’annee la plus pro-bable reste 106. Si l’on ne
l’accepte pas, il faut convenir que dans la ligne 2 on peut faire plus aisement de la
place pour XI (a. 107), XII (a. 108), eventuellement pour AT (a. 111), que pour XIII
(a. 109) ou XII11 (a. 110)14 ». Or, Al. Diaconescu evite de faire mention de mes
reserves. D’autre part, il oublie que je me suis fortement oppose â la theorie qu’il a
lui-meme soutenu de longues annees, selon laquelle Sarmizegetusa aurait ete
fondee non seulement en 106, mais exactement le jour du 18 septembre 106.
Enfin, l’explication des attaques contre moi peut etre trouvee dans une note15,
dans laquelle on condamne le fait que mon seul nom se trouve sur la couverture de
la monographie. J’en ai ete non seulement l’initiateur et un des auteurs, mais aussi
l’editeur. Rien ne m’empeche dans la nouvelle situation d’evoquer dans quelques
mots un chapitre douloureux de l’archeologie roumaine, que j’avais passe, par
pudeur, sous silence dans la preface que j’avais ecrit en 2006l6. C’est moi qui ai invite
en 1989 aussi bien M. Robert Etienne que Alexandru Diaconescu de participer aux
2004, p. 212-213, n° 33), evidemment sans ma permission et sans citer la source; voir I. Piso,
AMN 41-42, 2004-2005, 185-188.
12 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 100-101.
13 CIL III 1443; IDR III/2, 1; Piso 2006, p. 214-216, n° 2; les memes manieres chez C. H. Opreanu,
dans : Dacia felix, p. 609.
14 Piso 2006, p. 214; cf. Piso, TransRev 10/2, 2001, p. 19 = Piso 2005, p. 440 : « Malheureusement,
le fragment qui contenait le chiffre de la puissance tribunicienne de Trajan n'a pas pu etre retrouve.
Si, conformement ă la reconstruction graphique, le chiffre etait X, nous nous trouverions en 106. La
fondation de la colonie immediatement apres la fin de la guerre n'a en soi rien de surprenant. Pour-
tant, une reconstruction graphique offre une solution probable, mais pas de certitude » ; une argumen-
tation semblable chez Piso-Diaconescu 1999, p. 127 ; Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2002-2003, p. 87-88.
15 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 95, n. 3.
16 Piso, Le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa I, Bucarest 2006, p. 9-10.
156
loan Piso
fouilles du forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa17, les moyens financiers etant ete pourvus
par le Ministere Franțais des Affaires Etrangeres et par l’Univer-site Babeș-Bolyai
de Cluj. Comme le gros des fouilles etait termine en 1994, le manuscrit complet
aurait du etre presente en 1996, pour etre publie dans la serie Pierre Paris de
l’Universite de Bordeaux, sous l’edition de Robert Etienne, loan Piso et Alexandru
Diaconescu. C’est Alexandru Diaconescu qui s’est engage â ecrire seul ou en
collaboration les appendices sur l’architecture, la sculpture, le fer, le bronze et la
ceramique. Or, malgre les lettres desesperees de M. Robert Etienne, il a ete aussi le
seul â ne pas tenir sa promesse. En 1998 nous avons perdu un genereux fman-
cement de la part du Ministere Franțais des Affaires Etrangeres pour la publication
de la monographie en France. En 2001, M. Robert Etienne s’est vu, â grand regret,
contraint de renoncer â l’edition du livre, en nous laissant, â Alexandru Diaconescu
et â moi, le soin de le publier. En 2006, dix ans apres le premier delai, Al.
Diaconescu n’avait toujours pas rempli ses obligations. En revanche, il avait utilise
beaucoup de resultats des fouilles communes dans ses propres ouvrages18. Je me
suis alors decide de sauver au moins partiellement les fouilles du forum vetus, en
premier lieu le rapport archeologique et l’epigraphie. Je l’ai pu faire â l’aide de M.
Dumitru Radu Popescu, le directeur de l’« Editura Academiei » et de M. Jean Leclant,
le secretaire perpetuei de l’Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. C’est ainsi
qu’a pris naissance le premier volume de la monographie du forum vetus de
Sarmizegetusa, que j’ai dedie au grand homme et au grand ami qui est M. Robert
Etienne et qui avait, d’ailleurs, constamment soutenu mes efforts. Que ce n’etait
que mon nom qui pouvait paraître dans ces conditions sur la couverture, c’etait une
question de bon sens. Pendant que le volume etait sous presse, Al. Diaconescu a
17 Sur la feuille de titre de cette publication (Le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa I (ed. I. Piso),
Bucarest 2006), dans le sommaire et dans le contenu du volume la contribution de chacun a ete
scrupuleusement notee. Que Al. Diaconescu aurait ete co-directeur des fouilles, comme il s’en vante
partout (Diaconescu 2004 I, p. 188; idem, dans : Roman Dacia. The Making of a Provincial Society
(ed. W. S. Hanson, I. P. Haynes), Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2004, p. 91), c’est completement faux.
18 Le meme sort a frappe tous ceux qui ont eu l’imprudence de collaborer avec Al. Diaconescu.
En 1994 j’ai initie avec deux mineralogistes de Universităt fur Bodenkunde de Vienne, M. Harald
Muller et M. Bemd Schwaighofer, et avec un mineralogiste de l’Universite de Cluj, M. Marcel
Benea, un projet sur le marbre en Dacie, finance par le Ministere Autrichien de l’Enseignement.
Evidemment, les resultats exceptionnels de cette recherche n’ont pas ete publies et le financement
autrichien pour la publication a ete perdu pour le simple motif que Al. Diaconescu a manque
d’ecrire sa moitie du catalogue. En revanche, il n’a pas manque d’utiliser les resultats de ces tres
couteuses analyses sur le marbre dans ses ouvrages (Diaconescu 2004 II, passim) et de tirer les
conclusions historiques â son propre nom (Diaconescu 2004 I, p. 468 sqq.).
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa 157
fait, par une lettre adressee â M. Dumitru Radu Popescu, une demiere tentative
d’en bloquer la publication, mais on n’en a pas tenu compte.
Revenons maintenant au fond du probleme, notamment au nouveau texte
de l’inscription monumentale de l’entree du forum vetus. Si on l’accepte, il faut
convenir que le nom officiel et complet de la colonie manquait sous Trajan de
l’epithete Augusta™. Une statue a ete erigee â Q. lanuarius Q. f. Collina Rufus
Tavio, flamen, q(uin)q(uennalis) prim(us) pro imp(eratore), par l’ordo col(oniae)
Ulp(iae) Trai(anae) Dacic(ae) Sarmizeg(etusae)20. II est raisonnable de s’imaginer
que le premier empereur auquel la colonie ait offert la magistrature supreme aurait
ete son fondateur21. Ce n’est donc pas par hasard que l’epithete Augusta manque
aussi de cette inscription. En revanche, l’epithete Augusta apparaît en toute certitude
sous Hadrien22.
AL Diaconescu, apres avoir elimine de la discussion le fragment h, put se
permettre de completer n’importe quel chiffre de la puissance tribunicienne. Pour
des raisons historiques et archeologiques il prit en consideration les chiffres XV-
XXI et donc les annees 1 1 1—1 1723. II est vrai que, si dans l’inscription il s’agit de
la dedicace du forum et non de la fondation de la colonie, il faut compter avec
une premiere periode de fonctionnement du forum en bois et avec une seconde
periode, celle de la construction du forum en pierre24, ce qui nous rapporterait
vers la fin du regne de Trajan. Cette reconstitution de Al. Diaconescu peche
pourtant par le fait qu’elle ignore le fragment h. Ce n’est pas de la bonne
methode. On est contraint d’integrer dans la schema chaque fragment significatif,
meme s’il gene la theorie privilegiee. Tant que l’on l’ignore, on ne peut accepter
aucune solution.
II faut placer le fragment h dans un nouvel endroit, oii sous une haste de la
ligne 2 se trouve un M de la ligne 3. Pour se defendre contre des reproches,
19 Cf. Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 101.
20 CIL III 1503 = ILS 7134 = IDR 1II/2, 112.
1 Voir Piso 2005, p. 353. Sur le lingot en plomb trouve lors des fouilles du forum vetus (AE
2005, 1300 = Piso 2006, p. 220-222, n° 6) le nom de la viile est c(oloniae) Ulp(iae) D(acicae)
S(armizegetusae). Ici manque aussi bien Augusta que Traiana, mais l’inscription est loin d’avoir un
caractere officiel.
22 CIL III 1445 = IDR III/2, 70 (a. 118); pour les monuments eriges ă Sarmizegetusa pour
Hadrien voir Piso, dans : Epigraphica II. Mensa rotunda epigraphiae Dacicae Pannonicaeque (ed.
Gyorgy Nemeth-Ioan Piso), Debrecen 2004, p. 81-88.
23 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 100-101; dans la reconstitution graphique (p. 104, fig. 2a) il a
introduit le chiffre XV (= a. 111).
24 Voir pour ces phases Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 41 sqq., 65 sqq.
158
loan Piso
25
Al. Diaconescu place exempli gratia le fragment h vers le debut de l’inscription .
La haste appartiendrait au P de IMP et le M â GERMAN. Pourtant, Al. Diaconescu
affirme qu’il ne croit pas dans cette variante. Elle exigerait les epithetes Germa-
n(icus) Dacic(us) Parthicus dans la ligne 2 et l’epithete Opt(imus) dans le nom
imperial de la ligne 1. Cela nous apporterait aux deux demieres annees, 116-117,
du regne de Trajan, ce que Al. Diaconescu n’est pas prepare â accepter. Cette
solution est pourtant la seule â tenir compte du fragment h et je suis convaincu
qu’elle constitue un bon point de depart.
Selon cette variante, la ligne 2 devrait commencer par les epithetes
triomphales de Trajan, que j’abregerais plutot [Ger]m(anicus) [Dacicus Parthicus].
Cela signifie que le nom proprement-dit de l’empereur, y compris les epithetes
Opt(imus)26 et Aug(ustus), se trouve dans la ligne 1, ce qui constitue un avantage
aussi bien sur ma premiere variante que sur la premiere variante de Al. Diaconescu.
II serait, ensuite, convenable de supposer les trois lignes ayant la meme longueur,
bien que cela ne soit pas obligatoire pour la ligne 3. Si elles etaient d’une longueur
egale, je compterais dans la ligne 2 avec l’abreviation trib(unicia) pot[est(ate)] et
pas avec trib(unicia) pot(estate), et dans la ligne 3 avec [pater patriae] et pas avec
[p(ater) p(atriae)]. Ce qui derange dans la reconstitution de Al. Diaconescu est
surtout le rapport entre le complement indirect au datif et le complement direct â
l’accusatif:-----forum col(oniae) Ulpiae Trai]anae Dacic(ae) [Sar]miz[egetusae
dedit]. La construction dans l’esprit du latin est sans doute: [-col(oniae) Ulpiae
Trai]anae Dacic(ae) [Sar]miz[egetusae forum dedit]29.
L’epithete Parthicus exige la puissance tribunicienne XX ou XXI20 et
l’acclamation imperiale XIII, plutot que XI. Nous nous trouvons en tout cas en
116 ou en 117, comme dans le cas du grand monument (B. 1) , interprete comme
trophee erige dans la cour du forum .
25	Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 101, 104, fig. 2a.
26	La meme abreviation dans CIL III 12470 (Tropaeum Traiani).
27	Voir, par exemple, CIL X 1634 (Puteoli).
28	Voir, par exemple, l’inscription de Poetovio, mentionnee plus haut, n. 4.
29	Comme probablement aussi dans l’inscription de Poetovio.
30	Trajan porte l’epithete Optimus â partir de 114 et l’epithete Parthicus â partir du 20 ou du 21
fevrier 116 ; voir P. Kneissl, Die Siegestitulatur der romischen Kaiser, Gottingen 1969, p. 77-78,
198 ; D. Kienast, Romische Kaisertabelle, Darmstadt 1990, p. 123.
31	Avant le 8 septembre 116; voir D. Kienast, loc. cit.
32	AE 2003, 1515 = Piso 2006, p. 217-219, n° 4.
33	Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 139-141, 202.
Fig. 4. - Les fragments de l’inscription.
GER.MDACICVS PARTH1CVSP
P ATERPATRIAE-C OLONIAEVL PI AET &
TI FM
RI B’POTfe S TX XH M PXHKZOSVl
rMWEUETVS AETORVMCVM DEDIT

Fig. 5. - I. Piso, seconde variante.
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa 159
160
loan Piso
Si la ligne 3 etait aussi longue que les autres, il resterait vers la fin de la
ligne une lacune d’environ 6 lettres. On pourrait donc compter non seulement avec
le forum, mais aussi avec une annexe de celui-ci. On peut envisager, par exemple,
un forum cum propylo ou un forum cum groma. Devant le tetrapyle qui sert d’entree
dans le forum proprement-dit se trouve une construction qui protege la construc-
tion de la groma34 et qui peut etre interpretee aussi comme propylon35. Enfin, le
predicat peut etre aussi bien fecit, comme dans ma premiere variante, que dedit. Le
premier verbe donne l’idee de « construire », le second de « faire don ».
J’ai reussi â identifier un dixieme fragment de l’inscription (/). II appartient
â la pârtie inferieure et mesure 19x13x6 Cm. On y distingue la bordure mouluree
d’en bas, le bout de la queue d’un R et le debut d’une haste. Les traces appar-
tiennent soit aux lettres R et P de pater patriae, soit aux lettres R et A de Trai[anae].
Le fragment j n’a pas de place au-dessous du fragment f. Pour l’insignifiant
fragment i, il peut etre place n’importe ou.
J’avais etabli que l’inscription a ete ecrite, apres la construction du tetrapyle,
sur six blocs. Al. Diaconescu combat aussi cette affirmation, en soutenant que
l’inscription aurait ete ecrite sur seulement quatre blocs36. Cela signifierait qu’un
seul bloc, celui qui contient les fragments d, e,f et g, aurait une longueur de 190 cm.
Or, parmi les 1000 blocs de construction conserves, on ne trouve aucun de ces
dimensions. L’inscription a ete ecrite sur des blocs tout-â-fait normaux, de 80-90
cm. En les examinant, on constate aisement que les fragments d-e appartiennent â un
bloc et les fragments f-g â un autre. On reste donc â six blocs.
Voici, en fin de compte, la variante qui, selon moi, s’approche le plus du
texte de l’inscription monumentale de l’entree du forum de Sarmizegetusa (fig. 5):
[Im]p(erator) Ca[es(ar)] Diy[i] Ne[r]v[a]e f(ilius) Nerva Trai[anus
Opt(imus) Aug(ustus)]
[Ger]m(anicus) [Dacicus Parthicus p]ontif(ex) max(imus) trib(unicia)
pot[est(ate) XX ou XXI imp(erator) XIII co(n)s(ul) VI]
[pater patriae coloniae Ulpiae T]ra[i]anae Dacic(ae) [Sar] mizfegetusae]
forum(?) cum(?)......(?) dedit(?)].
34 Sur cette construction â Lambaesis voir F. Rakob, S. Storz, MDA1(R) 81, 1974, p. 262-275.
35 Nous savons peu de chose sur ce propylon sous Trajan et avons suppose qu’il a ete erige dans
la phase II B (fin du regne de Trajan) ou dans la phase II C (sous Hadrien). Les quatre colonnes en
marbre sont plus tardives, de la periode d’Antonin le Pieux - debut du regne de Marc Aurele; voir
Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 90, 96-98.
36 Diaconescu 2006-2007, p. 96-97, 104, fig. 2a.
L’inscription monumentale de l’entree dans le Forum Vetus de Sarmizegetusa 161
Comme l’inscription n’est conserve qu’en proportion de 30% , je ne
pretends pas que la discussion soit close. Dans 1’interpretation du forum vetus le
nouveau texte apporte pourtant des changements significatifs.
On avait deja parte d’un dialogue porte par Trajan et la colonie fondee par
io
lui au long du cardo maximus, depuis le monument de la groma jusqu’au grand
monument de la cour du forum (B. 1) . A ce qu’il semble maintenant, ce dialogue
porte sur le moment de la dedicace du forum. L’accomplissement sous Trajan du
forum en pierre est represente par la phase II B, qui, apres la demolition totale du
forum en bois, est pourvue de portiques interieur40. L’inscription du tetrapyle
annonce que Trajan a donne ou a fait construire pour la colonie un forum. Elle
porte la date de la dedicace du forum, qui a eu lieu en 116-117, vers la fin du
regne de l’empereur. La colonie s’en revanche en erigeant dans les memes annees
116-117 le grand monument de la cour (B. 1) conditori suo41. II s’agit peut-etre
d’un trophee commemorant une bataille qui aurait eu lieu dans la zone au debut de
l’annee 10542. En discussion entre aussi le monument de la groma43. Sur les
fragments d’inscription qui lui appartiennent on peut reconnaître le nom de Trajan.
II n’est pas exclu que la bien connue inscription CIL III 1443 = IDR III/2, l44
appartienne en realite au meme monument de la groma. C’est ici que l’on fait une
allusion â l’acte de fondation de la colonie. La situation ressemble â celle d’Uchi
Maius en Afrique45. Lâ on remercie l’empereur fondateur par un arc, ici
probablement par un autel. Les nouvelles lectures ne nous aident pas â preciser la
date de la fondation de la colonie.
37 Diaconescu (2006-2007, p. 95) ne manqua pas de constater ce detail statistique.
38 Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 96-98.
39 Piso 2005, p. 442^143.
40 Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 90. Cette phase se prolonge par endroits jusque sous les
premieres annees du regne d’Hadrien, quand sont finis les demiers amenagements interieurs,
comme le pavement de la piece 36, sous lequel on a trouve un tresor monetaire date des annees
121-122 (op. cit., p. 165-166).
41 AE 2003, 1515 = Piso 2006, p. 217-219, n° 4.
42 Pour les arguments voir Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2006, p. 69-72.
43 Piso 2006, p. 217, n°3.
44 Nouvelle lecture et interpretation chez Piso 2006, p. 214-217, n° 2 (aussi chez Piso-
Diaconescu 1999, p. 126-128; Etienne-Piso-Diaconescu 2002-2003, p. 88, n. 36) : Auspiciis /
[Imp(eratoris)] Caes(aris) Divi Nervae f[il(ii) / Nervae] Traiani Augusti / [Germ(anici) Dac(ici)]
condita colonia / [Ulpia Traiana Augusta] Dacica / [Sarmizegetusa] per / [D(ecimum) Terenti]um
Scaurianum / [legatum] eius pro pr(aetore) /[---]■
45 M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri, L’Africa Romana 14, 2002, p. 2338-2356 = AE 2001, 2086
(= CIL VIII 26262).

Acta Musei Napocensis, 43—44/1, 2006—2007 (2008), p. 163-166
Note sur le territorium Arcobadarense
Ioan Piso
Au printemps de 1989, dans le vicus preș du câmp auxiliaire d’Ilișua1 a ete
trouvee, pendant le labour, la pârtie droite d’une base en tuf volcanique. La piece
mesure 95 x 32 x 32 cm ; les lettres, qui presentent plusieurs ligatures, sont hautes
de 6,5-5,5 cm. D. Protase, C. Gaiu et Gh. Marinescu ont decrit la piece, ont
reproduit les lettres qu’ils ont pu distinguer, mais n’ont offert aucune lecture2. La
publication proprement dite est due, dix annees plus tard, â V. Wollmann et
R. Ardevan. Voici le texte qu’ils ont etabli3 :
[De] o Terri-
[,..]rcoba(e)
[Au] r(elius) Sal(vius)
[et A]el(ius) No-
5 [mu]s mag(istri duo)
[Pude]nte et Ael-
[ian(o)] co(n)s(ulibus).
Dans les lignes 1-2 Ies deux auteurs supposerent une divinite « exotique »
inconnue. Les deux magistri se seraient trouve â la tete du vicus et auraient
accompli un acte votif au nom de toute la communaute. On n’a pas reussi â
identifier les deux consuls et, par ceci, â dater le monument.
1 Voir l’essentiel sur le câmp et le vicus de Ilișua chez D. Protase, C. Gaiu, Gh. Marinescu,
Revista Bistriței 10-11, 1996-1997, p. 27-110; F. Marcu, Organizarea internă a castrelor din
Dacia, sous presse.
2 Op. cit., p. 57.
3 V. Wollmann, R. Ardevan, dans : Fontes historiae. Studia in honorem Demetrii Protase (ed.
C. Gaiu, C. Găzdac), Bistrița - Cluj-Napoca 2006, p. 673-675, n° 7, p. 678, fig. 13-14 (photo et dessin).
164
loan Piso
Un nouveau progres a ete recemment realise par S. Nemeti et
M. Bărbulescu en ce qui concerne les deux premieres lignes, ou ils ont lu: [Geni]o
terri/[t(orii) A]rcoba(darensis)\ Ces auteurs ont reconnu dans Tinscription d’Ilișua
la localite ’ApKoȘâSapa, mentionnee par Ptolemee en quatrieme place dans sa
liste de 44 noXEiț de Dacie5. Le resultat est important en premier lieu pour
1’identification de ce nom antique avec 1’important câmp situe sur le limes nord de
Dacie ; ensuite, en partant de cette localite sure, pour la possibilite d’identifier sur
le terrain d’autres tioXeic, de Ptolemee6 ; en troisieme lieu, par l’information
qu’Arcobadara etait le chef-lieu d’un territorium. Arcobadara est considere par
S. Nemeti et M. Bărbulescu un toponyme celtique7.
Une premiere question qui se pose concerne la datation de l’Arcobadara
de Ptolemee. La liste des koXek; contient cinq localites portant de noms romains
g
(Ulpianum, Salinae, Praetoria Augusta, Angustia, Aquae) . C’est un bon
argument pour dater les donnees contenues dans cette source deja du temps de
Trajan9. On trouve dans la liste ZappițEyEBovaoc ro Pauî^Eiov. II n’y a pas de
doute qu’il s’y agit dans ce cas de l’ancienne capitale des rois daces, qui etait
devenue un câmp romain10 et figurait encore sur Ies itineraires. C’est une raison
de plus, s’il en etait encore besoin, d’identifier Sarmizegetusa Regia â Grădiștea
Muncelului. En revanche, de la liste de Ptolemee manque la colonie de
Sarmizegetusa. II ressort de cette lacune que la liste a ete redigee probablement
tout de suite apres la constitution de la province, mais avant la fondation de la
colonie. Nous nous trouvons donc immediatement apres la constitution de la
province, en 106 ou peu apres11.
Selon S. Nemeti, les territoria ne se seraient developpes des districts
militaires qu’â partir d’Hadrien12. Qu’est-ce qu’on comprend cependant par des
districts militaires? Tout simplement les unites territorielles creees par les Romains
et mises au debut sous l’autorites d’officiers. A mon avis des territoria et des
4 S. Nemeti, M. Bărbulescu, EN 16-17, 2006-2007, p. 108-109.
5 Ptol. 3, 8, 4.
6 S. Nemeti, M. Bărbulescu, op. cit., (n. 4), p. 110-111 et surtout S. Nemeti, dans : Dacia
Augusti provincia. Crearea provinciei (ed. E. S. Teodor, O. Țentea), București 2006, p. 281-282.
7 S. Nemeti, M. Bărbulescu, op. cit. (n. 4), p. 111-112; cf. D. Detschew, Die thrakischen
Sprachreste, Wien 1957, p. 25, qui range ’ApKopâ8apaparmi les toponymes thraces.
8 Cf. S. Nemeti, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 279.
9 Voir la discussion sur la datation chez S. Nemeti, op. cit., p. 278 sqq.
10 Voir pour celui-ci I. Glodariu, AMN 26-30, 1989-1993, p. 22-24.
11 Voir I. Piso, dans : Romische Provinz. Begriff und Griindung (ed. I. Piso), Cluj-Napoca 2008,
p. 325-326.
12 S. Nemeti, op. cit., p. 282-283.
Note sur le territorium Arcobadarense
165
regiones ont ete organise des la constitution de la province et ont reșu tres vite le
droit de se choisir des magistri et par ceci un certain degre d’autonomie13.
S.	Nemeti et M. Bărbulescu n’ont rien change dans les lignes 3-7. Les
lignes 3-5 contiennent les noms des deux magistri, qui, selon V. Wollmann et
R. Ardevan, s’appelleraient [Au] r(elius) Sal(vius) /[et A]el(ius) No/[mu]s.
Beaucoup plus importants que les noms des magistri sont ceux des consuls
des lignes 6-7, car ce sont eux qui determinent la datation de l’inscription. Selon
les editeurs precedents, Pudens et Aelianus seraient les consules suffecti «de
l’annee 195—19614 », ce qui est faux. Tout d’abord, les consules suffecti et les
consuls en general ne peuvent pas exercer la magistrature supreme pendant deux
annees de suite. Ensuite, C. Valerius Pudens et C. lulius Flaccus Aelianus, s’il
s’agit d’eux, ne peuvent pas etre dates avec precision15. Enfin et surtout, il n’y a
que des documents d’un caractere special, comme les diplomes militaires, qui
etaient dates aussi par les consules suffecti. Une telle datation s’adressait en
premier lieu aux autorites et servait comme mesure de securite. Pour tous les autres
textes et dans toutes les occasions on utilisait pour la datation exclusivement les
consules ordinarii, donc ceux qui entraient en magistrature le 1 janvier. Or, le texte
d’Ilișua n’a pas ete emis par la chancellerie imperiale et, d’autre part, de modestes
citoyens du point le plus septentrional de Dacie ne pouvaient pas connaître la date
exacte de l’entree et de la sortie de la magistrature des consules suffecti. Au lieu de
discussions inutiles lă-dessus, il vaut mieux de concentrer notre attention sur les
deux dernieres lignes de l’inscription.
Tout d’abord, -nte peut etre la terminai son non seulement de [Pude]nte,
mais aussi de [Praese]nte. Ensuite, la ligature AE n’existe pas et le second consul
porte un cognomen, dont la premiere syllabe est Al-. La solution correcte est
[Praese]nte et Al/[bin(o)] co(n)s(ulibus). Nous avons affaire aux consuls de
l’annee 246 p. Chr. Dans la liste de A. Degrassi on les trouve sous les noms de
C. Bruttius Praesens et C. All--------Albinus16. Une constitution emise le 7 janvier
246 pour des militaires des cohortes pretoriennes nous apprend aussi le nomen du
second consul: [C(aio) B]ruttio Praesente et [C(aio) A]llio Albino co(n)s(ulibus){1.
13 Voir pour ces categories de communautes W. Langhammer, Die rechtliche und soziale
Stellung der Magistratus municipales und der Decuriones, Wiesbaden 1973, p. 4.
14 S. Nemeti, M. Bărbulescu, op. cit. (n. 4), p. 108.
15 C. Valerius Pudens a ete cos. suff. vers 194 (P. M. M. Leunissen, Konsuln und Konsulare in
der Zeit von Commodus bis Severus Alexander (180-235 n. Chr.), Amsterdam 1989, p. 231) et
C. lulius Flaccus Aelianus avant 198 (Leunissen, p. 234). Rien n’indique qu’ils auraient exerce le
consulat ensemble.
16 A. Degrassi, I fasti consolări dell’Impero Romano, Roma 1952, p. 68.
17 M. M. Roxan, Roman Military Diplomas III, London 1994, n° 199 ; information de Wemer Eck.
166
loan Piso
Sur la piece d’Arcobadara on peut faire quelques petites remarques
supplementaires. II ne s’agit pas d’un autel, mais bien d’une base d’une statue
representant un genie. Bien que le texte soit en lignes generales assez clair, l’abus
de ligatures laisse ouvertes plusieurs possibilites pour la reconstitution de la pârtie
gauche du champ de l’inscription. On pourrait, par exemple, trouver de place pour
les praenomina M(arcus) et P(ublius) des deux magistri. Les nomina Aurelius et
Fig. 1. Inscription de llișua.
Aelius sont probables, les cogomina Salvius et
Nomus possibles. Pour le premier cognomen il y
a au moins une douzaine de possibilites, de Sal-
vianus â Salutaris™, pour le second existe aussi
la solution Notusx\
En fin de compte, le texte prend la forme
suivante (fig. 1):
[Geni]o terri-
[tor(ii) A]rcoba(darensis)
[M(arcus)? Au]r(elius) Sal(- - -)
[et P(ublius)? A]el(ius) No-
5 [.Js magg(istri)
[Praese]nte et Al-
[bin(o)] co(n)s(ulibus).
Ce monument erige en 246 ap. J.-Ch. par
les magistri du territorium Arcobadarense sug-
gere que l’athmosphere dans le nord de la pro-
vince etait encore paisible. Ce n’est que l’annee
suivante que la province va s’inflammer â la
suite de la grande attaque des Carpes20.
18 Voir H. Solin, O. Salomies, Repertorium nominum gentilium et cognominum Latinorum,
Hildesheim-Zurich-New York 1994, p. 395-396.
19 Op. cit., p. 369-370.
20 Voir 1. Piso, dans : In memoriam Constantini Daicoviciu, Cluj 1974, p. 301-309 ; idem, An
der Nordgrenze des Rdmischen Reiches, Stuttgart 1995, p. 51-59.
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43—44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 167-176
La cohorsIAugusta Ituraeorum^ Dacie*
Ioan Piso, Felix Marcu
La cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum, recrutee dans la population arabe des
Ituraeix, avait appartenu â l’armee de Pannonie, ou elle apparaît dans les diplomes
* On a utilise les abreviations suivantes : Dacia Augusti provincia = Dacia Augusti provincia.
Crearea provinciei (ed. E. S. Teodor, O. Țentea), Bucarest 2006; H. Devijver, PME = Prosopo-
graphia militiarum equestrium quae fiierunt ab Augusto ad Gallienum I, Leuven 1976; II 1977 ;
N. Gudea, Limes = Der dakische Limes. Materialien zu seiner Geschichte, dans : JRGZ 44, 1997,
p. *1-*113 ; Limes 1997 (1999) = Roman Frontier Studies. Proceedings of the XVIIlh International
Congress of Roman Frontier Studies (Zalău 1997, ed. N. Gudea), Zalău 1999; B. Lorincz,
Hilfstruppen = Die romischen Hilfstruppen in Pannonien wăhrend der Prinzipatszeit, Wien 2001 ;
Orbis antiquus = Orbis antiquus. Studia in honorem loannis Pisonis (ed. L. Ruscu et alii);
C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia = C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia Daciae, Bucarest 2002 ; RMM = M. M. Roxan,
P. Holder, Roman Military Diplomas, London 1978 sqq.; K. Strobel, Dakerkriege = Untersuchungen
zu den Dakerkriegen Trajans, Bonn 1984; J. Szilâgyi, Ziegelstempel = Die Besatzungen des
Verteidigungssystems von Dazien und ihre Ziegelstempel (= Diss. Pan. 11/21), Budapest 1946 ;
E. Toth, Porolissum = Porolissum. Das Castellum in Moigrad. Ausgrabungen von A. Radnoti,
1943, Budapest 1978.
1	Voir pour cette troupe C. Cichorius, RE IV/1 (1900), 305 ; V. Christescu, Istoria militară a
Daciei romane, Bucarest 1937, p. 189 ; W. Wagner, Die Dislokation der romischen Auxiliar-
formationen in den Provinzen Noricum, Pannonien, Moesien und Dakien von Augustus bis
Gallienus, Berlin 1938, p. 157-158 ; J. Szilâgyi, Ziegelstempel, p. 30; 1.1. Russu, AMN 6, 1969, p. 171 ;
idem, SCIV 32/1, 1972, p. 73 ; idem, dans : Actes du IXeme Congres d’etudes sur les frontieres
romaines (Mamaia, septembre 1972), Bucarest-Cologne-Vienne 1974, p. 221 ; N. Gudea, AMP 2,
1978, p. 67 ; J. Benes, Auxilia Romana in Moesia atque Dacia, Prague 1978, p. 42 ; I. Piso, D. Benea,
ZPE 56, 1984, p. 280; K.. Strobel, Dakerkriege, p. 136; E. Dabrowa, ZPE 63, 1986, p. 222 ;
C. C. Petolescu, AMN 34, 1997, p. 114, n° 47 ; idem, Auxilia, p. 116, n° 49 ; C. Timoc, Analele
Banatului 7-8, 1999-2000, p. 377-385 ; J. Spaul, Cohors2. The evidence for and a short history of
the auxiliary infantry units of the Imperial Roman Army (= BAR International Series 841), Oxford
2000, p. 440 ; B. Lorincz, Hilfstruppen, p. 37, n° 27 ; O. Țentea, dans : Orbis antiquus, p. 806-815 ;
idem, Trupele siro-arabe de pe limesul dunărean al Imperiului Roman, Diss. Cluj 2007 (en cours de
publication); E. Nemeth, dans : Dacia Augusti provincia, p. 45^16.
168
loan Piso, Felix Marcu
militaires du 13 juin 802, du 28 fevrier 983 et du 19 novembre 1024. Toujours de
Pannonie proviennent deux steles funeraires appartenant â des soldats de cette
unite5. Le diplome de 102 suggere que la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum aurait parti-
cipe â Ia premiere guerre dace, integree dans un corps d’armee pannonique6.
Qu’elle ait participe aussi â la seconde guerre guerre, c’est sa presence dans la
nouvelle province qui l’indique. Ici elle est attestee par les diplomes du 16 fevrier
1107 et du 3-4 mai 1148 sous le nom de (coh.) I Aug(usta) Ituraeorum sag(itta-
riorum). L’unite manque du diplome du 14 octobre 1099. Ici la (cohors) I Aug(usta)
Ituraeorum, se trouvant sur la huitieme place, devrait etre identifice plutot â Vala I
Augusta Ituraeorum^.
Ou la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum a-t-elle stationne sous le regne de
Trajan? Des traces pas tres sures on en trouve aussi bien â Buciumi qu’â
Porolissum. Selon N. Gudea, deux tuiles portant l’estampille Coh(ortis) I
Aug(ustae), avec une ecriture retrograde, ont ete trouvees dans les couches infe-
rieures du câmp de Buciumi11. L’absence de l’ethnonyme peut paraître curieuse,
mais si une seule cohorte porte dans la zone l’epithete Aug(usta), l’omission est
explicable. Un fragment d’une inscription en calcaire, trouve toujours â Buciumi, a
ete attribue â la meme unite (fig. I)12. Les auteurs de la monographie sur le câmp
de Buciumi ont remarque que le nom de la troupe se trouve dans la demiere ligne
conservee. On y distingue encore le bout de la seconde haste du H et le chiffre I
avec une barre au-dessus, tout comme un interval juge suffisant pour un suppose
2	CIL XVI 26.
3	CIL XVI 42.
4	CIL XVI 47.
5	B. Lorincz, M. H. Kelemen, Klio 79, 1997, p. 178 sqq., n° 1 = B. Lorincz, Hilfstruppen, p. 269,
n° 375 ; Zs. Visy, Specimina nova 5/1, 1989 (1992), p. 29 sqq. = B. Lorincz, Hilfstruppen, p. 269,
n° 376.
6	K. Strobel, Dakerkriege, p. 136, n. 207.
7	CIL XVI 57 = IDR I, DII.
8	RMD IV 226.
9	RMD III 148.
10	Voir I. Piso, Fasti provinciae Daciae 1. Die senatorischen Amtstrăger, Bonn 1993, p. 10-11,
avec n. 6. Dans le meme diplome la cohors II Flavia Commagenorum sagittaria a ete rangee parmi
les ailes; voir aussi C. C. Petolescu, SCIVA 42/1-2, 1991, p. 86.
11 N. Gudea, Das Romergrenzkastell von Buciumi, Zalău 1997, p. 24-25; voir encore J. Szilâgyi,
Ziegelstempel, p. 59, pl. XIX, n° 279; 1.1. Russu, SCIV 10/2, 1959, p. 316, n. 1; E. Chirilă, N. Gudea,
V. Lucăcel, C. Pop, Das Romerlager von Buciumi. Beitrăge zur Untersuchung des Limes der Dacia
Porolissensis, Cluj 1972, p. 117, pl. CXXXIX; N. Gudea, Limes, p. *42-*43. Dans le musee de
Zalău se trouve la tuile inv. Bb. 107 (CC 236/69).
12 E. Chirilă et alii, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 116-117, pl. CXXXIX.
La cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum en Dacie
169
A. Pourtant, les lettres VG de la premiere ligne,
appartenant au nom de l’empereur, sont si etroites, que
l’on a de la peine â les dater du debut du IIeme siecle.
D’autre part, la circulation des unites militaires au
IIIerTie siecle echappe, faute de dipiomes militaires, â
notre controle. II vaut mieux, â notre avis, â eliminer
cette inscription de notre discussion.
L’hypothese de N. Gudea, selon laquelle la
cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum aurait construit â Buciumi
le câmp en bois et en terre et aurait ete remplacee en
114 par la cohors II Nervia Brittonum , est, dans l’etat
actuel de nos connaissances, acceptable. Le depart de
l’unite tflturaei pour l’expedition parthique de Trajan
expliquerait pourquoi on ne la retrouvera plus tard sur
le meme emplacement.
La meme estampille coh(ortis) I Aug(ustae) a
ete identifice aussi â Porolissum (fig. 2) dans un
nombre reduit d’exemplaires14, ce qui ne constitue pas
Fig. 1.
une preuve pour la presence de la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum â Porolissum. Un
transport de tuiles pouvait toujours etre envoye de Buciumi â Porolissum. D’autre
part, l’agglomeration de troupes â Porolissum est deja aussi grande’J, qu’on a du
mal â y ajouter une nouvelle unite ăUturaei; ceci d’autant plus que la presence ici
d’une seconde cohorte d'Ituraei, la cohors I Ituraeorum'6, apparaît comme
possible. Une petite digression sur ce sujet ne sera pas inutile.
Une estampille assez curieuse, ITV, appartiendrait selon N. Gudea soit â
la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum, soit â la cohors IIturaeorum'1. Deux types assez
lj N. Gudea, op. cit. (n. 11); idem, Limes, p. *42; voir aussi E. Nemeth, dans : Dacia Augusti
provincia, p. 45^46. Pour les camps successives de Buciumi voir aussi F, Marcu, dans : Dacia
Augusti provincia, p. 154-157.
14 Selon 1. I. Russu, loc. cit. (n. 11), y ont ete trouve trois exemplaires, parmi lesquels deux
fragmentaires; cf. N. Gudea, AMP 13 (= Porolissum. Un complex daco-roman la marginea de nord
a Imperiului Roman), 1989, p. 167, qui affirme le contraire, notamment qu’â Porolissum ces
estampilles auraient ete trouve en grand nombre. Pourtant, aucun exemplaire n’a ete decouvert par
A. Radnoti en 1943 (E. Toth, Porolissum, passim). Un fragment provenant de Porolissum se trouve
dans le depât du musee de Cluj (inv. Tp IV/16).
15 Voir N. Gudea, AMP 13, 1989, p. 159 sqq.
16 Elle apparaît sous ce nom dans les dipiomes militaires du 14 octobre 109 (RMD III 148) et du
16 fevrier 110 (CIL XVI 57 = IDR 1, D II).
17 N. Gudea, AMP 13, 1989, p. 167, 524, n° 1-2, p. 978, pl. CXIX/3 ; idem, Limes, p. *48.
170
loan Piso, Felix Marcu
Fig. 2.
proches d’estampilles, CHS°o - c(o)h(or)s (milliaria) et CHSIJoo - c(o)h(or)s I
I(turaeorum) (milliaria), ont ete aussi attribues â la cohors I Ituraeorum . Une
variante de la meme estampille a ete decouverte dans le câmp de Romita, ce qui fit
Al. V. Matei et I. Bajusz croire que la cohors I Ituraeorum aurait partage ce câmp
avec la cohors VI Thracum. Sous le regne d’Hadrien, elle aurait ete transfere â
Porolissum lors de l’arrivee de la cohors II Britannorum â Romita19. C’est difficile
â le croire, etant donne que la cohors I Ituraeorum manque de tous les diplomes
militaires de Dacie Porolissensis. Une autre difficulte surgit du nom de l’unite, qui
dans les diplomes mentionnes s’appelle tout simplement (cohors) I Ituraeorum,
sans sagittariorumi et sans (milliaria). II est permis de supposer que les Ituraei
etaient en general des archers, mais on ne peut pas expliquer d’une maniere
satisfaisante le manque de {milliaria). On a suppose que l’unite aurait double ses
effectifs en Dacie20 et que dejâ au Ifme siecle elle se trouverait en Thrace comme
cohors milliaria . Un [XE]xovv6og KopvofvroțJ etait [Enotp^op] (praefectus) ou
vptfiovvoț- (tribunus) [xcopr^p..] pEtĂiapiap TTupai[a>vf'2. Ce qui s’oppose a
l’identification c’est que la province etait encore gouvemee par un procurateur -
[E]mTponEVovTop [cric Qpaxâv Enap/Eiac] -, qui nous renvoie â l’epoque
Claude - Trajan23. Par consequent, la cohors I Ituraeorum des diplomes daces de
109 et 110 n’est pas â identifier â la cohors Ituraeorum co de Thrace24. On a alors
18 Voir surtout E. Toth, Porolissum, p. 50-51, pl. 16, et O. Țentea, dans : Orbis antiquus, p. 811,
814-815, pl. I-II.
19 Al. V. Matei, I. Bajusz, Das Romergrenzkastell von Romita-Certiae, Zalău 1997, p. 67-81,
91-93.
20 E. Dqbrowa, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 228, avec n. 56.
21 O. Țentea, dans : Orbis antiquus, p. 809-810.
22 AE 1907, 50 = IGR I 1462 (Serdica).
23 H. Devijver, PME II, p. 723.
24 D. L. Kennedy (ZPE 50, 1983, p. 258, n° 9), identifia une cohors I Ituraeorum oo de l’armee
de Vespasien en Judee â la cohors IIturaeorum de l’armee de Dacie de 110 et â l’unite milliaria de
Thrace.
La cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum en Dacie
171
le droit de se demander si dans les estampilles CHSoo et CHSIJoo de Porolissum ne
se cache pas une autre unite, eventuellement une troisieme cohorte ă'Ituraei, non
mentionnee dans les diplomes25. Non liquet!
Revenons maintenant â la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum. Elle est rangee
parmi les troupes de Dacie Superieure par les diplomes du 23 fevrier 144 , du 13
decembre 157(?)27, du 8 juillet 15828, du 1 avril 17929 et probablement par le
diplome des annees 136/13830.
Un certain [-----------Ge]mellus, chevalier romain, erigea â Sarmizegetusa un
monument probablement votif,
mentaire31. Sa premiere milice
equestre semble avoir ete la
prefecture d’une coh. I Aug. A
juger d’apres la photographie
faite par A. Buday, la lettre
avant la cassure est un T et non
un I (fig. 3). Par consequent, on
a affaire plutot â une cohors I
Augusta Thracum stationnee en
Pannonie Inferieure qu’â la
cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum .
Gemellus a erige le monument
dont l’inscription est conservee en etat frag-
QEMfLIVsbOM
Mimyrori K
[•PRAEFCOHWGI
Fig. 3.
â Sarmizegetusa soit parce qu’il provenait de cette colonie, soit parce qu’il
commandait, comme seconde milice equestre, un [n(umerus)] Palmyr(enorum)
Orien[talium?] dans le voisinage de la colonie33. II serait donc mieux d’eliminer
l’inscription de Sarmizegetusa de la discussion sur la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum.
2? E. Toth (Porolissum, p. 50-51) avait deja pense â une c(o)h(ors) s(agittariorum) (milliaria).
2h AE 1935, 111 = CIL XVI 90 = IDR I, D 14.
2‘CIL XVI 107 = IDR 1, D 15.
2S ILS 2006 = CIL XVI 108 = IDR I, D 16.
29 AE 1987, 843 = RMD III, 123.
30 AE 2002, 1223 = RMD IV 384.
31 A. Buday, Dolgozatok 4, 1913, p. 257 ; C. Daicoviciu, Dacia 1, 1924, p. 251 ; I. I. Russu,
AMN 6, 1969, p. 171 ; N. Gostar, Sargetia 14, 1979, p. 663-664 ; cf. AE 1979, 486 ; IDR III/2,
348 ; I. Piso, AMN 24-25, 1987-1988, p. 163-164, n° 1.
32 Voir N. Gostar, I. I. Russu et I. Piso (n. 30) ; pour la cohors I Augusta Thracum de Pannonie
Inferieure voir B. Lorincz, Hilfstruppen, p. 42^43, nos 43^45.
33 Voir pour cette unite, dont on sait tres peu de choses, I. Piso, D. Benea, ZPE 56, 1984, p. 294,
n. 207. Chez C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia, p. 143 persiste encore l’erreur qu’il s’agirait d’un numerus
Palmyrenorum O(ptatianensium).
172
loan Piso, Felix Marcu
On ignore la gamison d’au moins deux unites auxiliaires mentionnees par
les diplomes de Dacie Superieure: de la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum et de la
cohors I Augusta Thracum sagittariorum. En tenant compte que ces cohortes sont
des troupes d’archers, I. Piso et D. Benea avaient suppose en 1984 qu’elles
auraient ete placees sur la ligne fortifice Lederata-Tibiscum, moins connue par les
archeologues, afin d’etre opposees aux Sarmates34. Malgre les recherches qu’on y
a faites depuis, on n’en a trouve aucune trace35.
II se peut que l’on n’ait pas decouvert tous les camps du limes de la
province ou bien que tout le materiei epigraphique significatif n’ait pas encore vu
le jour. Tout aussi possible est cependant que l’on n’ait pas correctement lu ou
interprete le materiei epigraphique decouvert. Prenons le materiei tegulaire trouve
dans trois camps situes â peu de distance l’un de l’autre sur le limes du nord-est de
la Dacie Superieure: Călugăreni (Mikhâza), Sărățeni (Sovârad) et Inlăceni (Enlaka)36.
Selon N. Gudea, de Călugăreni37, de Sărățeni38 et de Inlăceni39 proviendraient aussi
bien les estampilles CP AI que les estampilles CPALP (fig. 4).
ElCPALPk
Fig. 4.
Que les demieres aient ete lues c(ohortis) p(rimae) Alp(inorumf°, est tout-â-fait
normal. Pourtant, â l’exception des auteurs du CIL, qui n’ont avance aucune
341. Piso, D. Benea, op. cit. (n. 32), p. 280.
35 E. Nemeth, dans : Dacia Augusti provincia, p. 44, n. 46.
36 Voir la carte militaire de Dacie chez N. Gudea, Limes, p. *10-* 11.
37 Op. cit., p. *57-*58.
38 Op. cit., p. *58-*59.
39 Op. cit., p. *59-*60.
40 CIL III 1633, 23 = EphEp IV 203 = CIL III 8074, 8 a-c, e ; G. Teglâs, AEM 3, 1879, p. 112,
n° 22 ; J. Szilâgyi, Ziegelstempel, p. 56, pl. XVII, n05 260-262 ; Z. Szekely, MatArh 7, 1961, p. 186;
idem, MatArh 8, 1962, p. 334 ; IDR III/4, 212-213 (Sărățeni); N. Gudea, AMP 3, 1979, p. 192-193,
n°s 1-2, 5-8 ; IDR III/4, 299, 1-7 (Inlăceni); M. Macrea, Dacia 8, 1964, p. 152, n. 40 ; N. Gudea,
AMP 3, 1979, p. 192-193, nos 3-4 (Napoca).
La cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum en Dacie
173
lecture41, â cette unite ont ete attribuees aussi les estampilles CPAI42. La
conclusion en a ete que la cohors I Alpinorum a stationne simultanement ou
successivement â Călugăreni et â Sărățeni43. Pour le câmp de Inlăceni, on y connaît
par une base de statue erigee en 129 pour Hadrien la cohors VIII Raetorum c. R.
eqfuitata) tor(quata)^ et, par des inscriptions en pierre et par de nombreuses
estampilles, la cohors IUI Hispanorum^.
Personne ne s’est demande pourquoi dans l’estampille CPAI la lettre L ou
les lettres LP ont ete remplacees par un I. Personne ne s’est demande non plus dans
quelle proportion les estampilles CPAI et CPALP ont-elles ete trouvees dans les
camps mentionnes. Tout d’abord, il n’y a aucune preuve que des estampilles CPAI
auraient ete trouvees dans le câmp de Călugăreni. D. Protase a publie dans son
rapport de fouille huit estampilles, toutes portant les lettres CPAI46 tandis que
1.1. Russu a reproduit dans IDR 12 estampilles, dont dix CPAI et deux CPALP47. Le
meme auteur admet pourtant que six tuiles proviennent de la collection du pretre
du village ; or, la distance entre Călugăreni et Sărățeni n’est pas grande. Enfin, les
neuf estampilles trouvees pendant les fouilles faites les demieres annees dans
le câmp de Călugăreni par les collegues Nicoleta Man et Dan Cioată portent
sans exception les lettres CPAI (fig. 5 a-d)48. En revanche, toutes les estampilles
41 CIL III 8074, 8d; cf. G. Teglăs, AEM 1 1, 1887, p. 238 n° 1 ; idem, ErdM 5, 1888, p. 242 ;
F. Deâk, AErt 12, 1878, p. 268-269 : cohorspedestris alpensisprima(?).
42 J. Szilâgyi, Ziegelstempel, p. 56, pl. XVII, nos 257-258 ; D. Protase, AMN 2, 1965, p. 213 ;
H. Daicoviciu, dans : Romer in Rumănien, Koln 1969, p. 118, C 34 ; idem, dans : Civiltâ romana in
Romania, Roma 1970, p. 137, C 26 ; I. I. Russu, dans : Actes du IXeme Congres d’etudes sur les
frontieres romaines (Mamaia, septembre 1972), Bucarest-Cologne-Vienne 1974, p. 223 ; IDR III/4,
220 ; N. Gudea, Limes, p. *57-*60.
43 Elle n’est identique ni â la cohors I Alpinorum equitata, ni â la cohors I Alpinorum peditata
de Pannonie; voir pour celles-ci B. Lorincz, Hilfstruppen, p. 27, n° 1, et p. 28, n° 4 ; pour la cohorte
de Dacie voir recemment C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia, p. 81-82, n° 17.
44 AE 1960, 375 = IDR III/4, 263.
45 N. Gudea, AMP 3, 1979, p. 190-192, nos 1-30 ; IDR III/4, 301-302.
46 D. Protase, AMN 2, 1965, p. 213.
47 IDR III/4, 220.
48 Nous exprimoms toute notre gratitude â Mme Nicoleta Man et a M. Dan Cioată pour nous
avoir permis l’acces au materiei. Deux autres estampilles (inv. 2878 et 2879) avaient appartenu â la
collection du lycee de Târgu-Mureș et une troisieme a ete apportee du château de Gomești, se
trouvant entre Călugăreni et Brâncovenești. Deux estampilles aux memes lettres provenant de
Călugăreni se trouvent dans le depot du musee de Cluj, inv. 1/1913 et 1/1914. Enfin, C. Daicoviciu
(A1SC 1/2, 1928-1932, p. 59 = Dacica, Cluj 1970, p. 211) fait mention dans le câmp de Călugăreni
d’une estampille en tabula ansata, qu’il a lu c(ohors) p(rima) A(lpinorum), mais oii il s’agit tres
probablement d’une estampille CPAI fragmentaire.
174
loan Piso, Felix Marcu
Ol
a
b
C?AI>
c
d
Fig. 5.
La cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum en Dacie
175
trouvees avec certitude â Sărățeni portent les lettres CPALP49. Ce sont toujours des
estampilles CPALP qui ont ete decouvertes â Inlăceni50.
Nous ne nions pas la possibilite qu’â Călugăreni puissent un jour etre
trouvees tout aussi bien des estampilles CPALP, car des transports de materiaux de
construction entre les camps etaient frequents. II nous suffit pour le moment de
constater que typiques du câmp de Călugăreni sont les estampilles CPAI, tandis
que du câmp de Sărățeni typiques sont les estampilles CPALP. A Inlăceni les tuiles
portant l’estampille CPALP auront ete apportees du câmp de Sărățeni, qui etait le
plus proche.
Examinons maintenant de plus preș les estampilles CPAI. Pour celles
trouvees dans le musee de Târgu Mureș, on distingue quatre types presque iden-
tiques (fig. 5 a-d)51. On constate pour tous ces types le meme cartouche double,
celui interieur ayant la forme d’une tabula ansata, des lettres semblables et la
meme abreviation P pour p(rimae). La demiere lettre se presente partout comme
un I parfaitement clair, sans laisser de place ni pour la barre d’un L, ni pour un P.
Or, quatre types d’estampilles signifient quatre signacula. Aura-t-on mis chaque
fois, par la meme erreur, un Z â la place de LP? Ne serait-il pas plus logique
d’admettre qu’on a mal lu ces estampilles et que la lecture correcte est c(ohortis) I
A(ugustae) Ițturaeorum)! Tout d’abord, cette cohorte doit exister quelque part en
Dacie Superieure, ensuite, dans deux camps ne pouvait pas stationner une seule
unite et nous ne voyons pas, en fin de compte, pourquoi persister dans une lecture
absurde. On pourrait redire que la meme abreviation p(rimae) du numeral I
prouverait qu’il s’agit de la meme unite. C’est justement cette ressemblence qui a
cree la confusion. En realite, le voisinage de deux troupes peut tres bien expliquer
une certaine mode, qui, d’ailleurs, n’appartient exclusivement aux gamisons de
Călugăreni et de Sărățeni. On la retrouve, par exemple, â Războieni-Cetate dans le
nom de 1’ala I Batavorum oo: a(la) p(rima) B(atavorum) .
La conclusion de cette investigation est qu’â partir d’Hadrien le câmp de
Sărățeni appartient â la cohors I Alpinorum, tandis que dans le câmp de Călugăreni
il faut absolument placer la cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum. Les estampilles de
49 Voir Z. Szekely, MatArh 7, 1961, p. 186 ; idem, MatArh 8, 1962, p. 334 sur les estampilles
decouvertes pendant les fouilles; voir encore CIL III 8074, 8 a-c, e; J. Szilâgyi, Ziegelstempel, p. 56,
pl. XVII, nos 260-262. Le meme auteur hesite entre Călugăreni et Sărățeni pour les estampilles qui
se trouvent dans le musee de Târgu-Mureș (op. cit., p. 56, pl. XVII, n° 257).
50 IDR III/4, 299 ; N. Gudea, AMP 3, 1979, p. 192-193, nos 12, 5-8. Un exemplaire se trouve
dans le depot du musee de Cluj, inv. IN 6959 = T8 II/2.
51 Inv. 2878, 1533, 2879 ; les autres sont inedites.
52 Cf. IDR III/4, 79. La publication de toutes les estampilles tegulaires de Războieni-Cetate est
en preparation.
176
loan Piso, Felix Marcu
Sărățeni on les lit C(ohortis) p(rimae) Alp(inorum), celles de Călugăreni
Coh(ortis) p(rimae) A(ugustae) I(turaeorum). Par ceci, une des enigmes du limes
de Dacie a ete dechiffree.
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43—44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 177-184
L’aigle de la legioXIII Gemina*
Vasile Moga, Ioan Piso, Matei Drîmbârean
En ete de 2006 les travaux de rehabilitation de la canalisation urbaine dans
le parc central d’Alba lulia ont affecte les structures des principia du câmp de la
legio XIII Gemina1. Dans les tranchees y creusees on a trouve des traces
d’anciennes fouilles, des portions de murs medievaux en briques et, aussi, des
blocs parallelepipediques romains en calcaire, des tuiles portant l’estampille de la
legion et de la ceramique romaine.
La decouverte la plus importante a ete une base en calcaire (fig. 1) crevee
transversalement au niveau du champ de l’inscription et avec le couronnement
partiellement endommage. Dimensions totales: 130 x 59 x 55 cm; le champ
epigraphique: 71 x 59 cm ; lettres: 5 cm. Le bandeau central du couronnement est
decore d’acroteres et, entre celles-ci, de deux vrilles, une de vigne, l’autre de lierre,
Pour la lecture du texte et pour de nombreux conseils nous devons ă notre collegue de
Varsovie, Prof. Tadeusz Sarnowski, de chaleureux remerciements.
On a utilise les abreviations suivantes : D. J. Breeze - B. Dobson, Roman Officers = Roman
Officers and Frontiers (= Mavors X), Stuttgart 1993 ; B. Dobson, Primipilares = Die Primipilares,
Koln-Bonn 1978 ; A. v. Domaszewski, Religion = Die Religion des romischen Heeres, Trier 1895 ;
A. v. Domaszewski - B. Dobson, Rangordnung2 = Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres2, Koln-
Graz 1967 ; R. Fellmann, Principia = Principia - Stabsgebăude, Stuttgart 1983, p. 17 ; E. Kiinzl,
Waffenschmuck = Unter den goldenen Adlem. Der Waffenschmuck des romischen Imperiums,
Regensburg-Mainz 2008 ; A. Johnson, Kastelle = Romische Kastelle des 1. und 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.
in Britannien und in den germanischen Provinzen des Romerreiches, Mainz am Rhein 1987 ;
H. v. Petrikovits, Innenbauten = Die Innenbauten romischer Legionslager wăhrend der Prinzipats-
zeit, Diisseldorf-Opladen 1975, p. 75.
1	Voir l’essentiel sur ce câmp chez M. Rusu, AIIA Cluj 22, 1979, p. 49 ; V. Moga, Din istoria
militară a Daciei romane. Legiunea XIII Gemina, Cluj-Napoca 1985, p. 21-22, 35 sqq. ; N. Gudea,
JRGZ44, 1997, p. *107-* 108.
178
Vasile Moga, loan Piso, Matei Drîmbărean
Fig. 1. Base en calcaire d’Apulum.
L’aigle de la legio XIII Gemina
179
unies au milieu par un anneau2. Au sommet se trouve une mortaise au diametre de
12 cm et profonde de 8 cm, servant â fixer la statue.
Le texte est pratiquement complet et ne pose pas de problemes:
L(ucius) Aninius L(ucii) f(ilius)
Pap(iria) Firminus
Țridente equo
publ(ico) ex (trecenario)
5 p(rimus) p(ilus)
leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae)
tetrastylum
fecit
et aquilam
10 argenteam
posuit.
Le nom de l’officier est L(ucius) Aninius L(ucii) f(ilius) Pap(iria) Firminus
Tridente. Aninius est un nomen italique tres rare3, porte â Apulum aussi par un
immunis, Aninius Fortunatus, qui se trouvait â la tete d’une briquetterie de la
legion4. L. Aninius Firminus est inscrit, tout comme les autres citoyens de
Tridentum, dans la tribu Papiria5. Le nom de la viile apparaît tantot sous la forme
Tridentum, tantot â l’ablatif, Tridente6. La seconde forme peut etre contaminee
avec le substantif comun tridens -tis.
' Notre collegue Virginia Rădeanu, que nous remercions chaleureusement, a eu l’amabilite de
nous indiquer les possibles analogies de la piece. L’autel (base de statue) de Marș de Valea
Sângeorgiului dans le territoire de Sarmizegetusa (CIL III 12577 = IDR III/3, 19) et la base de la
statue funeraire de P. Aelius Theimes de Sarmizegetusa (CIL III 12587 = AE 1982, 830 = IDR
II1/2. 369) presentent des moulures et des decorations semblables, ce qui justifie de supposer des
influences reciproques et la contemporaneite des trois pieces.
3 W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, Berlin 1933, p. 144 ; H. Solin, O. Salomies,
Repertorium nominum gentilium et cognominum Latinorum, Hildesheim-Ziirich-New York 1994,
p. 16.
3 IDR III/6, 127 (retrograde): Leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) /Aninius Fortunatus ; 128 (retrograde)
: Lfeg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) p(iae) f(idelis) /Anini(i) Fortunati.
5 CIL V 5034, 5036 ; voir W. Kubitschek, Imperium Romanum tributim discriptum, Pragae-
Vindobonae-Lipsiae 1889, p. 115.
6 Phlego, fr. 53 :-------and nd/Eor; TpidevTov ; Amm. Marcellinus 16, 10, 20 :-----per
Tridentum iter in Illyricum festinavit ; Laterc. Ant., p. 275 : Tridento ; Ptol. 111 1, 29 : Tpidevre ;
Tab. Peut. III 3, 0 : Tredente, voir E. Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana. Kommentar, Graz 1976, p. 62 ;
CIL V 5036 : C(aio) Falerio / C(ai) f(ilio) Pap(iria) / Mariano /honores omnes /adepta Trident(i)
ou Trident(e) ; cf. Th. Mommsen, CIL V, p. 530-531 ; H. Philipp, RE VII Al (1939), 102-103.
180
Vasile Moga, loan Piso, Matei Drîmbărean
L. Aninius Firminus etait chevalier romain - equo publi(co) (1. 3^4). Sa
carriere militaire, ou bien ce qu’il avait juge necessaire d’en mentionner, se trouve
dans les lignes 4-6: ex (trecenario) /p(rimus) p(ilus) / leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae).
Pour le poște de trecenarius, tres difficillement â saisir, nous sommes tributaires â
D. J. Breeze et B. Dobson . Dans plusieurs carrieres completes la charge de
trecenarius etait intercalee entre les centurionats de Rome et le primipilat. Â
Apulum le ex trecenario apparaît sans specification. On peut avoir affaire â un
trecenarius cohortis praetoriae0 ou â un centurio trecenarius legionis10. Dans le
second cas il s’agit certainement d’un centurionat appartenant aux primi ordinesn.
Le manque de precision est explicable. Face au primipilat, les details de la carriere
anterieure avaient peu de signification pour le public. La position de Vequo
publico dans le texte, avant les charges militaires, semble suggerer que Firminus a
ete nomme centurion ex equite Romano, ce qui signifie qu’â son recrutement il
etait dejâ chevalier romain12.
L. Aninius Firminus se vante d’avoir construit un tetrastyle et d’avoir erige
un aigle en argent. Surtout le second acte s’inscrit parmi les obligations habituelles
d’un primipile.
L’aigle etait le symbole de la legion, ce qui en fait un objet de culte. Le
natalis aquilae etait celebre en tant que jour de naissance de la legion, tandis que la
perte de l’aigle equivalait â l’aneantissement de la troupe13. L’aigle etait place dans
1’aedes de la legion aupres d’une image portable aupres de la statue de l’empereur,
d’une image portable du meme empereur, des signa et des vexilla'\ II ne quittait
7 D. J. Breeze - B. Dobson, EpSt 8, Koln 1969, p. 118-119 = iidem, Roman Officers, p. 106—
107 ; cf. la litterature plus ancienne chez A. v. Domaszewski - B. Dobson, Rangordnung2, p. IV,
XXVI, 99-101 ; A. Passerini, Le coorti pretorie, Roma 1939, p. 89 sqq. ; DizEp IV 590-591.
8 Voir les exemples chez D. J. Breeze - B. Dobson, EpSt 8, p. 120-122 = iidem, Roman
Officers, p. 108-110.
9 CIL X 5064 = ILS 2667 ; CIL III 7534 = ILS 4063.
10 CIL II 4461 =ILS 2661 ; CIL VI 32709a = ILS 9190.
11 Cf. B. Dobson, Primipilares, p. 59 ; AE 1993, 1364 et les commentaires lâ-dessus de
T. Sarnowski, ZPE 95, 1993, p. 206-211.
12 Pour l’appointement au poște de centurion directement de Vordo equester, tout en restant
membre de ce ordo, voir O. H. Zwicky, Zur Verwendung des Militars in der Verwaltung der romischen
Kaiserzeit, Ziirich 1944, p. 90-93 ; A. v. Domaszewski - B. Dobson, Rangordnung2, p. XXI ; B.
Dobson, AncSoc 3, 1972, p. 193-194 = D. J. Breeze - B. Dobson, Roman Officers, p. 186-187.
13 Voir A. v. Domaszewski, RE 1/2 (1895), 317-318, avec les sources ; idem, Religion, p. 9 sqq.
14 A. v. Domaszewski, Religion, p. 11-12 ; R. Fellmann, Principia, p. 17 ; H. v. Petrikovits,
Innenbauten, p. 75 ; A. Johnson, Kastellc, p. 131 ; cf. M. Redde, dans : Le câmp romain de Louqsor
(= MIFAO 83, ed. M. El-Saghir, J.-C. Golvin, M. Redde, El-Sayed Hegary, G. Wagner), Le Caire
1986, p. 28-30; idem, JRA 17, 2007, p. 454-157 ; T. Sarnowski, BJb 189, 1989, p. 113-119.
L’aigle de la legio XIII Gemina
181
ce domicile qu’avec la legion tonte entiere15. C’etait le primus pilus qui veillait sur
l’aigle de la legion16 et qui, â l’occasion du dies natalis, lui dediait des
monuments dans la cour des principia .
II est difficille â croire que L. Aninius Firminus aurait fait cadeau â la
legion du symbole original ou qu’il l’aurait remplace. Tout d’abord, comme on l’a
vu plus haut, une legion naissait et disparaissait avec l’aigle. Ensuite, comme nous
l’apprenons de Cassius Dio18, l’aigle de la legion etait en or19. Par consequent, â
Apulum il s’agit d’une replique en argent, fixee quelque part dans la basilique ou
dans la cour des principia sur la base en question et non pas dans Vaedes. Les
analogies les plus proches pour des dedicaces d’aigles par des primipiles sont
celles de Novae20.
Le terme «tetrastyle » (T£TpâatvĂog= tetrastylus) s’applique â une fațade
appuyee par quatre colonnes21. II s’agit tres probablement de Vaedes de la legion,
qui represente la piece centrale parmi les pieces situees au fond des principia22, et
non pas de l’entree dans la cour des principia . Le sanctuaire de la troupe s’appele
dans le câmp auxiliaire de Regulbium (Reculver) de Britannie aedes
pnncipiorum24, dans d’autres camps aedes aquilae, vedic, domus signorum,
Capitolium ou CaesareumiJ)25. On a adopte par commodite pour tous les
15 Cassius Dio 40, 18, 1 : o yâp aeroc (bvopaapevoc (egti Se vecoc xai ev avrcb âsroc
Xpaovc EviSpurar xaTiararaî te ev nâai roîc ex tov xaraAdyou arparonESotc, xai
obSapoaE ex râv /EipaSiav, nAqv ei noi avpnap o arparop E^iot, xiveirai).
16 Vegetius II, 8 : centurio primipili, qui----aquilae praeerat; cf. Tacitus, Annales 2,17:
-----exclamat irent, sequerentur Romanas avis [aquilas], propria legionum numina.
17 C’est dans la cour des principia de Novae que des primi pili ont erige des monuments â
l’aigle, V. Bozilova, J. Kolendo, L. Mrozewicz, Inscriptions latines de Novae, Poznan 1992, p. 41-
42, n° 18 ; p. 54-58, n° 28 ; les autres monuments du meme caractere chez B. Dobson, Primipilares,
p. 155-160.
18 Voir plus haut, n. 15.
19 Voir pourtant le commentaire de E. Kiinzl (Waffenschmuck, p. 22), qui admet, â notre avis â
tort, que l’aigle de la legion pouvait etre aussi en argent.
20 Voir plus haut, n. 17.
21 Voir pour le terme R. Ginouves, Dictionnaire methodique de l’architecture grecque et
romaine III, Rome-Athenes 1998, p. 39-40.
22 R. Fellmann, Principia, p. 17-18 ; H. v. Petrikovits, Innenbauten, p. 75-76 ; A. Johnson,
Kastelle, p. 131 sqq.
23 Cf. Le modele des principia de Vindonissa chez R. Fellmann, Principia, p. 49, fig. 23.
29 AE 1962, 258 = A. R. Birley, The Roman Government of Britain, Oxford 2005, p. 353
(= R. Fellmann, Principia, p. 68) : Aedem p[rinei]piorum /cu[m b]asilica /su[b ...]r[...]io Rufino /
co(n)s(ulari) / [...Fo]rtunatus / [praef(ectus)? fec]it\ cf. [aedes] pri[ncip]io[rum] du câmp
legionnaire de Novae chez J. Kolendo, V. Bozilova, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Novae
(Mesie Superieure), Bordeaux 1957, nos 58, 127, 131 (fragments reunis par T. Samowski).
25 Voir pour les sources M. Redde, JRA 17, 2007, p. 448 avec n. 8.
182
Vasile Moga, loan Piso, Matei Drîmbărean
sanctuaires des camps legionnaires et auxiliaires le terme A'aedes principiorum. Le
doute subsiste. Pour que les choses soient claires, L. Aninius Firminus aurait du
ecrire, par exemple, tetrastylum aedis principiorum ou aedis aquilae fecit.
Sur une piece appartenant â un fourreau de Mogontiacum (de l’ainsi-dite
epee de Tibere) on distingue clairement les quatre colonnes de la fațade d’une
aedes (fig. 2). Entre les colonnes centrales, surmontees par un arc, on voit l’aigle
sur un support en forme de chapiteau ionique. Entre les premieres et les demieres
Fig. 2. Piece de Mogontiacum (d’apres E. Kiinzl).
colonnes sont places des signa. II s’agit ici d’un fronton dit « syrien », souvent
rencontre dans l’architecture religieuse . En tenant compte de la largeur reduite
des principia, une fațade en forme de tetrapyle pour 1’aedes des troupes auxiliaires
est peu probable. Sur les couronnements de monuments de Blatoburgium (Birrens)
et de Habitancum (Risingham) on peut, d’ailleurs, reconnaître des entrees simples
entre deux colonnes . En revanche, la largeur de 1’aedes des principia
legionnaires permet sans problemes la construction d’un tetrapyle. Une aedes
legionnaire occupe, selon H. v. Petrikovits , une surface de 60-110 m , celle de
26	R. Fellmann, Principia, p. 45, fig. 19 ; E. Kiinzl, Waffenschmuck, p. 19, fig. 26.
27	Voir R. Etienne, I. Piso, Al. Diaconescu, AMN 39-40, 2001-2002, p. 110, avec n. 87.
28	RIB 2092 ; CIL VII 982 = RIB 1210 ; voir Fellmann, Principia, p. 43, fig. 17, p. 44, fig. 18, p. 70.
29	H. v. Petrikovits, Innenbauten, p. 75.
L’aigle de la legio XIII Gemina
183
30
Potaissa a une largeur de 11,60 m . Dans celle-ci ont ete decouverts des
fragments de colonnes, ce qui justific la reconstitution graphique de quatre
colonnes, qui ne pouvaient se trouver que sur la ligne de la fațade31.
Quant au nouveau texte d’Apulum, on ne peut pas s’imaginer que L. Aninius
Firminus aurait construit Vaedes de la legion. Elle devait exister des le debut du
câmp. Le primus pilus pouvait faire une de deux choses: de reamenager l’entree sur
la ligne de la fațade, en ajoutant ou en remplațant les quatre colonnes, ou bien
ajouter un pronaos en forme de tetrastyle. Le meilleur exemple en est le pronaos
ajoute devant Vaedes principiorum du câmp legionnaire de Novae (fig. 3) .
Fig. 3. La pârtie sud des principia du câmp de Novae (d’apres T. Sarnowski).
Le texte ne contient pas des elements permettant une datation exacte. Le
fait que le nom du primus pilus contient tous les elements, y compris la tribu, n’est
30 M. Bărbulescu, Din istoria militară a Daciei romane. Legiunea V Macedonica și castrul de la
Potaissa, Cluj-Napoca 1987, p. 157-158, oii l’on trouve aussi d’autres exemples.
31 M. Bărbulescu, op. cit., p. 125, fig. 23.
32 Voir T. Sarnowski, dans : Roman Frontier Studies 1989. Proceedings of the XVth
International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Exeter 1991, p. 303-307 ; Archeologia 51, 2000,
p. 79-87, p. fig. 1-2; Archeologia 54, 2003, p. 65-75, fig. 1-2 ; Archeologia 56, 2005, p. 141-152,
fig. 3 ; pour le câmp legionnaire de Isca (Caerleon) voir H. v. Petrikovits, Innenbauten, p. 76.
184
Vasile Moga, loan Piso, Matei Drîmbărean
pas un argument pour la datation du IIeme siecle. Les inscriptions plus tardives de
Novae contiennent les memes elements du nom33. La datation des autres monu-
ments dedies par des primipiles â l’aigle plaide plutot pour l’epoque des Severes.
Comme la legion ne porte pas d’epithete imperiale, le monument devrait etre date
du regne de Septime Severe ou de l’epoque immediatement anterieure.
33 Voir plus haut, n. 17.
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43-44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 185-210
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
In den drei letzten Bănden der AMN konnten jeweils mehrere Diplome fur
die Provinzen in Dakien publiziert werden1. Inzwischen sind weitere Diplomfrag-
mente bekannt geworden, die die von Traian eroberte Region, die zu Beginn der
hadrianischen Zeit in drei Provinzen gegliedert wurde, betreffen. Sie werden hier vor-
gelegt, nach Provinzen geordnet und zeitlich gegliedert. Fur keines der Diplome
war eine genaue Herkunft zu ermitteln, doch diirften sie ohne Ausnahme und mit
allergroBter Wahrscheinlichkeit aus dem ostlichen Balkanbereich stammen.
Zusammen mit den neuen Diplomen, die zumeist bisher unbekannte Konsti-
tutionen betreffen, steigt die Zahl der Biirgerrechtserlasse fur die dakischen Pro-
vinzen auf insgesamt 54, die Zahl der Diplome auf insgesamt 75. Damit ist gerade
auch fur die Leitung der verschiedenen Provinzen in Dakien eine weit bessere
Basis gegeben als noch vor zwei Jahrzehnten. Der schon erschienene Bând der
Fasti provinciae Daciae und der bald erscheinende zweite Bând von loan Piso
zeigen dies mit geniigender Deutlichkeit .
W. Eck - D. MacDonald - A. Pangerl, Neue Diplome fur Auxiliartruppen in den dakischen
Provinzen, AMN 38/1, 2001 [2003], 27 ff.; dies., Neue Diplome fur die Auxiliartruppen von
Unterpannonien und der dakischen Provinzen aus hadrianischer Zeit, AMN 39-40/1, 2002-2003
[2004], 25 ff.; W. Eck - A. Pangerl, Ein Diplom fur die Truppen von Dacia superior unter dem
Kommando des Marcius Turbo im Jahr 119 n. Chr., AMN 41—42/1, 2004/5 [2007], 61 ff. - Dan
Dana mochten wir fur seine Hilfe bei der Klârung onomastischer Probleme danken, Peter WeiB,
Paul Holder und loan Piso fur kritische Hinweise. Anke RaBelnberg hat bei der Erstellung der Liste
aller Diplome fur Dakien geholfen.
21	. Piso, Fasti provinciae Daciae I, Bonn 1993.
186
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
I.	Dacia inferior
1. Eine Konstitution Hadrians vom 17. Juli 122 fur Dacia inferior
Fragment aus der rechten oberen Halfte von tabella I eines Diploms (Abb.
1 a-b). Die Tafel ist auf allen Seiten abgebrochen, rechts ist der Rând erhalten; die
Tafel war mit einer Doppellinie eingerahmt.
Abb. 1 a-b.
Mafie: Hohe: 3,7 cm; Breite 3,8 cm; Dicke 1 mm; Buchstabenhbhe: aufien:
4 mm; innen: 5 mm. Gewicht: 8 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen3:
Aufienseite:
[—]+++ARVM
[ET II FL BESSOR ET III GALLO]R QVAE SVNT
[IN DACIA INFER SVB COCCEIO N]ASONE QVI
[NIS ET VICENIS PLVRIBVS ST1PEND]IS EMERI
[TIS DIMISSIS HONESTA MISSIONE] QVORVM
[NOMINA SVBSCRIPT SVNT IPSIS L]IBERIS POS
[TERISQ EORVM CIVITATEM DEDIT ET C]ONVB
Innenseite:
[POSTERISQ EORVM] CIVIȚAȚEM [DEDIT ET CO]
[NVBIVM CVM VXO]RIBVS QVA[S TVNC HABV1S]
[SENT CVM EST CIVI]TAS IIS DAT[A AVT SI QVI]
vacat
Unsicher bleibt die Lesung der ersten, partiell noch erhaltenen Zeile der
Aufienseite.
3 Die sicheren Ergănzungen werden hier sogleich eingeschlossen.
Neue Diplome fiir die dakischen Provinzen
187
Das Diplom gibt nur einen einzigen Hinweis auf die Zeit und die Provinz,
fur die das Diplom ausgestellt worden war, mit dem Cognomen des Statthalters,
das auf der Vorderseite groBtenteils zu lesen ist: [N]asone.
Im Personennamenmaterial der PIR finden sich zwar einige Personen, die
dieses Cognomen tragen4, doch ist es sehr unwahrscheinlich, dass eine dieser
Personen mit dem hier genannten Statthalter identifiziert werden solite. Einige
gehoren in die friihe Prinzipatszeit, in der noch keine Diplome ausgegeben
wurden, wie L. Axius Naso, Valerius Naso und P. Viriasius Naso, fur andere gibt
es keinen Hinweis, dass sie uberhaupt ein Alter erreichten, in dem sie eine solche
Aufgabe, die Leitung einer Provinz, hatten ubemehmen konnten, wie L. Aemilius
Naso Fabullinus oder lulius Naso. Doch ist seit Kurzem durch ein Diplom ein
Cocceius Naso als Prăsidialprokurator von Dacia Inferior im Jahr 122 bekannt:
RGZM 20: quae [sunt in Dac(ia) infer(iore)] sub Cocceio Nason(e).
Der Name dieses Statthalters ist auch in zwei weiteren Diplomen zu
ergănzen, die auf dieselbe Konstitution zuriickgehen. In dem einen ist der
Provinzname erhalten: [quae su]nt in Dac(ia) infer(iore) sub [Cocceio Nasone]5,
das andere darf man aus verschiedenen Griinden ebenfalls mit groBer Wahrschein-
lichkeit dieser Konstitution zuweisen6, vor aliem wegen des genauen Datums der
Publikation in Rom: am 17. Juli 1227.
Dieser Befiind macht es recht wahrscheinlich, auch das neue Diplom Dacia
inferior zuzuweisen, unter dem Statthalter Cocceius Naso und im Jahr 122 n. Chr.
Fiir diese Datierung sprechen auch andere Elemente: Zum einen erscheinen noch
kaum Abkurzungen im Privilegierungstext, die nach den ersten Jahren der
Regierungszeit Hadrians deutlich hăufiger werden. Zum andem sind nach RGZM
20 nur insgesamt acht Einheiten: drei Alen und funf Kohorten angefuhrt, weshalb
der Text auch nicht allzu lang ist. Deshalb kann auf der Innenseite des neuen
Fragments der Text sehr locker geschrieben werden und unten noch erheblicher
Platz unbeschrieben bleiben.
4 Siehe http://www.bbaw.de/cgi-bin/pir/pir-suche.pl sub verbo Naso.
5 P. WeiB, ZPE 141, 2002, 242-245 Nr. 2; AE 2002, 1742; RMD V 361.
6 Dieser Schluss ist zwar nicht absolut zwingend, da immer wieder verschiedene Konstitutionen
am selben Tag veroffentlicht wurden; doch siehe in diesem Fall die Argumente bei W. Eck - D.
MacDonald - A. Pangerl, AMN 39—40/1, 2002-2003, 34-37 Nr. 2 = AE 2003, 2042.
7 Zwischen diesem und dem neuen Diplom gibt es keine textliche Uberschneidung, weshalb
man zunăchst vermuten konnte, beide Fragmente konnten zum selben Diplom gehoren; doch spricht
die Schrift auf den beiden Fragmenten gegen die Zugehorigkeit zu einem Diplom. Eine Zugehorigkeit
zu RGZM und RMD V 361 ist wegen Uberlappung der jeweiligen Texte ausgeschlossen.
188
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
Der Statthalter Cocceius Naso ist ansonsten unbekannt. In RGZM heiBt es im
Kommentar zu Nr. 20, er gehore zum ritterlichen Zweig der gens Cocceia; denn
diesen habe es neben dem senatorischen Zweig sicher gegeben (S. 61). Diese
Vorstellung ist einigermaBen bizarr. Eine gens Cocceia als eine definierbare Einheit
gibt es notwendigerweise in der Kaiserzeit nicht, genauso wenig wie eine gens
Claudia oder eine gens Ulpia. Dies sind zumeist unreflektierte modeme Konstruk-
tionen ohne konkreten Inhalt. Es gibt natiirlich zahlreiche Familien, die das nomen
gentile Cocceius fuhren, ebenso wie andere den Familiennamen Claudius oder
Ulpius. Doch die meisten dieser Familien, die auch in verschiedensten Stădten und
in weit von einander entfemten Provinzen leben, hăngen in keiner Weise mehr
verwandtschaftlich zusammen. Gerade dieser Zusammenhang aber wăre das Haupt-
kriterium, um von einer gens im romischen Sinn zu sprechen.
Das nomen gentile Cocceius fuhrte auch Kaiser Nerva. Er hat wie viele
Kaiser das romische Burgerrecht verliehen, wobei die damit ausgezeichneten
Personen wie oft iiblich auch sein Gentile ubemahmen. Doch dieser neue
ritterliche Amtstrăger kann nach aliem, was wir sonst uber romische Neubiirger
wissen, nicht zu einer Familie gehoren, die erst von Nerva das Burgerrecht
erhalten hatte. Denn iiblicherweise dauerte es deutlich lănger, bis ein Mitglied
einer solchen Neubtirgerfamilie in den Ritterstand gelangen und dann sogar hohere
prokuratorische Stellungen iibemehmen konnte. Der Ritter Cocceius Naso solite
also zu einer Familie gehoren, die schon lănger zum romischen Btirgerverband
gehorte. Dann aber miisste sie am ehesten aus Italien stammen, woftir im Ubrigen
auch das Cognomen Naso spricht. Denn die Heimat zumindest der Mitglieder des
ordo senatorius bzw. equester, die dieses Cognomen fuhrten, war ohne Ausnahme
das Mutterland Italien8. Das diirfte auch fur Cocceius Naso zutreffen9.
Trifft jedenfalls die Identifizierung des Naso mit Cocceius Naso zu, dann
kann man unter Einbeziehung von RGZM 20, RMD V 361 und AMN 39/40,
2002/2003, 34-37 Nr. 2 = AE 2003, 2042 folgenden Text rekonstruieren:
[Imp. Caes(ar), divi Traiani Parth(ici) f, divi Nervae nepos, Traianus
Hadrian(us) Aug(ustus), pont(ifex) max(imus), tr(ibunicia) pot(estate) VI,
co(n)s(ul) III, proco(n)s(ul)
equit(ibus) et pedit(ibus), q(ui) mil(itaverunt) in al(is) III et coh(ortibus) V
q(uae) app(ellantur) (1) — et (2) Gall(orum) Cap(itoniana) et (3) Gall(orum)
Atect(origiana) et (1) — et (2) I Br(acar)aug(ustanorum) et (3) II Fl(avia)
8 Siehe die Personen, die in PIR2 voi. V fasc. 3, p. 337 f. aufgefiihrt sind.
9 Vgl. dazu auch W. Eck in seiner Rezension zu RGZM in Bonner Jahrbuch 206, 2006, 353 f.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
189
Numid]ar(um) [et (4) II Fl(avia) Bessor(um) et (5) III Gallo]r(um), quae sunt [in
Dacia inferiore sub Cocceio N]asone, qui [quinis et vicenis plurib(usve) stipend]is
emeri[tis dimissis honesta missione],
quorum [nomina subscripta sunt ipsis l]iberis pos[terisq(ue) eorum]
civitatem [dedit et c]onub[ium cum uxo]ribus, qua[s tune habuissent, cum est
civit]as Us dat[a, aut, si qui caelibes essent, cum is, quas postea duxissent
dumtaxat singuli singulas.
a. d. XVI k. Aug. Ti. lulio Capitone, L. Vitrasio Flaminino cos.] etc.
Von dieser Konstitution sind, wenn die Zuweisung des neuen Fragments
zutrifft, inzwischen vier Kopien erhalten. Das ist schon deutlich mehr als die Zahl
der Diplome, die iiblicherweise aus einer Konstitution bekannt sind. So kann man
davon ausgehen, dass 25 Jahre oder noch etwas friiher relativ viele Rekruten in die
betroffenen Einheiten aufgenommen worden waren. Diese waren eine Vierteljahr-
hundert zuvor freilich noch nicht in Dacia inferior stationiert, sondem in einer oder
mehreren anderen Provinzen. Welche Provinzen dies waren, ist allerdings kaum
festzustellen, da zwar sicher ist, dass die vier Diplome an Soldaten von mindestens
drei verschiedenen Einheiten ausgegeben wurden, da die Namen der Prăfekten
ganz oder zum Teii erhalten sind; doch kennt man nur in einem Fall die konkrete
Einheit, die ala I Claudia Gallorum Capitoniana. Sie war jedenfalls vorher in
Moesia inferior stationiert, von wo aus sie nach Dacia inferior transferiert worden
war. Auch andere niedermosische Einheiten wurden in die jenseits der Donau neu
erworbene Provinz Dacia versetzt. In Niedermosien aber hat es bereits 25 Jahre
friiher - 97 n. Chr. - offenbar relativ viele Entlassungen gegeben. Zumindest sind
uns fur dieses Jahr schon drei Diplome fur die Truppen dieser Provinz bekannt:
RMD II 140, sowie V 337 und 338. Diese Diplome sind freilich nur ein Teii der
Folgen, die sich aus der Rekrutierung fur Niedermosien im Jahr 97 funfund-
zwanzig Jahre spăter ergaben; denn nicht wenige der 97 dort stationierten Ein-
heiten sind ein Vierteljahrhundert spăter in anderen Provinzen eingesetzt, so dass
der Umfang der Rekrutierung nicht allein aus RMD II 140, V 337 und 338
erschlossen werden darf. Da auch die meisten anderen der in der Konstitution von
122 fur Dacia inferior aufgefuhrten Truppen, aus denen damals Veteranen ihre'
Privi legi erung erhielten, ursprunglich aus Moesia inferior kamen, konnte jedenfalls
ein Zusammenhang zwischen den beiden Vorgăngen bestehen.
190
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
2.	Eine Konstitution Hadrians aus dem Jahr 134 fur Dacia inferior
Fragment aus der rechten oberen Ecke von tabella I eines Diploms (Abb. 2
a-b), dessen urspriinglicher Rând oben und rechts erhalten ist. Der Rahmen der
Tafel wird von zwei leicht eingeritzten Linien gebildet. Sehr auBergewbhnlich ist,
dass auf der Innenseite von tabella 1 nicht wie tiblich nochmals, beginnend mit der
Kaisertitulatur, der Privi legierungstext steht; vielmehr erscheint hier derjenige
Text, der normalerweise auf der Innenseite von tabella II steht, beginnend in dieser
Zeit mit dem Tages- und Monatsdatum sowie den Namen der beiden Konsuln, die
bereits in abgekiirzter Form angefuhrt werden. Vermutlich wurde bei der Gravie-
rung des Textes mit der AuBenseite begonnen, dann aber wurden die Innenseiten
verwechselt und so der normale Text der Innenseite von tabella II auf der
Innenseite von tabella I eingetragen.
Abb. 2 a-b.
MaBe: Hbhe: 5,6 cm; Breite 4,2 cm; Dicke 1 mm; Buchstabenhbhe: auBen:
4 mm; innen: 3 mm. Gewicht: 15 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen:
AuBenseite:
[IMP CAES DIVI TRAIANI PART]HICI F DIVI NER
[VAE NEPOS TRAIANVS HADR1A]NVS AVG PONT
[MAXIM TRIB POT XVIII COS] III P P
[EQVITIB ET PEDITIB QVI MILITA]VER IN ALIS II ET
[COHORT II QVAE APPELL I CL GA]LLOR CAPITON ET
[—	ET II] FLAV NVM1DAR
[ET	— ET S]VNT IN DAC IN
[FERIOR SVB	] QVINQ ET VIG
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
191
[INTI STIPEND EMERIT DIMISS H]ONEST MISSION
[QVORNOMINA SVBSCRIPT SVNT] O[IPS]IS LIBER
Innenseite:
[—] NOV
[—]O MACRO COS
Der auf der Innenseite erhaltene Rest des Konsulatsdatums verwirrt
zunăchst. Denn die Ablativform Macro lăsst zunăchst an das Cognomen Macer
denken. Doch kennen wir unter Hadrian, unter dem das Diplom wegen p(ater)
p(atriae) in der Titulatur, nicht vor dem Jahr 128 ausgestellt worden ist, und zwar
in den letzten Monaten des Jahres 134, das Suffektkonsulnpaar P. Licinius Pansa
und L. Attius Macro. Das Cognomen des zweiten Konsuls ist im Nominativ aus zwei
Dedikationen an Gottheiten in der Form Macro bekannt ist; da er die Weihungen
personlich veranlasst hat, die zudem an zwei verschiedenen Orten erfolgten, ist
Macro sicherlich der richtige Name10. In dem Diplom hat der Schreiber offen-
sichtlich an das weit hăufigere Cognomen Macer gedacht und deshalb die Ablativ-
form als Macro, statt Macrone geschrieben11. Genau diesen Irrtum findet man
auch in zwei weiteren Diplomen12:
CIL XVI 79:
Innenseite: a(nte) d(iem) XVII K(alendas) Oc(tobres) P. Licinio Pansa,
L. Attio Macrone co(n)s(ulibus)
AuBenseite: a(nte) d(iem) XVII K(alendas) Octobr(es) P. Licinio Pansa,
L. Attio Macro co(n)s(ulibus) und
CIL XVI 80:
AuBenseite: [a(nte) d(iem) XVII K(alendas) Nov(embres)] P. Licinio Pansa,
L. [Att]io Macro co(n)s(ulibus).
Mit der Identifizierung des Konsulnpaars passt auch der Rest der
Monatsangabe NOV zusammen; die bisher bekannten Zeugnisse fur das Konsuln-
paar fuhren in den September und Oktober. Vermutlich waren beide wie in dieser
Zeit iiblich fur vier Monate, von September bis Dezember, im Amt.
Die Konstitution, die bisher noch nicht durch ein Diplom bezeugt war,
wurde fur die Soldaten von zwei Alen und vermutlich auch von zwei, eher nicht
10 CIL III 4356 = 11077 (Brigetio) und II 5083 = Dessau 2289 (Legio).
11 Dass man die Form als Abkiirzung fur Macro(ne) verstehen solite, ist eher unwahrscheinlich.
12 In RGZM 26, in dem die gleichen Konsuln genannt sind, ist Macros Name verloren.
192
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
von drei Kohorten ausgestellt. Die im Text noch lesbaren Namen der ala I Claudia
Gallorum Capitoniana sowie die cohors II Flavia Numidarum sind mehrfach in
Diplomen auch fur Dacia inferior bezeugt. Eine der beiden fehlenden Alen kbnnte
entweder die ala I Asturum oder die ala I Hispanorum sein.
Der Name des Statthalters fehlt in dem Diplom. Es kbnnte sich um einen
Prăsidialprokurator handeln, der zwischen Claudius Constans und Flavius
Constans dort amtiert hat. Doch lăsst sich das mit den zur Zeit vorhandenen
•	•	1 7
Zeugnissen nicht entscheiden . Folgender Text lăsst sich rekonstruieren:
[Imp(erator Caes(ar) divi Traiani Part]hici f(ilius), divi Ner[vae nepos,
Traianus Hadria]nus Aug(ustus) pont(ifex) [maxim(us), trib(unicia) pot(estate)
XVIII, co(n)s(ul)] III,p(ater) p(atriae)
[equitib(us) et peditib(us) qui milita]ver(unt) in alis II et [cohort(ibus) II
quae appell(antur) I Cl(audia) Ga]llor(um) Capiton(iana) et [— et II] Flav(ia)
Numidar(um) [et — et s]unt in Dac(ia) in[ferior(e) sub —] quinq(ue) et vig[inti
stipend(is) emerit(is) dimiss(is) h]onest(a) mission(e) [quor(um) nomina
subscript(a) sunt ips]is liber(is) [posterisq(ue) eorum civitatem dedit —
A(nte) d(iem) — ] Nov(embres) [Pansa et] Macro co(n)s(ulibus).
3.	Eine Konstitution des Antoninus Pins aus dem Jahr 150
fur Dacia inferior
Fragment aus der linken oberer Ecke von tabella I eines Diploms (Abb. 3 a-b)
links und oben ist der Rând erhalten. Zwei Linien rahmen die Tafel ein.
Mafie: Hohe: 4 cm; Breite 3,9 cm; Dicke 1 mm; Buchstabenhbhe: aufien: 4
mm; innen: 5 mm. Gewicht: 14 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen:
Fig. 3 a-b.
13 Siehe dazu in Kurze den 2. Bând der Fasti provinciae Daciae von I. Piso.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
193
AuBenseite:
IMP CAES DIVI [HADRIANI FIL DIVI TRAIA]
NI PARTHIC N[EP DIVI NERVAE PRON T AELI]
VS HADRIANV[S ANTONINVS AVG PIVS]
PONT MAX TRI[B POT XIII COS III P P]
EQVIT ET PEDI[T QVI MIL IN AL III ET NVME]
RO EQVIT ILLY[R ET COH VIIII QVAE APP I]
ASTVR ET HI[SP ET I CL GALL CAPIT ET I FL]
COMMAG[EN ET I BRACARAVG ET I TYR SAG]
Innenseite:
IMP CAES[—]
PARTHIC N[—]
DRIANVS [—]
POT XIII[—]
Das Fragment bezeugt durch die Namen der Einheiten, die erhalten
geblieben sind, eine Konstitution flir Dacia inferior. Die Abfolge der Einheiten, so
wie sie noch zu erkennen sind, entspricht genau der, wie sie in RMD I 39 und IV
269 erscheinen; das erstere Diplom stammt aus dem Jahr 140, das zweite aus dem
Jahr 146. Dieses neue gehort auf Grund der tribunicia potestas XIII auf der Innen-
seite in den Zeitraum vom 10. Dezember 149 bis zum 9. Dezember 150; freilich ist
auch bei der tribunicia potestas die Ziffer XIIII nicht vollig ausgeschlossen, da sie
am Bruchrand steht; dann ware die Konstitution ein Jahr spăter ausgestellt; doch
ist diese Lesung wenig wahrscheinlich. Das Dokument bezeugt jedenfalls sehr
deutlich die Kontinuităt der Besatzung von Dacia inferior in diesen Jahren.
Das Diplom dokumentiert eine bisher unbekannte Konstitution, die auf
Grund des fragmentarischen Charakters des Diploms jedoch keine weiteren
Informationen bietet. Der Statthaltemame kann nicht ergănzt werden, da nicht
bekannt ist, wer im Jahr 150 n. Chr. als Prăsidialprokurator amtierte. Der
rekonstruierte Text lautet folgendermaBen:
Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi [Hadriani f(ilius), divi Traia]ni Parthic(i) n[ep(os),
divi Nervae pron(epos), T(itus) Aeli]us Hadrianus [Antoninus Aug(ustus) Pius]
pont(ifex) max(imus), trib(unicia)] pot(estate) XIII, [co(n)s(ul) III,p(ater) p(atriae)]
equit(ibus) et pedi[t(ibus) qui mil(itaverunt) in al(is) III et nume]ro
eq(uitum) Illy[r(icorum) et coh(ortibus) VIIII q(uae) app(ellantur) I] Astur(um) et
Hi[sp(anorum) et I Cl(audia) Gal(lorum) Cap(itoniana) et I Fl(avia)] Comma-
g[en(orum) et I Bracaraug(ustanorum) et I Tyr(orum) sag(ittaria) et —] etc.
194
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
II.	Dacia superior
4.	Konstitution fiir die Truppen von Dacia superior vom 29. Juni 120
Fast vollstăndige tabella II eines Diploms ist erhalten (Abb. 4 a-b), die
leichte Ausbruche an den Răndem, vor aliem am unteren Rând sowie ein Loch in
der rechten Seite aufweist. Auf der AuBenseite sind noch die Spuren zu sehen, die
die Verlotung der Kappe zum Schutz der Siegel hinterlassen hat. Das Konsulndatum
auf der Innenseite scheint nachgetragen zu sein, da die Buchstaben sich vom
sonstigen Text unterscheiden und auch deutlich groBer geschrieben sind.
MaBe: Hohe: 12,7 cm; Breite 16,5 cm; Dicke 0,5 mm; Buchstabenhohe:
auBen: 6-7 mm; innen: 4 mm. Gewicht: 111 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen:
Innenseite:
EORVM CIVITATEM DEDIT ET CONVBIVM
CVM VXORIBVS QVAS TVNC HABVISSENT
CVM EST CfVITAS IIS DATA AVT SI QVI CAELIBES
ESSENT CVM IIS QVAS POSTEA DVXISSENT DVM
TAXAT SINGVLI SINGVLAS AD III K IVL
C PVBLICIO O MARCELLO COS
L RVTILIO PROPINQVO
ALAE HISPANORVM CVI PRAEST
C FIDVS Q F GAL LOREIANVS
EX GREGALE
ADIVTORI PSI F [BE]SSO
O
vacat
vacat
vacat
AuBenseite:
L	ATTEI	ATTEIANI
M	IVNI O	EVTYCHI
P	ATINI	FLO[RI]
Q	FABI	ITI
L	PVLLI	ANTHI
T	CLAVDI O	EROTIS
P	ATINI	CRESCENTIS
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
195

■fe-	'. V

Fig. 4 a-b.
196
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
Die Konstitution Hadrians wurde am 29. Juni 120 in Rom publiziert, so wie
auch eine Konstitution fur die Palmyreni sagittarii, die ebenfalls in Dacia superior
standen (CIL XVI 68; RMD I 17), und eine weitere Konstitution fur die Provinz
Macedonia (CIL XVI 67). In allen drei Dokumenten erscheinen die amtierenden
Konsuln in derselben Form. Die gemeinsame Publikation verschiedener Btirger-
rechtserlasse am selben Tag ist inzwischen mehrfach bezeugt.
Diese neue Konstitution wurde vermutlich ebenfalls fur das Heer von Dacia
superior ausgestellt, da die Einheit des Empfângers, die ala Hispanorum durch ein
Diplom vom 12. November 119 als Teii dieses Provinzheeres bezeugt ist'4. Im
Jahr 129 gehbrt die ala dann zum exercitus von Dacia inferior15. Dass der Wechsel
der Einheit von Dacia superior nach inferior in den wenigen Monaten zwischen
dem 12. November 119 und dem 29. Juni 120 erfolgt ist, erscheint wenig wahr-
scheinlich, da sich die Lage im gesamten dakischen Gebiet, wo Dacia superior
wegen der Stationierung der damals einzigen Legion die militarische Hauptlast zu
tragen hatte, erst allmăhlich beruhigte. Wenn das zutrifft und die Einheit noch zu
Dacia superior gehbrte, dann ist im Diplomtext lulius Severus als Statthalter
genannt gewesen.
Wichtig ist aber, dass, wenn die Zuweisung an Dacia superior zutrifft, dann
am selben Tag zwei verschiedene Konstitutionen fur Truppen dieser Provinz
verdffentlicht wurden: die Konstitution, die durch CIL XVI 68 und RMD I 17 (fur
die Palmyreni sagittarii) bezeugt ist, und dann diese neue fur weitere Auxi-
liartruppen derselben Provinz. Zwei Konstitutionen fur dasselbe Provinzheer an
einem Tag sind auch sonst gelegentlich bezeugt, wie etwa fur die Truppen von
Moesia in den Jahren 75 und 78 , sowie fur Syrien im Jahr 88 und im Jahr 91 .
Im Fall der beiden Konstitutionen, wenn sie tatsăchlich fur Dacia superior
bestimmt sind, ist der Grund fur die beiden separaten Ausfertigungen offensicht-
lich: Wăhrend die neue Konstitution nach der Ublichen Urkundenform gestaltet ist,
14	RMD V 351; so der Vorschlag von P. Holder, wăhrend Eck - MacDonald - Pangerl in AMN
38, 2001 (Anm. 1), 27 ff. urspriinglich die ala Hispanorum Campagonum vorgeschlagen hatten.
Siehe jetzt die revidierte und ergănzte Fassung des Diploms vom 12. November 119 bei W. Eck -
A. Pangerl, Ein Diplom fur die Truppen von Dacia superior unter dem K.ommando des Marcius
Turbo im Jahr 119 n. Chr., Acta Musei Napocensis 41—42/1, 2004/5 [2007], 61 ff.
15	CIL XVI 75.
16	Siehe dazu zwei Aufsătze von Peter WeiB sowie von Wemer Eck und Andreas Pangerl in
Chiron 38, 2008, 269 ff. und 317 ff.
17	W. Eck - A. Pangerl, Syria unter Domitian und Hadrian: Neue Diplome fur die
Auxiliartruppen der Provinz, Chiron 36, 2006, 205 ff.; P. WeiB, Die Auxilien des syrischen Heeres
von Domitian bis Antoninus Pius, Chiron, 36, 2006, 249 ff.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
197
also fur Veteranen und ihre Kinder, wobei auch das conubium vergeben wurde,
erhielten die Palmyreni sagittarii zwar noch wăhrend der Dienstzeit die civitas,
jedoch nur sie selbst, nicht jedoch auch fur etwaige Kinder; femer wurde das
conubium nicht gewăhrt. Diese Besonderheiten hătten, wenn man alle damals in
Dacia superior stationierten Truppen in eine Urkunde zusammengeschlossen hătte,
ein so kompliziertes Formular erfordert, dass man vermutlich deshalb die beiden
Rechtsakte in zwei Urkunden fasste.
Das Diplom ging an einen Bessus mit dem rdmischen Namen Adiutor,
dessen Vater mit dem Namen Psi angegeben wird. Der Name des Empfangers des
Diploms ist recht hăufig18, allerdings kennt man bisher in dieser friihen Zeit noch
kein Beispiel dafur, dass Soldaten, die aus Thrakien stammen, ein rbmisches Cog-
nomen annehmen, auBer sie haben bereits das Burgerrecht und dann einen vollen
dreigliedrigen rdmischen Namen.
Neu und nicht erklărbar ist der Vatersname Psi. Wie der Nominativ gelautet
haben konnte, ist nicht klar, da der Name thrakisch ist. In einem Diplom ebenfalls
fur Dacia superior findet sich der Name Heptapori Isi f. Besso'9. Man ist zwar
versucht, in beiden Diplomen denselben Namen anzunehmen. Doch sind die
Lesungen in beiden Făllen sicher.
Die ala Hispanorum, aus der der Veteran stammte, unterstand im Jahr 120
dem Prăfekten C. Fidus Q. f. Gal(eria tribu) Loreianus. Diese Nomenklatur ist in
zweierlei Hinsicht auffăllig. Zum einen wird hier Fidus, das als Cognomen hăufig
bezeugt ist, als Gentile verwendet, was bisher nicht belegt zu sein scheint20. Dass
es hier als Gentile angesehen wird, ergibt sich aus der Stellung der Filiation und
der Tribus; das ist jedenfalls die wahrscheinlichste Erklărung. Ebenso ist
offensichtlich das Cognomen Loreianus, das auf das Gentile Loreius zuriickgeht,
bisher nicht bezeugt21.
Die Zeugen finden sich genau in dieser Reihenfolge auch auf den beiden
Diplomen fur die Palmyreni sagittarii, ebenso zum Teii in einem weiteren
Diplomfragment, das eine zweite Kopie dieser neuen Konstitution darstellt. Dieses
Fragment wird, wie uns Paul Holder dankenswerter Weise mitteilte, in Kiirze von
ihm publiziert werden. Die Rekonstruktion des Diplomtextes lautet:
18 Siehe OPEL21 22.
19 CIL XVI 108, 8. Juli 158.
20 Bei H. Solin - O. Salomies, Repertorium nominum gentilium et cognominum Latinorum,
Berlin' 1994, 79 kommt Fidus so nicht vor.
21 Siehe Solin - Salomies (Anm. 20) 353; lediglich Lorenianus ist dort zu finden. Auch in der
Datenbank Clauss ist der Name nicht vorhanden.
198
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
[Imp(erator) Caesar divi Traiani Parthici f(ilius), divi Nervae nepos,
Traianus Hadrianus Aug(ustus) pontif(ex) max(imus), trib(unicia) potest(ate) IUI,
co(n)s(ul) III
equitibus et peditibus qui militaverunt in ala/is — et cohortibus — quae
appellantur Hispanorum et —et — quae sunt in Dacia superiore sub lulio Severa
quinque et viginti stipendiis emeritis dimissis honesta missione
quorum nomina subscripta sunt ipsis liberis posterisque] eorum civitatem
dedit et conubium cum uxoribus quas tune habuissent, cum est civitas iis data, aut
si qui caelibes essent, cum iis quas postea duxissent dumtaxat singuli singulas.
A(nte) d(iem) III k(alendas) lul(ias) G(aio) Publicio Marcello, L(ucio)
Rutilio Propinquo co(n)s(ulibus).
Alae Hispanorum, cui praest G(aius) Fidus Q(uinti) f(ilius) Gal(eria tribu)
Loreianus
ex gregale Adiutori Psi f(ilio) [Be]sso.
[Descriptum et recognitum ex tabula aenea quae fixa est Romae in muro
post templum divi Aug(usti) ad Minervam].
L(uci) Attei Atteianv, M(arci) luni Eutychv, L(uci) Atini Flo[rifi, Q(uinti)
Fabi Iti; L(uci) Pulli Anthv, Ti(beri) Claudi Erotis', P(ubli) Atini Crescentis.
5.	Eine Konstitution des Antoninus Pius vom September 152
fur Dacia superior
Erhalten ist ein Fragment aus der linken Mitte von tabella I eines Diploms
(Abb. 5 a-b). Der Rând ist links noch bewahrt. Zwei nicht sehr tiefe Linien, die
den Rahmen bildeten, sind noch erkennbar. Erhalten ist auch das linke
Bindungsloch der tabella I.
Fig. 5 a-b.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
199
MaBe: Hbhe: 5,5 cm; Breite 4,5 cm; Dicke 1,5 mm; Buchstabenhdhe:
auBen: 3 mm; innen: 4-5 mm. Gewicht: 21 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen:
AuBenseite:
ET II GALL [—]
ET VEXIL EX[—]
MAVR GEN[—
DATIO SEVER[—]
PLVRVE STI[—]
O
QVOR NOMIN[—]
ROMAN QVI EO[—]
NVB CVM VXO[—]
CIVIT IS DATA AVT[—]
DVMTAX SING[—]
C	NOVIO[—]
L	I[-]
Innenseite:
[—]IVI HADRIANI F[—]
[—]N DIVI NERVAE [—]
[—]VS ANTONINV[—]
[—]POT XV IMP II[—]
O
[—]MIL IN A[—]
Das neue Diplom geht auf eine bisher nicht bekannte Konstitution des
Antoninus Pius aus dem Jahr 152 zuriick. Die Datierung ergibt sich aus der 15.
tribunicia potestas des Pius, die vom 10. Dezember 151 bis zum 9. Dezember 152
geht. Im Jahr 152 amtierten femer die Suffektkonsuln C. Novius Priscus und L.
lulius Romulus von Juli bis September, deren Namen im Diplom partiell noch zu
lesen sind. Ihre Namen scheinen auf diesem Diplom nicht nachgetragen, sondem
zusammen mit dem anderen Text geschrieben worden zu sein.
Mit diesen Suffektkonsuln sind noch weitere Biirgerrechtskonstitutionen
datiert, so eine fur die Truppen von Germania inferior vom 5. September22, fur die
22 W. Eck - A. Pangerl, Neue Diplome fur die Heere von Germania superior und Germania
inferior, ZPE 148, 2004, 259 ff., RMD V 408; RGZM 35.
200
Werner Eck, Andreas Pangerl
Flotte von Ravenna vom selben Datum23 und fur die Truppen von Pannonia
inferior, wofiir keine genauere Datierung erhalten ist; doch darf man vermuten,
dass auch diese Konstitution am 5. September publiziert wurde24.
Die Burgerrechtsverleihung war fur die Truppen von Dacia superior
bestimmt. Das ergibt sich zum einen aus der Nennung des Statthalters Sedatius
Severianus, dessen voller Name M. Sedatius Severianus lulius Acer Metilius
Nepos Rufinus Ti. Rutilianus Censor lautet und der am 1. Juli 153 seinen
Suffektkonsulat antrat25, wozu sich Gesandte aus Dacia superior nach Rom
aufmachten, um ihren bisherigen Statthalter zu ehren26. Er war zumindest von ca.
151 bis wohl im Jahr 153 Legat von Oberdakien27. Sodann aber weisen auf Dacia
superior auch die wenigen Namen von Einheiten hin, die in dem Fragment noch
erscheinen:
II GALL[—],
VEXIL EX[—] und eine Einheit der
MAVR GEN[—].
Die an erster Stelle genannte Einheit, sicher eine Kohorte, ist vermutlich
mit der cohors II Gallorum Pannonica identisch, die in Diplomen von 136/3828
und 15729 als Teii des Heeres von Dacia superior bezeugt ist. Allerdings konnte es
sich auch um die cohors II Gallorum Dacica handeln, die ebenfalls in Dacia
superior stand und die sowohl im Jahr 136/830 als auch im Jahr 14431 genannt wird;
CIL XVI 100.
24 RMD III 167; das Datum dort muss jedenfalls von September/Oktober zu Juli-September
verăndert werden, da die beiden Konsuln, anders als dies noch bei A. Degrassi, I fasti consolări,
Rom 1952, 43 angegeben ist, nicht erst in diesen Monaten im Amt waren, sondem von Juli-
September, da die Amtszeiten der Suffektpaare jeweils drei Monate dauerten; siehe dazu W. Eck -
A. Pangerl, Weitere Militărdiplome fur die mauretanischen Provinzen,, ZPE 162, 2007, 235 ff.
25 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses, Prag2 1984, 51.
26 CIL III 1562 = Dessau 3896.
27 Piso, Fasti I (Anm. 2) 61 ff. Siehe zu seiner Person noch PIR2 S 306, femer J. Hienard,
L’inscription de Poitiers dans l’honneur du senateur Severianus. Trente ans apres, in: Revue histo-
rique du Centre-Ouest, Poitiers, 6, 2007, 251 ff.; die Rekonstruktion des Monuments ist in der bei
Hienard vorgeschlagenen Form nicht sehr wahrscheinlich. Die Basis diirfte in Wirklichkeit wohl
weniger breit gewesen sein.
28 RMD V 384.
29 CIL XVI 107.
30 RMD V 384.
31 CIL XVI 90.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
201
auch in CIL XVI 107 vom Jahr 156 kann ihr Name ergănzt werden . Auf Grund
des in dieser Zeile danach noch vorhandenen Platzes miisste mindestens noch eine
(wenn nicht sogar noch eine zweite) Kohorte gefolgt sein; doch lăsst sich iiber den
oder die Namen nichts aussagen, da in den Diplomen dieser Provinz die Einheiten
nicht entsprechend ihrer Ordnungsziffer angefuhrt werden. Wie viele Einheiten im
Text vorangegangen sind, entzieht sich uns vollig.
Wichtig sind die zu Beginn der beiden folgenden Zeilen genannten
militărischen Abteilungen: zum einen vexil(larii), die aus einer bestimmten Provinz
kommen (deshalb ex [—]}, und andererseits Mauri gentiles. Sie finden sich
zusammen allein in einem Diplom fur Dacia superior aus dem Jahr 158 und zwar
in der Form: et vex(illariis) Afric(ae) et Mau[r] et(aniae) Caes(ariensis) qui sunt
cum Maur(is) gentilib(us) in Dacia super(iorej^.
Genau diese Formulierung aus CIL XVI 108 in das neue Fragment
einzusetzen, ist freilich nicht mdglich, da hierfur der Platz nicht ausreicht. Doch
konnte der Text unter Beriicksichtigung der fur andere Zeilen relativ sicher zu
erschlieBenden Buchstabenzahl etwa folgendermaBen gelautet haben:
ET VEXIL EX [AFRIC ET MAVR QVAE SVNT CVM]
oder vielleicht lediglich
ET VEXIL EX [MAVR CAES QVI SVNT CVM]
MAVR GEN[TIL IN DACIA SVPERIOR SVB SE]
DATIO SEVER[IANO LEG QVINQ ET VIGINTI]
PLVRVE STI[PEN EMERIT DIMISS HON MISS]
QVOR NOMIN[A SVBSCRIP SVNT CIVITATEM]
ROMAN QVI EO[R NON HABER DEDIT ET CO]
NVB CVM VXO[R QVAS TVNC HAB CVM EST]
CIVIT IS DATA AVT[ CVM IS QVAS POST DVX]
DVMTAX SING[VLIS].
Bisher waren diese vexillarii Africae et Mauretaniae Caesariensis als
Truppen angesehen worden, die erst unter dem Statthalter Statius Priscus aus
Anlass eines Krieges gegen freie Daker und Jazygen ca. 157/58 in die Provinz
nordlich der Donau abkommandiert worden seien34. Nunmehr aber sind sowohl
vexil(larii) ex [Afric(a) et Maur(etania)] oder ex [Maur(etania) Caes(ariensi)] als
32	Dankenswerter Hinweis von Paul Holder.
33	CIL XVI 108.
34	So z.B. Piso (Anm. 2) 70 f.
202
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
auch Mauri gentiles bereits fur das Jahr 152 bezeugt. Der Grund fur ihre
Transferierung nach Dakien lag also weit friiher, er kann nicht in irgendwelchen
Kămpfen erst unter Statius Priscus gesehen werden. Doch scheint es in unserer
Uberlieferung keinen konkreten Hinweis darauf zu geben, worin man die Ursache
sehen konnte. Doch muss es sich um emsthafte Auseinandersetzungen gehandelt
haben, da man sonst nicht aus Mauretania Caesariensis Truppen in die Provinz
nordlich der Donau versetzt hâtte; denn gerade in dieser Zeit waren in den beiden
Mauretaniae Kămpfe im Gang, die dorthin die Absendung von Vexillationen aus
Pannonien erfordert hatten35. Vielleicht war es die besondere Kampfesweise der
Truppen aus Africa und Mauretania, die ihre Absendung nach Dakien bedingt hatte.
Folgender Konstitutionstext lâsst sich rekonstruieren:
[Imp(erator) Caes(ar) d]ivi Hadriani f(ilius), [divi Traiani Parthici] n(epos),
divi Nervae [pron(epos), T(itus) Aelius Hadrian]us Antoninu[s Aug(ustus) Pius
pont(ifex) max(imus), tr(ibunicia)] pot(estate) XV, imp(erator) II, [co(n)s(ul) IV,
p(ater) p(atriae)
equit(ibus) et pedit(ibus) qui] mil(itaverunt) in a[lis quae appel(lantur) — et
coh(ortibus) — II Gall(orum) — et vexil(lariis) ex Afric(a) oder Maur(etania)
Caes(ariensi) qui sunt cum] Maur(is) gen[tilib(us) in Dacia super(iore) sub
Sejdatio Sever[iano quinq(ue) et vigint(i)] plur(ibus)ve sti[pendis emer(itis)
dimis(sis) hon(esta) mis(sione)] quorum nomin[a subscript(a) sunt civitatem]
Roman(am), qui eo[rum non hab(erent) dedit et co]nubium cum uxo[ribus quas
tune habuissent cum est] civitas is data aut [cum iis quas postea duxissent]
dumtax(at) sing[ulis.
A(nte) d(iem) —] G(aio) Novio [Prisco], L(ucio) I[ulio Romulo
co(n)s(ulibus)] etc.
Im Jahr 152 ist eine recht groBe Anzahl von Biirgerrechtskonstitutionen des
Antoninus Pius bezeugt. Es sind dies bisher:
RGZM 33	1 Mărz	Prătorianer/Urbaniciani
RMD V 406	Apr./Juni	Pannonia superior
RMD 407 = ZPE 162, 2007, 235 ff.	April/Juni	Mauretania Caesariensis
CIL XVI 100	5. September	Classis Ravennas
ZPE 148, 2004, 259 ff., RMD V 408; RGZM 35	5. September	Germania inferior
RMD III 167	Juli/September?	Pannonia inferior
dieses Diplom	Juli/September	Dacia superior
35 Siehe z. B. CIL XVI 99; RGZM 32; RMD V 398. 405.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
203
Dies sind insgesamt sieben verschiedene Konstitutionen, die von Pius
erlassen worden sind. Und doch diirfte auch dies nur ein kleiner Teii der Biirger-
rechtserlasse sein, die in diesem Jahr die kaiserliche Kanzlei verlieBen'6. Es ist
auch bedeutsam zu sehen, dass bis zum Jahr 1955, als das Supplement zu CIL XVI
erschien, iiberhaupt nur eine Konstitution aus diesem Jahr bekannt war. Seitdem
sind sechs weitere bezeugt. Diese zeigen zwar nur einen winzigen Ausschnitt aus
dem biirokratischen Alltag des Kaisers und seiner Biiros; dennoch wird auf diese
Weise deutlich, wie dicht gefullt er in der Realităt gewesen sein muss, wenn so
relativ viele Vorgănge durch die Diplome noch heute erfasst werden konnen.
III.	Dacia Porolissensis
6.	Eine Konstitution von Marcus Aurelius und Lucius Verus
vom 21. Juli 164
Fragment von tabella I eines Diploms (Abb. 6 a-b), das etwas mehr als die
obere linke Hălfte des urspriinglichen Diploms reprăsentiert. Links und oben ist
der Rând erhalten, der Rahmen wird von zwei nur leicht eingetieften Linien gebil-
det. Rechts unten ist in Verbindung mit dem freien Platz am Ende der beschrie-
benen Flăche noch ein Bindungsloch zu sehen.
Fig. 6 a-b.
36 Vgl. W. Eck, Die Ausstellung von Biirgerrechtskonstitutionen: Ein Blick in den Arbeitsalltag
des rdmischen Kaisers, in: Amministrare un Impero. Roma e le sue province, hg. A. Baroni, Trento
2007, 89 ff.
204
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
MaBe: Hohe: 7,7 cm; Breite 7,2 cm; Dicke 1 mm; Buchstabenhohe: auBen: 3
mm; innen: 4 mm. Gewicht: 46 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen:
AuBenseite:
IMP CAESAR MARCVS AVR[—]
AVG ARMENIAC PONTIFEX [—]
NIC POTEST XIIX	IMP I[—]
IMP CAESAR LVCIVS AVREL[—]
MENIACVS TRIBVN POT IV[—]
DIVI ANTONINI FILI DIVI H[—]
DIVI TRAIANI PARTHICI [—]
DIVI NERVAE	AD[—]
EQVITIBVS ET PEDITIBVS QVI M[—]
TRIBVS QVAE APPELLANT II GA[—]
ET SILIAN CR ET I TVNGR FRO[—]
ET DVABVS I BRITTON oo ET I[—]
ET I HISPAN oo ET I BATAV ET I[—]
NERV BRITTON oo ET II BRITAN[—]
oo ET I CANNANEF ET II HISP [—]
ET VI THRAC ET SVNT IN DAC[—]
SVB SEMPRONIO INOPEN[—]
vacat	O
Innenseite:
IMP CAES LVCIVS AVRELIVS VE[—]
PONT MAX TRIB POT XVIII IMP[—]
IMP CAES LVCIVS AVRELIVS VERVS[—]
IUI IMP II PROCOS COS II DIV[—]
DRIANINEPOTES DIVI TRAIA[—]
DIVI NERVAE AD[—]
EQVITIBVS ET PEDITIBVS QVI MIL[—]
LOR ET PANNON ET PANNO ET II TV[—]
O
TON oo ET I BRITTANORM EQV[—]
NOR oo ET I AELIA GAESAT ET II NE[—]
oo ET I HISPANOR oo ET I PANN[—]
LINGON ET VI THRAC[—]
SI SVB SEMPRONIO IN[—]
[—	]PEND[—]
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
205
Das Diplom gehort zu einer groBen Zahl von Kopien einer Konstitution,
die von Marc Aurel und Lucius Verus am 21. Mai 164 fur die Truppen von Dacia
Porolissensis unter dem Prăsidialprokurator Sempronius Ingenuus erlassen worden
war. Bisher kennt man folgende mehr oder weniger fragmentarischen Diplome:
CIL XVI 185; RMD I 63. 64. 66. II 115. 116. 117. IV 289. Zusammen mit
diesem neuen Diplom sind dies insgesamt neun Kopien dieses Erlasses. Das ist,
wenn man von der Konstitution des Pius vom Jahr 160 flir die Flotte von Misenum
absieht, von der schon dreizehn Diplome bezeugt sind37, die hochste Zahl von
Urkunden, die auf denselben Btirgerrechtserlass zuruckgehen. Ein spezifischer
Grund, weshalb offensichtlich 25 Jahre friiher, also im Jahr 138/9 n. Chr., so viele
Rekruten in das Heer von Dacia Porolissenssis aufgenommen und dann folgerich-
tig sehr viele Veteranen im Jahr 164 dort entlassen wurden und ihre Privilegien
erhielten, ist bisher nicht zu sehen. Doch eine besondere Situation im Jahr 138/9 ist
zu fordem. Denn sonst miisste man besondere Uberlieferungsbedingungen fur
diese Diplome voraussetzen, wozu aber kein Anlass zu bestehen scheint. Die Frage
nach dem Grund fur die hohe Rekrutierung im Jahr 138/9 bleibt zur Zeit offen.
Die Abfolge der drei Alen und zwolf Kohorten in der Truppenliste ist durch
die vielen Kopien bekannt. Auf der Innenseite dieses Diploms sind mehrere
Abweichungen vom sonst verwendeten Text zu beobachten. So wird nach der ala
Gallorum et Pannoniorum nochmals eine ala Panno(niorum) angefuhrt, was wohl
eine partielle Widerholung des Namens der vorangehenden Einheit ist; dagegen
fehlt die ala Siliana. AnschlieBend fehlt die Zwischeniiberschrift et cohortibus
decern et duabus. Auch schon am Anfang des Innentextes steht ein massiver Irrtum.
Denn statt des Namens des Marc Aurel wird der des Lucius Verus gesetzt, wobei
die Elemente der Titulatur dennoch die von Marcus sind. Dies lăsst erkennen, dass
die Uberpriifung des Textes durch die sieben Zeugen keineswegs sorgfăltig gewesen
sein kann38. Folgender rekonstruierter Text ergibt sich fur dieses Diplom39 :
Imp(erator) Caesar Marcus Aur[elius Antoninus] Aug(ustus) Armeniac(us)
pontifex [maximus tribu]nic(ia) potest(ate) XIIX imp(erator) I[I co(n)s(ul) III et
Imp(erator) Caesar Lucius Aurel[ius Verus Aug(ustus) Ar]meniacus
tribun(icia) pot(estate) IV [imp(erator) II proco(n)s(ul) co(n)s(ul) II]
divi Antonini fiii, divi H[a]driani nepotes, divi Traiani Parthici [pronepotes],
divi Nervae ad[nepotes]
37 W. Eck, Rom herausfordem: Bar Kochba im Kampf gegen das Imperium Romanum. Das Bild
des Bar Kochba-Aufstandes im Spiegel der neuen epigraphischen Uberlieferung, Rom 2007, 33 ff.
38 AusschlieBen kann man, dass das Diplom vielleicht eine Fâlschung sein konnte.
39 Es wird hier nicht versucht, die Fehler vor aliem der Innenseite in die Rekonstruktion aufzunehmen.
206
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
equitibus et peditibus qui mil[itaverunt in alis] tribus quae appellant(ur) (1) II
Ga[l]lor(um) et Pannon(iorum) et (2) Silian(a) c(ivium) R(omanorum) et (3) I
Tungr(orum) Fro[n]ton(iana) et cohortibus decern] et duabus (1) I Britonn(um)
(milliaria) et (2) I [Britann(ica) equitat(a)] et (3) I Hisp(anorum) (milliaria) et (4)
I Batav(orum) et (5) I Ael(ia) Gaesat(orum) et (6) II Nerv(iana) Britt(onum)
(milliaria) et (7) II Britan[n(orum)] (milliaria) et (8) I Hisp(anorum) (milliaria) et
(9) I Cannanef(atium) et (10) II Hisp(anorum) [et (11) V Lingonum] et (12) VI
Thrac(um) et sunt in Dac[ia Porolissen]si sub Sempronio Inge[nuo proc(uratore)
quinis et vicenis pluribusve sti]pend[is emeritis] etc.
7.	Eine Konstitution fur Dacia Porolissensis.
Kleines Fragment aus dem unteren Teii von tabella I eines Diploms. Der
Rând ist unten noch in einem kleinen Stiick erhalten.
MaBe: Hohe: 2,8 cm; Breite 1,7 cm; Dicke: 0,5 mm; Buchstabenhdhe:
auBen: 4mm; innen: 4 mm. Gewicht: 3 Gramm. Folgendes ist zu lesen:
Fig. 7 a-b.
AuBenseite:
[-]+ EAE[—]
[—] VS [-]
[-]EXPE[-]
[-]ENE[-]
[DESCRIPT E]T RECO[NITVM EX TABVLA AEREA]
[QVAE FIXA] EST RO[MAE IN MVRO POST TEM]
[PLVM DIV]I A[VG AD MINVERVAM]
Innenseite:
[-] ++++[-]
[GALL ET PANN ET SILIA]N ET TVNG [FRONT—]
[—]ET I VLP BRIT[T oo —]
[—]ESA/oo [—]
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
207
Zur Lesung: Aufienseite letzte Zeile: I A sehr unsicher. Innenseite letzte
Zeile: nach ES kdnnte man ein A oder oo lesen.
Das kleine Fragment macht es durch die auf der Innenseite erkennbaren
Namen: einer Einheit der Tungri ohne Ordnungsziffer und eine I Ulpia Brit[—]
ziemlich sicher, dass es sich um eine Konstitution fur Dacia Porolissensis handelt.
In dem vollstandig erhaltenen Diplom RMD V 404 vom 24. September 151 wird
eine ala Tungrorum Frontiniana genannt, der zwei alae, eine Gal(lorum) et Pan(no-
niorum) und eine Silian(a) vorausgingen. Hier ist offensichtlich von Siliana nur
noch das N erhalten. In RMD V 404 folgt direkt auf die ala Tungrorum Frontini-
ana eine cohors I Ulpia Brittonum milliaria. Das kann in diesem Diplomfragment
nicht der Fall sein. Vielmehr muss noch eine weitere Einheit zwischen den beiden
genannten Einheiten gestanden haben. Welche das war, lăsst sich nicht ermitteln.
Jedenfalls kann dieses Fragment nicht eine weitere Kopie der Konstitution von
RMD V 404 darstellen, ebenso wenig eine Kopie von einer der anderen fur Dacia
Porolissensis bekannten Konstitutionen40. Fur die Zeitstellung des Diploms ist die
sehr schlampige Schrift auf der Innenseite wichtig, weil dies die Zeit vor der
Regierung des Antoninus Pius eher ausschliefit. Andererseits erscheinen auf der
Innenseite die Namen der einzelnen Einheiten, was in der Zeit zwischen 143/146
und 153 unterbleibt. Damit solite das Diplom am ehesten in die Spătzeit des Pius
oder in die ersten sieben Jahre Marc Aurels vor 167/68 gehoren, als die Ausstel-
lung von Bronzediplomen fur eine bestimmte Zeit eingestellt wurde41. Mehr lăsst
sich fur dieses Fragment nicht ermitteln. Der Text lautet in der Rekonstruktion:
[Imp. Caes. divi —
equitibus et peditibus qui militaverunt in alis — et cohortibusA2 — quae
appellantur et Gal(lorum) et Pan(noniorum) et Silia]n(a) et Tung(rorum)
[Front(oniana) et —] et I Ulp(ia) Brit[t(onum) (milliaria) et — et I Ael(ia)
Ga]es(atorum) (milliaria) [et —
Alae/Cohortis —]EAE[— cui praest —i]us [— expe[dite —]E NE[—
Descript(um) e]t reco[gnit(um) es tabula aerea quae fixa] est Ro[mae in
muro post templum div]i A[ug(usti) ad Minervam].
40 Siehe die Liste aller Diplome in RMD V p. 681 ff.
41 W. Eck - D. MacDonald, 33 ff. - A. Pangerl, Die Krise des romischen Reiches unter Marc
Aurel und ein Militărdiplom aus dem Jahr 177(7), Chiron 33, 2003, 365 ff.
42 Moglicherweise kam aber cohortibus erst nach der Aufzâhlung der Alen, was dann auf die
Zeit ab ca. 158 verweisen wiirde.
208
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
Appendix:
Liste aller bisher bekannten Konstitutionen und Diplome
fur die dakischen Provinzen.
1. Dacia (6 Konstitutionen):
Datum	Beleg	Provinz
a. 109 Oct. 14	RMD III 148	Dacia
a. llOFebr. 17	CIL XVI 57 RMD IV 220	Dacia
a. 110 Iul. 2	CIL XVI 163	Dacia
a. 110(106 Aug. 11)	CIL XVI 160 RMD V 343	Dacia
a. 113(Dec. 17)/a. 114 (Mai 2/3)	RMD IV 225	Dacia
a. 114 Mai 3/4	RMD IV 226 = RGZM 16	Dacia
2.	Dacia superior (19 Konstitutionen):
a. 119 Nov. 12	RMD 351 + AMN 41/42, 2004-2005, 6 Iff.	Dacia superior
a. 120 Iun. 29	CIL XVI 68 RMD I 17 RMD V 355	Dacia superior
a. 120 Iun. 29	AMN 43^14 Unpubliziert43	Dacia superior
a. 120 Mai 16/Iun. 13	RMD IV 232 = IDR III 5, 694	[Dacia superior?]
a. 121 April 5	RMDI 19 RMD V 357 ZPE 165,2008,213 ff. ZPE 166, 2008 (im Druck)	Dacia superior
a. 118/122	RMD 120	[Dacia superior?]
a. 125 Dec. 10/126 Dec. 9	RMD V 367	Dacia superior
a. 124 Mai 16/ Iun. 13	RMD 126	[Dacia superior?]
a. 126 Ian. 31/Febr. 12	RMD I 27 RMD I 28	Dacia superior
a. 120/126	RMD IV 237	Dacia superior
a. 123 April 14	RGZM 22	Dac. sup. + Dac. Porolissensis
a. 117/138	RMD II 92	(Dacia superior)
a. 136/138 Iul. 10/Dec. 10	RMD V 384	Dacia superior
a. 144 Febr. 23	CIL XVI 90	Dacia superior
a. 152 Sept.?	AMN 43^14	Dacia superior
a. 156 Dec. 13	CIL XVI 107	Dacia superior
a. 158 Iul. 8	CIL XVI 108	Dacia superior
a. 144/178	RMD II 122	Dacia superior
a. 179 Apr. 1	RMD II 123	Dacia superior
43 Siehe die Mitteilung von Paul Holder oben zu Diplom Nr. 4.
Neue Diplome fur die dakischen Provinzen
209
3.	Dacia inferior (12 Konstitutionen):
Datum	Beleg	Provinz
a. 122 Iul. 17	RGZM 20 RMD V 361 ZPE 141(2002), 242-245 + AMN 39/40, 25ff. AMN 43 (in diesem Bând)	Dacia inferior
a. 129 Mart. 22	CIL XVI 75	Dacia inferior
a. 119/129	RMD V 374	Dacia inferior
a. 129 (Dec. 10)/130 (Dec. 9)	RMD V 376	Dacia inferior
a. 131/132	RMD V 380	Dacia inferior
a. 134 Nov.	AMN 43—44	Dacia inferior
a. 140 Dec. 13	RMD I 39	Dacia inferior
a. 120/140	RMD V 389	Dacia inferior
a. 146 Iul. 19	RMD IV 269	Dacia inferior
a. 150	AMN 43-44	Dacia inferior
a. 161 post Febr. 8/167	RMD II 121	(Dacia inferior?)
a. 167/168	RMD V 442	Dacia inferior
4.	Dacia Porolissensis (17 Konstitutionen):
a. 123 April. 14	RGZM 22	Dac. sup. + Dac. Porolissensis
a. 123 Aug. 10	RMD 121 RMD 122	Dac. Porolissensis + Pan. inf.
a. 127 Apr. 14/30	RMD I 30	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 118/120 oder 126/128	RMD V 370	Dacia Porolissensis?
a. 125/128	RMD 131	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 128 Jul./Sept.	Unpubliziert44	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 130 (Dec. 10)/131 (Dec. 9)	RMD V 378	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 133 Iul. 2	RMD 135	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 135 (Nov. 14/Dec. 1)	RMD IV 248	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 138/142	RMD I 40 = RMD V App. Ia	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 151 Sept. 24	RMD V 404	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 154 Sept. 27	CIL XVI 110 RMD 47	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 161? Oct. 26	RMD III 177	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 164 Iul. 21	CIL XVI 185 RMD I 63 RMD I 64 RMD 166 RMD II 115/65 RMD II 116 RMD 11 117 RMD IV 287 AMN 43—44	Dacia Porolissensis
44 Dankenswerte Mitteilung von C. Ciongradi, die das Diplom in Kiirze in der ZPE publizieren wird.
210
Wemer Eck, Andreas Pangerl
Datum	Beleg	Provinz
a. 164?	RMD IV 289	Dacia Porolissensis
a. 123/168	RMD II 128	Dacia Porolissensis
ca. 153 - 167?	AMN 43^44	Dacia Porolissensis
Es sind also bisher insgesamt 54 Konstitutionen fiir die Provinzen in Dakien bekannt, die
45
durch 75 Diplome bezeugt sind .
45 Zwei weitere Diplome werden in Kiirze von Peter WeiB publiziert werden.
Acta Musei Napocensis, 43-44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 211-231
Neue Paraderustungen aus Dakien*
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Seit der Veroffentlichung im Jahre 1978 der bekannten Arbeit von Jochen
Garbsch, Romische Paraderustungen, blieb die Anzahl der als solche bezeichneten
Stiicke, die im romischen Dakien entdeckt und auch veroffentlicht wurden, sehr
gering. Die einzigen Neuigkeiten zu diesem Thema brachte Liviu Petculescu.
Dieser besprach bereits 1974 die drei damals bekannten Rustungen (aus
Porolissum, Buciumi und von irgendwo in der Kleinen Walachei)1 und fugte 1987
zwei neue Stiicke, ebenfalls aus Buciumi2 und aus dem Kastell von Micia (Vețel)3
hinzu. Derselbe Autor veroffentlichte 1982 eine Wangenklappe von Grădiștea
Muncelului (Sarmizegetusa Regia)4 neu, die aus der Zeit gleich nach dem romi-
schen Ruckzug aus Dakien im Jahre 106 n. Chr. stammte und besprach treffend
1987 die einzigen verzierten Helme in Rumănien, jener von Lunca Mureșului in
Dakien5 bzw. jener von Ostrov (Durostorum) in Niedermoesien6.
Es ist noch zu erwăhnen, daB 1987 Al. Diaconescu und C. Opreanu sehr
knapp und nur als Zeichnung eine vollstăndige RoBstim7 veroffentlichten (Abb. 1),
* Ein Vortrag mit diesem Titel, in knapperer Fassung, wurde von Dan Isac im Namen beider
Verfasser auf der XVlth International Roman Military Equipment Conference (ROMEC) in Xanten
(Deutschland), 13.-16. Juni 2007, gehalten.
1 Porolissum: Buday 1914, 73, Abb. 5/1; Petculescu 1974-1975, 81-82, Abb. 1/1; Buciumi:
Chirilă, Gudea u. a. 1972, 74-75, Taf. LXXX1V-LXXXV; Petculescu 1974-1975, 82-83, Abb. 2/1;
unbestimmte Siedlung in der Kleinen Walachei (Oltenia), Dacia Malvensis: Pârvan 1926, Abb. 15,
Taf. 15; Petculescu 1974-1975, 83-84, Abb. 2/2.
2 Petculescu 1987,159, Abb. 4/1 a-b.
3 Petculescu 1987, 159, Abb. 4/3.
A Petculescu 1982, 291-293, Abb.l.
5 Petculescu 1987, 153, Abb. 1-4.
6 Garbsch 1978, 73, Taf. 32.
7 Diaconescu, Opreanu 1987, 157, Abb.l - richtige Zuschreibung; Isac 1997, 54, Taf. XXV.
212
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
die aus den Grabungen 1976-1985 von Gilău (porta decumana) stammte. In
derselben Publikation wurde die richtige Identifizierung eines Augenschutzkorbes
Q
von einer RoBstim (Abb. 2) aus dem Auxiliarkastell Inlăceni (Dacia Apulensis)
verdffentlicht.
Dieser Sachverhalt entspricht heute nicht mehr den archăologischen
Gegebenheiten. Langanhaltende systematische Grabungen im Legionslager von
Potossa-Turda (1972-2008, Mihai Bărbulescu) in der Provinz Dacia Porolissensis
und in den Auxiliarkastellen von Gilău (1976-1985, Dan Isac) und Sawwm-Cășeiu
(1986-2008, Dan Isac), beide in Dacia Porolissensis, fugten weitere 10 wichtigen
Stiicke zu den 14 Militărausrustungsstucken hinzu, die bis dahin aus der als
„Paraderiistungen” bezeichneten Kategorie bekannt waren.
Eine Zusammenfassung aller bisher im rdmischen Dakien entdeckten
Stiicke, die von den Soldaten verschiedener Truppengattungen sowohl bei Para-
den, Tumieren oder Zeremonien als auch wahrscheinlich im Kampfe getragen
wurden9, erlaubt die SchluBfolgerung, daB mit nur wenigen Ausnahmen, wie z. B.
Beinschienen, praktisch alle anderen Kategorien vertreten sind, manche davon
massiv, wie z. B. die Panzerbeschlăge.
Bei der Betrachtung der Karte des rdmischen Dakien (Abb. 3) und der
Fundstellen solcher Artefakte ist heute folgendes festzustellen.
I.	A. Pseudo-attische Paradehelme (Garbsch 1978, 4, 7; O 59-80):
1.	Lunca Mureșului (Războieni-Cetate), (Dacia Apulensis) (Garbsch
1978,0 60a).
B. Wangenklappen'.
2.	Grădiștea Muncelului (Sarmizegetusa Regia) (Petculescu 1982, 291-
293, Abb. 1).
3.	-4. Samum (Cășeiu) - bisher unveroffentlicht.
II.	Gesichtshelme'.
1.	Romula (Reșca), Dacia Malvensis (Garbsch 1978, O 40).
2.	Cincșor, Dacia Malvensis (Dragotă, 1987).
3.	Gilău, Dacia Porolissensis - bisher unveroffentlicht.
III.	A. Rofistirnen'.
1.	Gherla, Dacia Porolissensis (Ferri 1933, 353, Abb. 480; Garbsch
1978, Kl).
8 Gudea 1979, 258, Taf. XXIII/7; Diaconescu, Opreanu 1987, Abb.2.
9 Petculescu 1974-1975, 80.
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
213
2.	Apulum (Alba lulia) (Ferri 1933, Abb. 481).
3.	Gilău, Dacia Porolissensis (Diaconescu, Opreanu 1987, 157, Abb.l).
B. Augenschutzkdrbe'.
4.	Inlăceni, Dacia Apulensis (Gudea 1979, 258, Taf. XXIII/7;
Diaconescu-Opreanu 1987, Abb.2.
IV.	Medaillon oder Panzerplatte'.
1.	Gherla, Dacia Porolissensis (Ferri 1933, 356, Abb. 481; Garbsch, R 16).
V.	Panzerbeschlâge'.
1.	Porolissum (Moigrad), Dacia Porolissensis (Buday 1914,73, Abb. 5/1).
2-3. Buciumi, Dacia Porolissensis (1. Chirilă, Gudea u. a. 1972, 74-75,
Taf. LXXXIV-LXXXV; 2. Petculescu 1987, 159, Abb. 4/la-b).
4-8. Potaissa (Turda), Dacia Porolissensis - bisher unverbffentlicht.
9-10. Samum (Cășeiu), Dacia Porolissensis - bisher unverbffentlicht.
11.	Micia (Vețel), Dacia Apulensis (Petculescu 1987, 159, Abb. 4/3).
12.	Unbestimmte Siedlung in der Kleinen Walachei (Oltenia), Dacia
Malvensis (Pârvan 1926, 9, 26, Abb. 15, Taf. 15).
Insgesamt gibt es im Lichte der gegenwărtigen Kenntnisse eine Anzahl von
24 Paraderiistungsstucken: 1 Helm, 3 Wangenklappen, 3 Gesichtshelme, 3 RoBstimen
und 1 Augenschutzkorb, 1 Medaillon oder Panzerplatte, 12 Panzerbeschlăge.
Davon sind 10 Stiicke unverbffentlicht und werden im Folgenden
dargestellt: 2 Wangenklappen - Samum (Cășeiu), 1 Gesichtshelm - Gilău, 7 Pan-
zerbeschlăge - 5 aus Potaissa (Turda), 2 aus Samum (Cășeiu). Alle Stiicke
stammen aus systematischen Grabungen und deutlichen stratigraphischen Kontex-
ten, auBer den Stiicken von Samum, von denen bekannt ist, daB sie in der
Zwischenkriegszeit (1928-1929) in den Grabungen im Kastell gefunden wurden,
die vom Klausenburger Professor Emil Panaitescu10 geleitet wurden. Die Stiicke
sind heute verschollen, aber auf Originalfotos auf Glas festgehalten, leider ohne
MaBstăbe.
Im Folgenden werden wir diese 10 unverbffentlichten Stiicke vorstellen
und nur eine knappe Diskussion zu dieser Gattung von Artefakten vorlegen. Die
allgemeineren Betrachtungen, ikonographischen Untersuchungen oder Angaben
10 Panaitescu 1929, 1-30; Isac 2003, 24—27.
" Siehe Isac 2003.
12 Wie Anm. 10.
214
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
zur Bedeutung der Stiicke aus verschiedenen Kategorien der sogenannten
„Paraderiistungen”, wurden schon seit einiger Zeit in der intemationalen (von F.
Drexel bis Hans Klumbach, Jochen Garbsch, und andere Autoren) oder rumă-
nischen Literatur (besonders Liviu Petculescu) schon mehrmals diskutiert.
LB. Wangenklappen
Das Kastell Samum (Cășeiu), auf dem Nordlimes der Provinz Dacia
Porolissensis, war der urspriingliche Sitz der cohors II Britannorum milliaria, die
nach der Griindung der Provinz im Jahre 106 n. Chr. ein Holz-Erde-Kastell
errichtete11. Nach dem Abzug der Truppe, zu Beginn der Regierung Hadrians,
wurde sie von der cohors I Britannica milliaria equitata ersetzt, die die
Befestigung Anfang des 3. Jh. n. Chr. in Stein umbaute (Abb. 4). Die ersten
umfangreichen Grabungen wurden zwischen 1928-1929 vom Klausenburger
Professor Emil Panaitescu durchgefuhrt; die Ergebnisse der Grabungen, mit der
Ausnahme eines kurzen Berichtes , wurden nie veroffentlicht und das entdeckte
archăologische Material ist groBtenteils spurlos verschollen. Das Gluck verfugte,
daB eine Reihe von Originalfotos auf Glas das Bild bedeutender Inschriften,
Steinskulpturen und Bronzegegenstănde festhielten, darunter einige Paraderiis-
tungsstiicke, 2 Wangenklappen und ein Paar Panzerbeschlăge, wie auch ein
Hăngenschurzschuppen von einer Statue, alles aus Bronze (Abb. 5). Der genaue
Fundort im Kastell ist unbekannt und Schătzungen zu den AusmaBen der Stiicke
konnen nicht gemacht werden. Die Fotos erlauben aber eine recht gute
Untersuchung der Stiicke und eine ausreichende typologische Eingliederung.
1.	Rechte Wangenklappe (Abb. 6). Das Stiick hat eine schnurfbrmige
Einfassung; vor einem Hintergrund aus Schuppenmustem wurde die Buste des
Ganymedes nach rechts dargestellt. Das Schuppenmuster ist mit jenem auf dem
Helm und der Wangenklappe von Ostrov (Kreis Constanța), Niedermoesien
(Garbsch 1978, 6, Nr. 3; O 58) vollig identisch; letzterer gehort zum „spitzovalen
Helm”-Typ, der um die Mitte des 2. Jh. n. Chr. datiert wird. Dies ist aber nicht
ausreichend, um unser Stiick als zu einem solchen Helm zugehorig zu betrachten.
2.	Linke Wangenklappe (Abb. 7). Aus dem Foto und trotz des Fehlens
des Stiickes ist es nicht schwer festzustellen, daB es sich um eine Wangenklappe
handelt. Wir ziehen diese Moglichkeit vor, wofiir die Neigung der Zentralgestalt
und der schnurformigen Einfassung zu sprechen scheinen, sowie die Biegung des
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
215
Stiickes links oben und - vielleicht - die Verdoppelung des oberen Teils, mit
mbglichen Spuren von vier Offnungen fur die Befestigung am Helm. Die Zentral-
gestalt ist eine geflugelte Victoria nach rechts, mit einem Kranz in der Rechten.
Dieselbe Gestalt erscheint auf einem Fragment, wahrscheinlich von einer
Wangenklappe, von WeiBenburg (Garbsch 1978, O 79), wie auch auf einer dreitei-
ligen RoBstim von Straubing (Garbsch 1978, B 17).
II.	Gesichtshelme
3.	Reitergesichtsmaske. Sie wurde 1980 im Bereich der porta principalis
dextra^1 des Kastells von Gilău gefunden (Abb. 8). Das Stiick wurde auf dem
Boden des „V“-formigen Grabens des vergroBerten Holz-Erde-Kastells (Gilău II)14
gefunden (Abb. 9), welcher Graben zugeschiittet wurde, um die fossae der Stein-
phase (Gilău III) einzurichten (Abb. 10, 11, 12).
Die Gesichtsmaske kommt von einem Helm vom Typ Garbsch A.2.,
Gesichtshelme mit zweiteiliger Ausfuhrung (Gesichtsmaske und Riickteil). Mit
Sicherheit hatte er auch einen Ruckenteil aus Eisen, das fast vollstăndig zerstort
ist. Daraus wurden einige Fragmente der Glocke entdeckt, mit Verzierungen, die
die Haare suggerieren.
Die Maske (Abb. 13, 14, 15) ist 24 cm hoch, die groBte Breite betrifft 20
cm; sie besteht aus Bronzeblech, das im Durchschnitt 1,5 mm dick ist. Sie stellt
das Portrăt einer Frâu mit leicht adlerformiger Nașe dar, die Augen sind als
lăngliche Schlitze durchbrochen, die Lider leicht skizziert. Auf der Știm wurde
eine lunula wiedergegeben. Ein Stimband, das knapp als ein segmentiertes Bând
durchgefuhrt wurde, vervollstăndigt die Frisur.
Zwei runde Offnungen am Ruckenteil der Maske, oben und unten, bezeich-
nen die Befestigungsstellen, mit Nieten oder Lederriemen, der heute fehlenden
eisemen Riickenseite des Helms.
Das Stiick von Gilău gehort zum ikonographischen Typ Kohlert VI der
Gesichtshelme mit „orientalisierender“ Darstellung, von denen die năchste Ana-
logie das Stiick von Visegrâd (Unterpannonien) darstellt (Abb. 16). J. Garbsch
datiert diesen Typ allgemein nach dem zweiten Drittel des 2. Jh. n. Chr. bis zum
Anfang des 3. Jh. n. Chr., mit der Moglichkeit, daB die friihesten Exemplare unter
Trajan erscheinen. Der stratigraphische Kontext, aus dem das Stiick kommt,
erlaubt keine engere Datierung. Dies, weil die Grăben des Holz-Erde-Kastells der
13 Isac, Diaconescu, Opreanu 1981, 85-97.
14 Isac 1997, 37-38; 38-40; 54-56.
216
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Phase Gilău II, die ab etwa 117/118 n. Chr. zu funktionieren begannen15, als
wegen der Ankunft der ala Siliana das kleine trajanische castellum erheblich
erweitert wurde, um diese ala quingenaria beherbergen zu kbnnen, wahrscheinlich
gegen das Ende des 2. Jh. zugeschiittet und geebnet wurden, als die Befestigung in
Stein umgebaut wurde.
Das Stiick von Gilău ist das dritte dieser Art, das in der trajanischen
Provinz entdeckt wurde. Im Kunsthistorischen Museum in Wien (Abb. 17)
befindet sich seit lănger Zeit ein Gesichtshelm, das aus dem Flusse Olt stammt, aus
der Gegend des Klosters Comanca, sudlich der Ortschaft Reșca16, dem antiken
Romula in Dacia Inferior. Er gehbrt ebenfalls zum Typ Kohlert VI und die Namen
zweier Eigentumer eingepunzt sind.
Die dritte Maske von einem Reitergesichtshelm wurde, wie es der Zufall
will, ebenfalls im Flusse Olt entdeckt, aber in dessen Oberlauf, in der Năhe der
Ortschaft Cincșor17 (Abb. 18-19). Die Maske wurde mit dem Bagger zutage
gefbrdert, zusammen mit romischen keramischen Fragmenten, alles vom Flusse
von irgendwo flufiaufwărts angeschwemmt, von Cincșor oder einem anderen
Kastell oder Militărvicus am siebenburgischen Olt (Dacia Malvensis).
Das Stiick, das als von Cincșor stammend betrachtet wird, vom Typ
Kohlert VI, ăhnelt jenem von Gilău im Gesichtsausdruck, die Herstellung der
Frisur ist aber verschieden. Die offensichtliche Verformung der stark abgeflachten
linken Seite ist nicht, wie der Autor der Verbffentlichung des Stiickes annahm, auf
die Aufbewahrungsumstănde im Boden oder der Zutagefbrderung durch den
Bagger zuriickzufuhren. Das Stiick wurde von Anfang an so hergestellt; man
konnte vielleicht an einen Ausschufi denken oder, warum nicht, an eine Verfor-
mung des Gesichtes des Trăgers. Die angenommene Herkunft des Stiickes von
Cincșor kann Probleme stellen, da es hier keine Reitereinheit gab; die im Kastell
bezeugte Einheit war die cohors II Flavia Bessorum .
V. Panzerbeschlăge
Aus Dakien waren bisher, wie bereits gezeigt, fiinf verbffentlichte Stiicke
bekannt, je eines von Porolissum (Moigrad), Micia (Vețel), aus einer Ortschaft in
der Kleinen Walachei (Oltenia) bzw. zwei Stiicke von Buciumi. Die 7 neuen
15 Isac 1997,34-38.
16 Garbsch 1978, O 40; Vlădescu 1981, 195-203, Abb. 1; Vlădescu 1983, 184, Abb. 125.
17 Dragotă 1987, 276-280.
18 Gudea 1997, 67-68. Nr. 44 (Cincșor, K.leinschenk).
Paraderustungen aus Dakien
217
Panzerbeschlăge stammen: 5 aus dem Legionslager von Potaissa (Turda) und 2
aus dem Kastell Samum (Cășeiu); letztere sind verschollen, aber zusammen mit
den Wangenklappen auf einem Foto der Zwischenkriegszeit belegt.
Die Stiicke von Legionslager Potaissa (Abb. 20) wurden alle im Laufe der
von Mihai Bărbulescu geleiteten Grabungen in den principia (Abb. 21)19, in den
armamentaria auf der Nordseite (Nr. 8, Abb. 26), in einem Raum zur via princi-
palis hin (Nr. 5, Abb. 23), im Bereich der Stidportikus (Nr. 4, Abb. 22) gefunden.
Ihre Datierung kann nach 170 n. Chr. festgelegt werden, als die legio V Mace-
donica aus Troesmis in Niedermoesien hierher in die Provinz Dacia Porolissensis
versetzt wurde . Eines der Stiicke (Nr. 6, Abb. 24) wurde zusammen mit
Schuppen aus einer lorica squamata gefunden, ein Sachverhalt, der auch in Cășeiu
angetroffen wird (Abb. 5). Dies stiitzt die bereits bekannte Tatsache, daB solche
Stiicke wahrscheinlich sogar im Gefecht iiber dem Schuppenpanzer am Hals
getragen wurden21, wie im Falie des Beschlages von Hrusica in Slowenien
(Garbsch 1978, P 18). Ihre Typologie ist einheitlich, mit drei Registem, der Biiste
der Minerva in der Mitte, dariiber der Adler, darunter ein oder zwei Schilder.
4.	Rechter Panzerbeschlag (Abb. 22); 17, 2 cm hoch, 9,2 cm breit. Auf
dem rechten Rând erscheint eine eingepunzte Inschrift, die wegen des Erhaltungs-
zustandes des Stiickes schwer lesbar ist; der letzte Name ist sicher CRESPVS, das
erste Zeichen scheint jener fiir centuria zu sein. Der linke Rând hat 10 Offnungen
fur die Befestigung am Schuppenpanzer. In der Mitte wurde die Biiste der Minerva
nach rechts wiedergegeben, im oberen Register der Adler, im unteren zwei ge-
kreuzte Schulter.
5.	Rechter Panzerbeschlag (Abb. 23); erhaltene Hohe 17,2 cm, erhal-
tene Breite 6,2 cm. Vom selben Typ wie der vorangehende, im mittleren Register
die Biiste der Minerva nach rechts, dariiber der Adler.
6.	Rechter Panzerbeschlag (Abb. 24); fragmentarisch; erhaltene Hohe 9,3
cm, Breite 6 cm. Darstellung der Biiste der Minerva nach rechts, darunter ein
Schild.
7.	Rechter Panzerbeschlag (Abb. 25); 15, 2 cm hoch, 7,5 cm breit.
Dieselben drei Register, mit Minerva in der Mitte, dem Adler dariiber, dem Schild
darunter.
8.	Rechter Panzerbeschlag (Abb. 26); der schlechte Erhaltungszustand
des Stiickes erlaubt keine Feststellungen weiterer Einzelheiten.
19 Bărbulescu 1987, 122-164.
20 Bărbulescu 1987, 22-24.
21 Klumbach 1962, 187; Petculescu 1974-1975, 80.
218
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Die letzten beiden Stucke (Abb. 27) kommen aus dem Kastell von Samum
(Cășeiu) (Abb. 4) und wurden in den zwischenkriegszeitlichen Grabungen
entdeckt. Sie sind nur als Originalfotos erhalten (Abb. 5), ohne MaBstab. Es sind
dies die ersten Stucke dieses Typs aus Dakien, die als Paar entdeckt wurden und,
wie auch im Falie von Potaissa, wurden sie von einem Fragment einer lorica
squamata begleitet entdeckt.
9-10. Rechter und linker Panzerbeschlag (Abb. 27). Beim linken
Beschlag sind die Befestigungsschamiere erhalten. Die Verzierung ist in zwei
Registem dargestellt, die durch eine elegante Einfassung aus Punkten und Voluten,
von Perlenlinien umgeben, getrennt werden. Auf dem linken Beschlag wurde die
Biiste des Marș wiedergegeben, auf dem rechten Minerva. In beiden unteren
Registem erscheint je ein Seepanther.
Die 10 neuen Paraderustungsstiicke bringen die Gesamtzahl solcher
Artefakte, die im romischen Dakien entdeckt wurden, auf eine bedeutende Zahl
(24), was dieser Provinz eine besondere Bedeutung verleiht, angesichts der
gleichmăBigen Verteilung dieser Stucke unter Legionen und Hilfstruppen gleicher-
maBen. Die Stucke von Potaissa scheinen von Legionăren getragen worden zu
sein, der Gesichtshelm von Gilău ist auch wegen der hiesigen Truppe (die ala
Siliana c.R.)22 ein fur Reiter spezifisches Zubehbr. In Samum-Cășeiu, wo
beginnend mit Hadrian die Besatzungstruppe eine cohors equitata milliaria war,
kann angenommen werden, daB sowohl die Wangenklappen als auch die Panzer-
beschlăge in gleichem MaBe sowohl von Reitem als auch von FuBsoldaten
getragen wurden, denn der Schuppenpanzer wurde von beiden Kategorien von
Soldaten benutzt.
Literatur
Bărbulescu 1987	M. Bărbulescu, Din istoria militară a Daciei romane. Legiunea V Macedonica și castrul de la Potaissa, Cluj-Napoca 1987.
Buday 1914	Â. Buday, Porolissumbol, Dolgozatok-Travaux, Kolozsvâr 5, 1914, 67-
Chirilă, Gudea u.a. 1972 Diaconescu, Opreanu 1987	oo. E. Chirilă, N. Gudea, V. Lucăcel, C. Pop, Castrul roman de la Buciumi. Contribuții la cercetarea limesului Daciei Porolissensis, Cluj 1972. AL Diaconescu, C. Opreanu, A Note on Military Equipment from Romania, Roman Military Equipment. The Accountrements of War, BAR, Int. Series 336, 1987, 157- 166.
22 Isac 1997, 17-21.
23 Isac 2003, 38—47.
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
219
Dragotă 1987	Gh. Dragotă, Masca romană de bronz de la Cincșor (jud. Brașov). SCIVA, 38, 3, 1987, 276-280.
Ferri 1933 Garbsch 1978 Gudea 1979 Gudea 1997	S. Ferri, Arte romana sul Danubio, Milano 1933. J. Garbsch, Romische Paraderiistungen, Miinchen 1978. N. Gudea, Castrul roman de la Inlăceni, AMP 3, 1979, 150-273. N. Gudea, Der dakische Limes. Materialien zu seiner Geschichte, Sonderdruck aus JRGZM, 44, 1997.
Isac 1997 Isac 2003 Isac, Diaconescu, Opreanu Klumbach 1962	D. Isac, Die Kohorten-und Alenkastelle von Gilău, Zalău 1997. D. Isac, The Roman auxiliary fort SAMVM-Cășeiu, Cluj 2003. D. Isac, Al. Diaconescu, C. Opreanu, Porta principalis 1981 dextra a castrului de la Gilău, AMN 18, 1981, 85-97. H. Klumbach, Romische Panzerbeschlâge aus Manching, Lkr. Ingol- stadt, Aus Bayems, Fruhzeit. Friedrich Wagner zum 75. Geburtstag. Schriftenreihe zur Bayerische Landesgeschichte 62, 1962.
Panaitescu 1929	Em. Panaitescu, Castrul roman de la Cășei. Din cercetările nouă (1929), ACMIT 2, 1929, 321-342.
Pârvan 1926 Petculescu 1974— 1975	V. Pârvan, Getica. O protoistorie a Daciei, București 1926. L. Petculescu, Garnituri de armură romane din Dacia, Studii și materiale de muzeografie și istorie militară. Muzeul Militar Central 7-8, 1974— 1975, 79-88.
Petculescu 1982	L. Petculescu, Obrăzare de coifuri romane din Dacia, AMN 19, 1982, 291-300.
Petculescu 1987	L. Petculescu, Contribuții la coifurile ornamentate și garniturile de armură romane din Dacia. Muzeul județean Călărași, Cultură și civilizație la Dunărea de Jos 2, 1987, 153-162.
Vlădescu 1981	Cr. M. Vlădescu, Masca de paradă de la Romula și încercarea de reconstituire a coifului de cavalerie romană, SCIVA 32, 2, 1981, 195-203.
Vlădescu 1983	Cr. M. Vlădescu, Armata romană în Dacia Inferior, București 1983.
220
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Abb. 1. Das Auxiliarkastell Gilău. RoBstim
(Diaconescu, Opreanu 1987, Abb. 1; Isac 1997, Taf. XXV).
Abb. 2. Das Auxiliar-kastell Inlăceni (Dacia Apulensis).
Augenschutzkorb (Gudea 1979, 258, Taf. XXIII/7 als Schild umbo betrachtet;
Diaconescu-Opreanu 1987, Abb. 3 - richtige Zuschreibung).
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
221
Abb. 3. Das romische Dakien.
Abb. 4. Das Auxiliarkastell Samum (Cășeiu) (Isac 2003, Abb. 2).
222
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Abb. 5. Samum (Cășeiu). Paraderustungsbestandteile und Fragment einer Bronzestatue
(Fotografie 1928-1929).
Paraderustungen aus Dakien
223
Abb. 6. Samum (Câșeiu).
Rechte Wangenklappe.
Abb. 7. Samum (Câșeiu).
Linke Wangenklappe.
Abb. 8. Das Auxiliarkastell Gilău (Dacia Porolissensis). Phasen II—III (Isac 1997, 92, Taf. XI).
224	Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
SXVI PROFWl a E
Abb. 9. Gilău. Das Verteidigungssystem in derp. p. dextra (Isac 1997, Taf. XXXII).
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
225
Abb. 10-12. Gilău. Der archăologische Kontext der Entdeckung des Gesichtshelmes.
226
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Abb. 13-15. Gilău. Gesichtshelm.
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
227
Abb. 16. Visegrăd (Unterpannonien). Abb. 17. Romula (Dacia Malvensis). Gesichtshelm
Gesichtshelm (Garbsch 1978, O 42).	(Garbsch 1978, O 40).
Abb. 18-19. Cincșor (Dacia Malvensis). Gesichtshelm (Dragotă 1987).
U pha da cuap Uffoanilia
(ha afduRMaa foram
bositico
228	Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Abb. 20. Das Legionslager Potaissa (Turda) (Dacia Porolissensis)
(nach M. Bărbulescu).
Abb. 21. Potaissa (Turda). Die principia
(nach M. Bărbulescu).
Paraderustungen aus Dakien
229
Abb. 22. Potaissa. Panzerbeschlag mit eingepunzter Inschrift.
Abb. 23. Potaissa. Panzerbeschlag.
230
Dan Isac, Mihai Bărbulescu
Abb. 24. Potaissa. Panzerbeschlag.
Abb. 25. Potaissa. Panzerbeschlag.
Paraderiistungen aus Dakien
231
Abb. 27. Das Auxiliarkastell Samum (Cășeiu). Paar von Panzerbeschlăgen.

Acta Musei Napocensis, 43—44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 233-246
The peregrine names from Dacia
Rada Varga
The analysis of the peregrine names from Dacia can only begin with a
detailed description of the methods chosen for it and of the reasons behind these
choices.
First, we have to identity those who most probably have the peregrine
status. Even if the onomastic still offers the most relevant clues, there is still a
certain level of reiati vity, that cannot be ignored. We must keep in mind the
possible existence of the “onomastical frauds”, that consist in adopting, without
tuli legal bases, a name suggesting a superior juridical status - that of a Citizen.
Equally, we must imagine that not all the fresh citizens cared to use their full new
Roman name on all their inscriptions. They might, sometimes, cared about the
practicai advantages of the superior social status, but find no relevance in
displaying the name, especially when a certain inscription comes as a more
personal act of devotion. And, lastly, the peregrine name is theoretically
mistakable for that of the slave.
Out of reasons connected to the accuracy of the statistical results, I have
also done a second-level selection. More precisely, the soldiers that get to Dacia in
the auxilia have never lived as simple peregrines in this province and the huge
differences between the civil law and the military one make the separation of the
two categories of inhabitants absolutely necessary. So, we will consider only the
members of their families, mentioned in diplomas or inscriptions, about whom we
can affirm that lived in Dacia as simple peregrines. Another special - and thus
separate - case is that of the Albumus Maior community. The fortuitous
conservation of the wax tablets, as weil as the uniquely vast archaeological
excavations, brought to our knowledge a great number of inhabitants of this
community. A generalization of the results obtained from the study of this group
and generalizing them to the scale of the whole province can be, if not made with
234
Rada Varga
full and great attention, method errors. This is due to the unitary character -
socially, economically, juridically, ethnically - of this group, as well as because of
the disproporționate number of inscriptions that we have here, disproportion that
surely and naturally does not mirror the age’s realities, but a series of historical
circumstances.
Including a name into the category of peregrine names means excluding the
possibility of his bearer to have been a slave. This problem has often been debated
in historiography, but never clearly solved. In fact, it cannot be credibly clarified in
general, as every case has its details, which make it unique. In the best case, a
series of conclusions can be drawn, at the level of a population group or province,
but even their accuracy can be justly put under questioning. Generally speaking,
the inscriptions erected by members of the lower social strata give us poor
Information; simple and typified as technical and artistic realization, their
epigraphic content is minimal as well. The Information provided by them is
usually not intemally explicit enough for clarifying to us the juridical status of the
dedicant or of that to which the inscription refers. Such a clarification is only
possible through deductive means and analogies, which always are more or less
equivocal.
Furthermore, because the present paper refers to the onomastics of the
Dacian peregrini, not to them as a social or juridical category, I will not take into
consideration those names that haven’t been conserved in an understandable
mănner. As well, the results of this study might prove not to be definitive and
further research and considerations might slightly change them. That’s why,
intentionally, I will not always present hard figures, but merely percentages. In
some cases, the exact number of names is relevant and I will give it, but only with
caution. All doubt given, this is how the picture of the peregrines from Dacia and
their names looks like at this moment and even if the count will slightly change,
the percentages will not be altered consistently.
One last amendment that I have to make concerning the statistic is that a
single name (a single man, in fact, having a composed name) can appear in two
etymological categories. There are quite a lot of mixed names, such as ArmriTpioq
Ap^aKEi1 or Atpatinius Rufi2. Normally, as the study concentrates on the names of
the peregrines from Dacia and their onomastic habits, I will count these names in
both categories.
1 IDR III/3, 399.
2 CIL III 1033, IDR 111/5, 113.
The peregrine names from Dacia
235
Discussing the peregrines from Dacia, the “natural” analysis, the one that
stands out by itself, is that of the Alburnus Maior community. But, as I have
already stated, the deductions built on the conclusions drawn from here can be
invalid. The identical or very much resembling ethnical and cultural background of
the miners from Alburnus makes them not very relevant as term in the analogies
concerning the whole province. Relevant could be the Illyrians from other spots,
that live in eclectic environments and that can be used as a fitted sample for
analyzing the ethnical group’s epigraphic and onomastic practices. In other words,
I consider we can use a peregrine group for broader analogies only if it doesn’t
have the features of a shut-down community.
At this point, it remains the problem of choosing the peregrine names, of
including or not a name into this category. Theoretically, if a name isn’t
accompanied by an explicit patronymic, the character is a slave or a freedman3.
But, taking into consideration the relativity of the presence or absence of the
indicative f(ilius)\ 1 have considered peregrine names all those that aren’t
denominated as something else by the content of the inscription, by undeniable
specificities of the name or by an existent terminus post quem. So, at this moment,
we have catalogued a total of 395 peregrine names from Dacia5.
I will begin the presentation of the peregrine names of Dacia by discussing
the two categories that cannot be treated as integrated and ordinary parts of the
whole: the “military” names and those from Alburnus Maior.
The “military” peregrines are a very complex and complicated subject -
and the inverted commas are necessary, as well as an explanation is. We will not
refer to those who are part of the Roman army, to the militaries themselves, but to
the whole human luggage that an army like the Roman one creates and engages.
Being a soldier in the auxiliary troops brought, probably as the main
consequence, the reward of citizenship. Moreover, citizen rights were granted to
the veteran’s family: to his wife (a single wife, more exactly) and to the children
born before the parents’ legal marriage, as well as, of course, to the ones born
afterwards. So, when we fmd an auxiliary soldier’s family mentioned in a diploma,
they have nothing left of the peregrine’s status. As for the soldiers themselves, we
cannot say what their status and/or connections to Dacia have been, before
entering the army. The recruitment environments of the auxiliary troopers must be
3 Solin 2003, XXXIX.
4 Piso 1993,320.
5 Without a necessarily direct connection to our study, I must notice that the scarcity of
peregrine names also comes as a proof of the much debated inexistence of the Latin communities of
Dacia; for a more detailed, but also synthetic discussion, see Ardevan 1999.
236
Rada Varga
seen as a large and diverse one; only a very small part of them can possibly come
castris, from the canabae attached to the fortresses, statistically being impossible
for a large segment of these soldiers to originate from this environment6. Only
these ones, if, idealistically speaking, the diploma gives us the necessary details,
can be included in the present analysis, because only they might have lived in the
province with peregrine status and that is before recruitment.
In order to discuss the military milieu, the milieu of the auxiliary troops,
we must not forget these soldiers’ desires for integration. Their epigraphic
manifestations - and we can safely consider the existence of an epigraphic
consciousness on such a large social scale as a feature of the Roman Empire and of
the world it created - are abundant in the militarized areas and they come as a
proof of this deșire to be a bearer of the Roman culture and an accepted part of it.
As an example, in northem Britain, in the area where the military presence is
massive, a quarter of the inscriptions are military (in Colchester, out of 13 funerary
inscriptions, 4 belong to soldiers7). Obviously, this percentage does not mirror the
population situation, but speaks about a way of expressing oneself.
Arriving to a point, from military diplomas we have, for Dacia, 37 names
and from the military inscriptions, only 11 other names. By “military inscriptions”
we understand those inscriptions, votive or funerary, that are erected by or for
military staff. So, I have taken into consideration the peregrine names of the
soldiers’ relatives that are most probably present in Dacia due to the military and
live in the environment of the army. Once again I mention that I am not to take
into account, in this study, the soldiers’ own names, from inscriptions of whatever
kind, unless we have a good reason to believe they had lived in Dacia before
recruitment as weil. I have chosen to use only the explicit material, the one that
literarily mentions characters connected to the Roman army. The names extracted
from these inscriptions will thus enter the related statistics. About the bearers of
the names revealed by the diplomas, we can assume they lived, at a certain point,
as peregrines in Dacia. With one exception alone, Acilius Sabini f. Dubitatus
castris^, they are not the receivers of the diplomas, but members of their families,
more exactly wives and children. Visible from the diplomata is that the amount of
documents mentioning children is much larger than that of the wives, which are
present only in a small part of the diplomas (the proportion is 4 to 1). Of course,
this can be explained in many ways and probably the truth lies in the specificities
6 Vittinghoff 1971, apud Vittinghoff 1994, 159.
7 Mann 1985,204.
81DR1 18.
The peregrine names from Dacia
237
of every case. The etymology and linguistic structure of the names talk less about
the peregrine onomastics of Dacia and more about the background of the soldiers
that have served in auxilia Daciae. Anyhow, these characters cannot - and
wouldn’t be correct to - be ignored. Their bearers are an integrated part of Dacia’s
social life and their names are ultimately relevant for the big picture of the Dacian
peregrine onmastics. So, Table I presents the “național” structure of these names.
This segment of population constitutes the case where the name is most relevant
for the true ethnic origin, a valid indicator of the area of provenience and will be
taken into consideration as such.
Table I. The “ethnical” structure of the names from the military environment
“Ethnical” groups of names	No. of names	No. of names from diplomas	No. of diplomas	No. of names from inscriptions	No. of inscriptions
Celtic9	14	13	61U	1	1"
Italic	14	12	512	2	2IJ
Syro-Palmyrean	6	3	l14	3	2IS
Greek	6	6	2'6	1	l1'
Thracian	4	2	l18	2	219
lllyrian	2			2	22U
German	1	1	l21		
The second specific category is that of the lllyrian names from Albumus.
They, of course, are not suitable for the etymological quantification. But what can
be usefully quantified is the presence of the patronymic, as this is part of the
onomastical practice and habit of the given community. I have tried to take into
91 will quote the inscriptions alone, without reproducing the names, out of reasons of clarity.
10 IDR I 3 ; IDR I 4; IDR I 7; ILD 10 (though not as a certainty of origins indicative, I have
considered Lucana a Celtic name, because of its heavy presence in the Gallic provinces -
Onomasticon III 33); ILD 13; ILD 14.
11 CIL III 809 - I have considered Ignota a Celtic name (Onomasticon II 192), though her
husband’s name, Mucapuis, is mainly Thracian.
12 IDR 1 2; ILD 10; ILD 18; ILD 20; ILD 32.
13 IDR III/5, 615 ; CIL III, 12541.
14 ILD 20.
15 IDR III/l, 167; IDR III/l, 170.
16 IDR I 10; ILD 20.
17 ILD 706.
18 ILD 32.
I9IDR III/5, 558 ; IDR III/5, 559.
20 IDR II 45 ; IDR III/5, 522.
21 IDR 12.
238
Rada Varga
consideration the lllyrian names from Albumus Maior, separating them into 3
categories: the ones that appear without a patronymic, the ones that appear with
what we have assumed to be the father’s name, but without filiations explicitly
noted as such and the ones that come with the clear - and desired -filius (or/),
that clears completely the relationship between the two attested characters. What I
have noticed is that none of the lllyrian characters use the mark of the filiation in
their names. The Illyrians doing this, a total of 3 examples, so very few anyway,
don’t live inside the “național” community of Albumus. Most of them (over 85%),
do use a patronymic, but they don’t nominate it as such. Only a very small,
apparently incidental, percentage doesn’t use the father’s name as part of their own
names. Thus, for this lllyrian community, we must simply accept a similitude with
the Illyrians from Dalmația. Here, G. Alfoldy notices that the use of the
patronymic in inscriptions is not so very customary22 - or at least surely not
compulsory. So, the use of the father’s name remains at the personal choice of the
one ordering the inscription or the ones writing and signing the contract, in the
case of the wax tablets. We can easily see that in Dacia they do adopt the use of
the patronymic, but they don’t find the reasons for explicitating the relationship.
What I must also mention is that, besides the fact that Dalmația is one of the
provinces quickly Romanized, quickly adopting the Roman gods and trying to
assume the Roman habits, they do not have a tradition in epigraphy, nor reasons to
put an compulsory f. in their names, as the genitive was sufficient to clear the
matter and reveal the family membership of the person.
Another question that is worth raising is the percentage of the Illyrians at
Albumus Maior (Table II). As they are not into question, I will not quantify the
citizens’ names, but only the peregrine ones. Of course, any statistics will confirm
the first-hand impression, as the lllyrian segment of population is truly dominant, but
the names and implicitly their bearers of other origins are also important in the
demographical economy of this community. By lllyrian I understand names that
have their origins in the Roman lllyricum-, as this is an administrative term, imposed
by the Romans, it doesn’t represent an area truly united hnguistically - and thus
onomastically24. Just as observations, the Greek group is quite numerous and
undoubtedly of significant economical and thus social importance. As well, both the
Greek and the Italic groups of peregrines are doubled by groups of citizens, that
surely increase their influence inside the community.
22 Alfoldy 1969, 11.
23 Russu 1969, 134.
The peregrine names from Dacia
239
Table II. Quantitative analysis of the “ethnic” extraction of the names from Alburnus Maior
“Ethnical” group of names	Percentage of the group of names
lllyrian	74, 78%
Greek	11,71%
Italic	9%
Celtic	2, 7%
Egyptian	0, 9%
Thracian	0, 9%
Leaving these two categories, that I have considered somehow distinct,
aside, we will get now to the description and analysis of the names belonging to
the great body of Dacian peregrini. Out of the reasons above enumerated, we will
exclude the Illyrians (and the Illyrians alone, because the others appear in
percentages similar to those of the whole Dacia, thus their presence is somehow
linear in this community and at the scale of the province) from Alburnus Maior, as
well as the characters that are known to us from military diplomas (but not those
from the inscriptions as well), due to their doubtable presence and status in the
Dacian society. Under these circumstances, we are left with a number of 270
names. A few general considerations can be made for a start, relating the peregrine
onomastics to the “tradițional” Roman one. First, we must point out that giving the
father’s name to the son, somehow customary in the Roman onomastics25, is not a
commonplace among these peregrines from Dacia. Then, there also must be
mentioned that the peregrine nomina nuda , when they are of Latin etymology,
can be Roman praenomina, nomina or cognomina.
We will now proceed to the quantitative analysis of the etymological
structure of the Dacian peregrine names. To begin, we must signalize the presence
of some names of very disputable origin and etymological roots, unique in their
Dacian utilization. Just for exemplification, such names are Sameccus27, that
seems to have a Celtic sonority, but only appears in this inscription from Alburnus
Maior , or Andrada and Bituvans , that could be Celtic or lllyrian names, but
who’s only mentioning is here30, on the funerary inscription from Potaissa.
24 Piso 2004, 273.
23 Salomies 1987, 297.
26 Rizakis 1996, 21.
27 IDR III/3, 408.
28 Onomasticon IV, 46.
29 CIL III 917.
30 Onomasticon I, 111.
240
Rada Varga
But, generally speaking, the names from Dacia aren’t, with these few
exceptions, of three or four names, rare ones, whose origins couldn’t be settled. So,
I will present, in Table III, the statistic situation of the linguistic origins of the
Dacian names.
Table III. The structure of the names of theperegrini from Dacia
“Ethnic” groups	Percentage in Dacia
Italic	29, 58%
Greek	26, 6%
lllyrian	19, 1%
Celtic	12, 35%
Thracian	7, 86%
Syro-Palmyrean	3,4%
Batavian	0, 37%
Iranian	0, 37%
Egyptian	0, 37%
What one immediately observes is the “classical” character of the peregrine
names. The predominance of the Greek - Roman (Latin) names is undisputable
and this says a lot about the background and education of many of these peregrini.
Some of the Greek names, common as they are, can be genuinely Oriental and may
conserve a regional and familial tradition. And if so the Greek names have or
could have a certain degree of credibility as indicatives of an area of provenience,
the Italic ones (not Roman, as that would mean something else, but Italic in
etymology) have almost none, if not related to any other clues. So, we have pure
Italic names, meaning that the name of the titular and that of the father are both
Italic, like Atrius Maximi31 - which is not a very common case - or that we simply
have the Latin name of the titular, which appears alone on most of the inscriptions.
But many of the times, the names of Italic origin appear associated with a name
situated in a different etymological category, such as Antonius Nicanori from
Romula, who has a Latin name, but whose father bore a clearly Greek name, or as
the very well-known Decebalus Luci33, who bears the name of the Dacian king,
but doesn’t show a familial onomastic background that could ever prove his ethnic
origins. It is hard to determine the origins of this man and of many more like him:
is he a Dacian whose father had a Latin name or the member of a Latin family
31 CIL III 1261, IDR III/3, 396.
32 CIL III 8035 (1594), IDR II 349.
33 Piso, Rusu 1990, 13-14, ILD 325.
The peregrine names from Dacia
241
who, out of a flick, named their son after the last king of the province they now
inhabited? Of course, the data we have cannot give a clear answer on this matter.
Another interesting type of case where Latin names are involved is the one
when they are followed by a național indicative, such as it is Procula Batava34,
from a funerary inscription from Tibiscum. She bears a clear Latin name, but we
are indicated to believe that she is a Batavian; we could have never assumed that,
without the clue given to us by the inscription. Other examples, relevant in their
own way, can be found outside of Dacia: they are the names of characters such as
lulia Dacia35, from Verona, or Fortunatus qui et Dacus36, from Mauretania
Caesarensis. They indicate to us a few characters, that might have had Dacian
origins and that, theoretically at least, might have lived as peregrines in Dacia as
well. Only that, more than anything else, these examples state the relativity of the
Latin names and of their use, as both characters are indicated to us as coming from
Dacia, either of Dacian origin or not, but their names look purely Italic.
So, I guess that the Latin names are the ultimate choice for the ones that
don’t want to take into consideration other choices. Maybe for the ones that are the
most willing to integrate, or maybe of those with a week cultural education and a
not - so - conservative family tradition.
At the peregrini from Dacia, with modest education and mixed or
superficial cultural knowledge, we can’t identify, when they bear Greek names,
onomastic practices characteristic to the Oriental Greeks (such was, for example,
the continuous use of the cognomen Nero , long after in the Occident it was “out
of use”). Some of the Greek name bearers, such as Mupcov , even ignoring the
details of the inscription, suggest through their names a Greek - language
background. But many of the names seem to be mostly the result of a choice
determined by the eclectic Roman provincial environment; they are more likely a
cultural - historical element, rather than an etymological one39. We can assume
that, just as in Rome40, the Greek names are, for the Dacian peregrini a mark of
their (low) social status, rather than an ethnical clue. The choices of names of the
peregrines from Dacia can only be taken into consideration as național indicatives
34 IDRIII/l, 168.
35 CIL V 3647, IDRE 155.
36 CIL VIII 8562, IDRE 466.
37 Solin 1996, 9.
38 AE 1944, 20, IDR III/3, 432.
39 Solin 2003, XXV.
40 Solin 1971, 158.
242
Rada Varga
with maximum prudence and without trusting them that much, when other
indicatives lack.
The only ethnical group, definable as such, of peregrines, that is
outstanding in Dacia, is that of the Illyrians. We can easily see how remarkable
they are, in quantity, at least, by the big percentage of Illyrian names, all over
Dacia and by the fact that this percentage has been obtained by excluding those
from Albumus Maior. As I have explained, this community is not fitted for
statistics, but it is worth mentioning it, talking about the Illyrian peregrines of
Dacia. Having the character of an alternative statistic, I have added Table IV, that
shows the percentages of the peregrine names, with all the Illyrian names known to
us included. Of course, the Illyrian names don’t offer us the certainty of the blood
origins of the bearer, but it surely comes as a better and more secure clue than the
Greek or - especially - Italic names. On the other side, we cannot know more
details about the character’s background, as the names have similar structures and
we could not teii if we are talking with any certainty about an Illyrian from
Dalmația or from Pannonia41. Even so, we can state that some of the names appear
to have their origins in on or another area of the Illyricum. So, names as Epicadus42
or Verzo43 can be considered as originated from south-eastem Dalmația44, while
most of the other Illyrian names spread all over the Pannonia-Dalmatian.
Table IV. The structure of the names of the peregrini from Dacia
(including the Illyrians from Albumus Maior)
“Ethnic” groups	Percentage in Dacia
Illyrian	46, 28%
Italic	22, 5%
Greek	20, 29%
Celtic	9, 4%
Others	1,4%
The Celtic names are an interesting case as weil. Remarkable about them is
that, sometimes, they have a common root with the Latin names and so the origins
remain debatable. Such is Seneca, a name heavily used in the Celtic regions of the
Empire, which can equally be a derivation of senex or a corruption of the Celtic
41 Paki 1998, 19.
42 IDR 1,32.
43 IDR 1,36; CIL 111 17, IDR 1,48; IDR 1II/3, 393 ; CIL III 1269, IDR III/3, 421; CIL III 1271,
IDR 111/3, 422; ILD 388 ; ILD 394.
44 Katicic 1964, 28 apud Piso 2004, 290.
The peregrine names from Dacia
243
Senaca45. In the case of the Dacian peregrines, very few names have the proper
Celtic root. Many are names of Latin etymology, but with a “history” in the areas
of the Empire that have a Celtic substratum. Such are Quintianus (a distant
derivation of Quintus, ultimately)46, which we can find with a certain predilection
in the Galliae and the Hispaniae, though it also has a solid presence in the Italian
region47. Others, such as Prima/Primus (though Holder notices only the forms
Primiacus, Primiciacus, Primillo, Primuliacus48), Quintus/Quinta, names that
represent a ordinal numeral in Latin, to sum it up, appear with a great
predominance in the Celtic provinces of the Empire, proving a liking of these
inhabitants for them or possibly a pre-existent tradition. Of course, in this case of
the Celtic-root names, with a specificity more accurate than that of the Greek and
Latin names; so, names as Suadullus Titur (?)49, where the second name seems to
be a comiption and whose apparition in Dacia is not mentioned in Onomasticon®,
is of clear Celtic origin, as all the other mentioned apparitions of Suadullus come
from Celtic-substratum provinces. Also, I have considered Surus51 of Celtic origin,
though it appears quite constantly in the whole western Empire and Holder gives it
as “auch celtisch”52. So, concluding the paragraph, we can safely state that a
certain number, not very small, of the Dacian peregrini, come from Celtic
provinces and prove to bring with them - even if we talk about a first or further
generation of “colonists” - the legacies of a certain cultural background.
Into the category of Thracian names, there are many doubtable ones. They
speak about a certain substratum, but with few details, as weil. A Thracian, even
considering that he has not only the Thracian name, but also Thracian origins, can,
nevertheless, come from the south of the Danube regions, as weil as from
Pannonia, for example53. Even so, names such as Mucatra/Mucapor54 or
Rescuturme55 do have a clear Thracian belonging56.1 have also included here what
are assumed to be names of Dacian origins, as a separate category for these names
45 Kajanto 1965, 16.
46 AE 1903, 67, IDR III/3, 133.
47 Onomasticon IV, 18.
48 Holder, 1904, 1043.
49 CIL III 961, IDRIII/4, 98.
50 Onomasticon IV, 96.
51 CIL III 12548, IDR III/4, 71 and AE 1915, 35.
52 Holder 1904, 1678-1682.
53 Paki 1998, 19.
54 CIL III 1195, IDR III/5, 558.
55 CIL III 1195, IDR 111/5,558.
56 Detschew 1957, 319-320 and 392.
244
Rada Varga
seemed preposterous, first of all because we have three names denominated as
Dacian in the Dacia province57 and only Decebalus belongs to a person of
peregrine status. If we had no other data, almost ironically and also proving the
relativity of our sources, we would have the name Decebalus appear in 3
inscriptions in Moesia Inferior58 and only once in Dacia (just as in Britannia, for
example), which would indicate a Thracian origin, without the “help” of literary
sources. Outside our statistics, but worthy as an example, we have a Diuppaneus
qui Euprepes5\ whose epitaph is in Rome, but who, theoretically, could have lived,
for a short while (he died at 18), as a peregrine in Dacia. Even so, at the level of
the peregrine onomastics of the Dacian province and the analysis undertaken here,
the separation of Dacian and Thracian names is irrelevant and insubstantial.
As it is easily visible, the other “ethnic” categories are weakly represented.
What I have noted as Semitic names are of theoretical Palmyrian provenience and
they apparently present Arabic etymology, as more than half of the names from
Palmyra60. The other categories of names are represented by one, respectively two
names and they are much too incidental for further discussions. As a note, I would
add that, besides Ammonius61 (possibly Hammonius) from Alburnus Maior, we
have no other African names, not even Latin cognomina that were “popular” in
North Africa, such as Mustacius or Mustacus62.
Besides this quantitative analysis of the names from the whole province,
another possible kind of study would be one inclined more towards demography
than sheer onomastics. But, without ignoring this possible side, I will not making it
the object of this study. The differentiated study of the peregrines from the urban
environment and of those from the rural one will be attempted in the future, but
from a mixed point of view. It is too much for a matter of onomastics and - in my
opinion - too little for a demographical onset63. This question will be raised as a
problem of epigraphical manifestation and percentage of inscriptions - not
population! - in a different context.
Through their names, the peregrini who lived in Dacia mainly reveal a
western background and a considerable will to adapt to the Roman culture. Also,
57 Dana 2003, 167, fn. 17.
58 Onomasticon II, 94.
59 CIL VI 16903, IDRE 70.
60 Stark 1971, XX.
61 IDR 111/3, 394.
62 Kajanto 1965, 18.
63 As a tentative in this way comes Ștefanescu, Bălăci 2007, but the results are not convincing,
as an unfortunate consequence of the scarcity of the sources.
The peregrine names from Dacia
245
some of them show a link with some local traditions and the deșire to perpetuate
certain onomastic customs. Mostly, they bear simple names, names that are
popular all over the Empire or at least in a couple of provinces.
The final purpose of this study would be for the onomastics to reveal us
some details about the Dacian peregrines. I have already stated my doubts, present
in most cases, about the direct and indissoluble connection between the etymology
of the name and the ethnic, blood origins of the name bearer. Without saying it is
inexistent or that it isn’t obvious in certain cases, I just consider it doesn’t have to
be generalized or taken for granted. The names show us a varied picture, where
these inhabitants of the Dacian province are placed on different levels: different as
education, different as conservatism and implicitly as will to integrate and socially
different. Referring to the whole Dacia, as a general case, I believe that the
peregrines’ names provide Information about the cultural environment of the
Roman Empire, especially of the Latin-language provinces more than about certain
areas of provenience.
Bibliography
Alfoldy 1969	G. Alfoldy, Die Personennamen in der romischen Provinz Dalmația, Heidelberg 1969.
Ardevan 1999	R. Ardevan, Latin right or Roman citizenship? The case oft he Roman-Dacian towns, in: J. Gonzalez (ed.), Ciudades privilegiadas en el Occidente Romano, Sevilla, 1999, 295-303.
Dana 2003	D. Dana, Les Daces dans les ostraca du desert oriental de l’Egypte: Morphologie des noms daces, ZPE 143, 2003, 166-186.
Detschew 1957 Holder 1904 Katicic 1964	D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste, Wien 1957. A. Holder, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, II, Leipzig 1904. R. Katicic, Namengebung im romischen Dalmatien, Die Sprache, 10, 1, 1964,23-33.
Kajanto 1965 Mann 1985 Onomasticon	I. Kajanto, The Latin cognomina, Helsinki 1965. J. C. Mann, Epigraphical Consciousness, JRS 75, 1985, p. 204—206. Onomasticon provinciarum Europae Latinarum, I - B. Lorincz, F. Redo, Budapest 1994; II - B. Lorincz, Wien 1999; III - B. Lorincz, Wien 2000; IV - B. Lorincz, Wien 2002.
Paki 1998	A. Paki, Populația din Dacia de nord în lumina izvoarelor epigrafice, PhD thesis, Cluj-Napoca 1998.
Piso, Rusu 1990	I. Piso, A. Rusu, Nymphaeum-ul de la Germisara, RMI 1, 1990, 9-17.
246
Rada Varga
Piso 1993	I. Piso, Die soziale und ethnische Zusammensetzung der Bevblkerung in Sarmizegetusa und in Apulum, in: W. Eck (Hg.), Prosopographie und Sozialgeschichte. Studien zur Methodik und Erkenntnismoglichkeit der kasierzeitlichen Prosopographie. Kolloquium K61n, 24-26 November 1991, Koln-Wien-Weimar 1993,315-337.
Piso 2004	GH Illiri ad Alburnus Maior, in: G. Urso (ed.), Dall’Adriatico al Danubio. L'Illirico nell’etâ greca e romana , Pisa, 2004, 271-307.
Rizakis 1996	A. D. Rizakis, Anthroponymie et societe. Les noms romains dans les provinces hellenophones de 1'Empire, in: A. D. Rizakis (ed.), Roman onomastics in the Greek East. Social and political aspects”, MELETHMATA, 21, Athens, 1996, 11-29.
Russu 1969 Salomies 1987	1.1. Russu, Illirii, București 1969. O. Salomies, Die romischen Vomamen. Studien zur romischen Namengebung, Helsinki 1987.
Solin 1971	H. Solin, Beitrâge zur Kenntnis der griechischen Personennamen in Rom, I, Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum, 48, 1971.
Solin 1996	H. Solin, Ancient onomastics: perspectives and problems, in: A. D. Rizakis (ed.), Roman onomastics in the Greek East. Social and political aspects”, MELETHMATA, 21, Athens, 1996, 1-9.
Solin 2003	H. Solin, Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom, Berlin-New York 2003.
Stark 1971 Ștefanescu, Bălăci 2007	J. K. Stark, Personal names in Palmyrene inscriptions, Oxford 1971. A. Ștefanescu, M. Bălăci, Populație și demografie în mediul rural al Daciei romane, in: S. Nemeti et alii (ed.), Dacia Felix. Studia Michaeli Bărbulescu oblata, Cluj-Napoca 2007, 627-633.
Vittinghoff 1971	F. Vittinghoff, Die rechtliche Stellung der canabae legionis und die Herkunftsangabe „castrisf Chiron 1, 1971, 299-318.
Vittinghoff 1994	F. Vittinghoff, Civitas Romana. Stadt und politisch-soziale Integration im Imperium Romanum der Kaiserzeit, (W. Eck Hg.), Stuttgart 1994.
Acta Mus ei Napocensis, 43—44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 247-261
About the tactics and fighting particularity of the
Auxiliary Infantry in Roman Dacia
Petru Ureche
This study is part of a series of studies that look at the Roman army from a
slightly different perspective: that of the tactics and strategy used according to the
specific fighting of the populations forming the auxiliary units. This paper,
alongside the others in this series, is not meant to be an exhaustive study of the
auxiliary troops from the point of view of tactics and strategies. Thus, in order to
know the Roman study strategy, literary sources and the geographic positioning of
the fortresses are being used; other aspects, such as epigraphic and archaeological
sources, were left aside, having been discussed enough up to the present moment.
That is why it is possible for some troops to have been wrongly positioned, due to
the use of epigraphic information alone. From this point of view, a much more
complete work must be elaborated; it will study the Roman army’s tactics and
strategy, omitting none of the circumstances, and it will cover a wider surface.
Moreover, I did not use a clear chronology here, divided into smaller periods of the
history of the province Dacia, the entire study referring, chronologically speaking,
to the centuries II-III.
The infantry probably represented the most important component of the
Roman auxiliary troops. The troops made of heavy infantry, legionary troops, were
completed with others, having a better mobility and greater diversity: the light
infantry troops. Nevertheless, there was an auxiliary heavy infantry, as well1. In
fact, some authors believe that all the auxiliary troops were armed as heavily as the
legionary ones, except for some conscriptions used for skirmishment2. The infantry
was very important in an armed conflict because it was the only one that could
1 Ruscu, Ruscu 1996, 214.
2 Goldsworthy 2007, 127.
248
Petru Ureche
conquer and maintain a certain position, that being its main function3. It was also
often used, combined with archers, for supporting the cavalry4. The auxiliary
infantry units were called cohortes5.
The regular auxiliary Roman troops, the cohorts included, were divided in
two categories, depending on the number of soldiers: quingenariae, which were
made of six centuries and milliariae, of ten centuries6. The terms quingenaria and
milliaria are approximate in this case, as well7, a quingenaria cohort being made
o
of approximately 480 soldiers and a milliaria of approximately 800 soldiers .
Death on the battlefield, the recruitment of an insufficient number of soldiers or
some vexillations’ departure in missions led to the variation in number of the
soldiers in these troops, the number of soldiers present in the fortress being usually
smaller than the theoretical number of soldiers in a troop9. Likewise, the structure
and number of soldiers in a troop were influenced by the local conditions, the
Roman military system being very flexible and capable of readjustment10. The
number of soldiers the most important army subunits had indicates the type of
conflict that was expected to take place in the area and the modifications of this
number suggests changes in the military situation11.
There were cohorts that had a cavalry contingent beside the infantry. These
troops were called equitatae and those solely of infantry were called peditatae .
We are going to discuss the peditatae cohorts here, the equitatae ones being the
subject of another study14. Of course, the elements of equipment and the infantry-
men’s tactics in the equitatae cohorts are identical to those of the peditatae cohorts.
The auxiliary infantry benefited from a good management, thus having, just
as the legions did, an advantage and superiority over the disorganized, non-Roman
3 Goldsworthy 1996, 191.
4 Goldsworthy 1996, 188.
5 Cichorius 1900, 233; Spaul 2000, passim.
6 Hyginus 28.
7 Ureche 2009, forthcoming.
8 Cheesman 1914, 25.
9 Goldsworthy 1996, 24.
10 Goldsworthy 1996, 13.
11 Goldsworthy 1996, 13.
12 Cichorius 1900, 235; Cheesman 1914, 28; Davies 1989, passim.
13 Hyginus 28; Cichorius 1900, 235. From the entire range of classical authors, the term is to be
found only in Hyginus, and in inscriptions, only as Cohors I Alpinorum peditata, to differentiate it
from Cohors I Alpinorum equitata.
14 Ureche 2009, forthcoming.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia
249
infantry troops15. The gradual regularization of the auxiliary troops is by no means
evidence attesting that the soldiers lost the special abilities they were recruited for,
but rather a proof of the fact that they became a part of the Roman army16.
The well-ordered formations, with many rows in width, kept people in
motion; thus, the troop could attack as a compact body17. Consequently, Aman
made up a fight line consisting in five to eight spear throwers, each row throwing
over the heads of the ones in front of it; behind them, he placed a row of infantry
bowmen and one of bowmen on horses, which shot above the spearmen18. These
compact formations were extremely useful against heavy cavalry attacks; further-
more, because they were so compact, the Roman soldiers could not run away19.
The Roman infantry used several fighting techniques: at the beginning of
the fight, they attacked in wide formations, at high speed, to scare the enemies
away and put them on the run20. This first attack was followed by several others,
the soldiers not getting involved in individual duels except for very few situations;
their purpose was staying alive, rather than killing an enemy21. Still, during these
charges, individual duels were inevitable.
Intimidation tactics were an important factor that sometimes helped to
obtain easy victories. Initially, the enemy was intimidated at the sight of a great
number of people that went forward in disciplined formations, slowly or at great
speed. That visual impression was important to most of the armies, the soldiers
using different tricks to seem taller than in reality22. After creating this visual
impression, the second intimidation phase they used was at auditive level. The
noise was created with the help of different instruments used by the armies in
fighting signals, but the shouting, the noise made by men hitting their shields with
the weapons, or the march of hundreds of men with a firm step were intimidating,
as weil24. This type of noisy movement was used by the Roman army in Polybius’s
time, this technique being used by other populations, too25. The intimidation could
also be achieved by advancing slowly, quietly and it suggested imperturbability /
15 Goldsworthy 1996, 20.
16 Goldsworthy 1996, 21.
17 Goldsworthy 1996, 178.
18 Goldsworthy 1996, 177.
19 Goldsworthy 2007, 138-139.
20 Sabin 2000, 8.
21 Goldsworthy 1996, 208.
22 Goldsworthy 2008, 184.
23 Plutarch, Crassus 23.7.
24 Goldsworthy 1996, 195-197.
25 Goldsworthy 2007, 134.
250
Petru Ureche
impassibility, even if this was only for show26. That implacable closeness usually
created a stronger effect than the noisy advancing would have. It was first used in
Caesar’s time, and for it to be possible, a high standard discipline was required, to
keep the formations as a dense mass, despite the natural instinct of the soldiers to
scream and run towards the enemy line27. The only army of that time that was
disciplined and organized enough for this type of advancement was the Roman
one. The implacable closeness ended at a distance of less than 15 meters from the
enemy, this one receiving a double shock: a physical one by the pila volley and a
psychological one, induced by the fight shouts that were released at that moment28.
The ability to go forward in a constant rhythm and throw the spears only
from a short distance required a lot of self-control, and Roman soldiers were
doubtlessly taught to have that29.
The typical equipment of the auxiliary infantrymen consisted in a lorica
hamata that had the same weight as the segmentata used by the legionnaires, a
bronze helmet, an oval and flat shield, a gladius and a lance or short spears30
(iacula). The iacula, no matter if warriors attacked or defended themselves, were the
first weapons used in a fight to break the enemy line before coming to the hand to
hand fight31. These weapons were superior to the legionary ones (pila') from the
point of view of the ability to hit from a short distance . An experiment dating from
Napoleon the 3rd’s time proved that a spear could be thrown 30-35 meters away33.
In hand to hand fights, the gladius or the spatha were used most often, but it is
possible for some of the units to have used the lance in this type of confrontation34.
Considering this typical equipment of an auxiliary infantryman, it is believed that
these troops were actually heavily armed, just like the legionary ones35.
Most of the infantry troops represented on Trajan’s Column and on
funerary monuments seem to have as defensive equipment a helmet, lorica hamata
or squamata, a long, oval and flat shield, unlike the legionary one that was
26 Goldsworthy 1996, 197.
27 Goldsworthy 2007, 134.
28 Goldsworthy 2007, 134
29 Goldsworthy 2008, 184.
30 Goldsworthy 2007, 127.
31 Peddie 1996,81.
32 Goldsworthy 1996, 20.
33 Harmand 1967, 62, apwe/Luttwak 1976, 44.
39 Goldsworthy 1996, 216.
35 Goldsworthy 2007, 127.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia
251
semicircular. There is no proof that the auxiliary troops may have used lorica
segmentata .
The shield used by the auxiliary troops was about 125 cm long and 64 cm
wide. It was made up of three layers of wood stuck together, being 10 mm wide in
the end. The iron umbo was placed a little above the centre. The shield had a
vertical strengthening crossbar on the interior side that formed a vertical handle
right where the umbo was on the other side. Both faces were covered in leather and
there is no trace of any metallic strap on the side .
The infantry helmet left the face and ears uncovered, so that the soldier
could see, hear, understand and follow orders38.
The bowmen and slingers’ equipment is a bit different from that of the
regular troops (see infra).
In Dacia, the cohorts, the peditatae and the equitatae ones as well, were
placed in the front line of the limes, having behind them the alae, which could
intervene on a wider area, due to their mobility.
Cohorts recruited from various parts of the Roman Empire proceeded to
Roman Dacia. The most famous troops are: the Gauls, the Hispanians, the Britons
and the Thracians.
From the Gallic peditate cohorts in Dacia, the following have been
confirmed: cohors I Gallorum Dacica and cohors III Gallorum. The first one’s
garrison is unknown, the second being stationed in the fortress from loneștii
Govorei , then in Hoghiz. The Gallic cohorts were camped near river flows,
cohors III Gallorum stationed in two fortresses on the Alutan limes and cohors V
Gallorum equitata stationed on the Danube riverside, from where they could watch
over the road from Drobeta to Berzobis.
Troops composed of Hispanians can be found on various parts of Dacia's
limes. Thus, as far as the peditatae cohorts are concemed, there was one in the
north - in Românași (cohors I Hispanorum pia fidelis)^, and one on the limes
Transalutanus, cohors I Bracaraugustanorum at Brețcu (Angustiae)41.
A population that also gave many troops to the Empire even before the
Flavian42 dynasty was that of the Brittons. Three peditate cohorts of Britons saw
36 Goldsworthy 1996, 216.
37 Goldsworthy 1996, 211.
38 Goldsworthy 1996, 213.
39 Petolescu 1995, 257; Bejan 1998, 40.
40 Bejan 1998, 40; Zahariade 1976, 479.
41 Petolescu 2002, 85.
42 Marcu 2004,219.
252
Petru Ureche
action in Dacia: cohors I Augusta Nervia Pacensis Brittonum milliaria, cohors II
Augusta Nervia Pacensis Brittonum milliaria, which was stationed in the fortress
in Buciumi43, and cohors I Aurelia Brittonum milliaria, which was initially
stationed in Bumbești44, then in Stolniceni45.
There is a possibility for cohors I Augusta Nervia Pacensis Brittonum
milliaria to be identical to Cohors I Aurelia Brittonum milliaria from Bumbești46,
the hypothesis concerning the identification of the first with cohors II Augusta
Nervia Pacensis Brittonum milliaria being excluded47.
The troops in Buciumi guarded simultaneously two passes in the Meseș
Mountains: Rag and Poic. The fortress was situated 3.5 km behind the Rag pass,
beyond which lied the most important way of communication west of the limes,
the road along the Crasna river48.
The fortress in Bumbești controlled the Valley of the Jiu and one of the
most important roads of Dacia as well, from Drobeta to Ulpia Traiana
Sarmizegetusa, which passed through this valley.
The Thracians are also found within the Empire troops, especially in the
equitatae cohorts, being a population of horse riders. The troops of Thracians in
Dacia are: cohors I Thracum, cohors VI Thracum equitata, cohors I Thracum c. R.,
cohors I Thracum sagittariorum and cohors II Flavia Bessorum.
Of all these, we know about the first two being equitatae. Little do we
know about the places they were stationed in. Cohors I Thracum c. R. was used
only for a little while in Dacia: after taking part in the Dacian wars, it appears in
a diploma from 109 in Dacia and in 110, it is moved to Pannonia Inferior^.
Cohors II Flavia Bessorum was stationed in a castellum in Rucăr during Trajan’s
time50, and during Hadrian’s time it was moved to Dacia Inferior, then later on,
probably under Antonius Pius’s reign, it was relocated to Cincșor (Brașov), on
the upper Olt river51.
There is little Information about cohors I Thracum sagittariorum, as well:
we know it was stationed in Dacia Superior because it appears in their diplomas .
43 Petolescu 1995, 245.
44 Petolescu 2002,91.
45 Petolescu 2002, 92.
46 Marcu 2004, 223.
47 Eck, MacDonald, Pangerl 2001, 39-40; Weiss 2002, 250, apud Marcu 2004, 222.
48 Dumitrașcu 1993, apud Gudea 1997, 7-8.
49 Petolescu 1995,270.
50 Petolescu 2002, 84.
51 Petolescu 1995, 240.
52 Petolescu 1995, 270.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia
253
It was part of the infantry bowmen of Dacia, along with cohors / Cretum, cohors I
Antiochiensium, cohors I sagittariorum milliaria, cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum
sagittariorum and cohors I Ituraeorum.
The Thracians and the Cretans used a long bow characterized by high
performances (within a range of 210-230 m)53, but which was not really the same
as the composite bow used by Oriental bowmen. Cohors I Cretum was stationed in
Banatska Palanka, from where they watched over the Drobeta - Berzovis road. It is
assumed that cohors I Antiochiensium and cohors I sagittatiorum milliaria, which
was recruited from Syria, were stationed in Tibiscum54 and Drobeta55 and may
have been joined after 165.
The bowmen had to support other troops by standing behind them and
shooting above. They were usually used to provide support to the heavy infantry
against cavalry attacks, but they could not resist an attack by themselves56.
The infantry bowmen used bows that were bigger and stronger than those
of the infantry horsemen and their shooting range was wider57.
All the bowmen in the Roman army used the Mediterranean technique of
shooting, whether on foot or on horseback. The bow was held in the left hand,
which was straightened ahead, and the right hand bent the bow spring up to the
chin before releasing it. While being bent, the bow spring was held with a finger
above the arrow and with one or two fingers under it .
There are lots of variants regarding the effective range of action of the
arrows shot from a composite bow. Vegetius believed that the bowmen should
train with a target that should be positioned 200 meters away59, the French
estimated that an arrow shot from a Roman bow would reach up to 165-175
meters60, Bivar suggests a maximum distance of 230 meters and an effectiveness at
90 meters61, and McLeod reduces the effective distance to 50-60 meters62. Saracen
manuals support the idea that a professional bowman on horseback is capable to
hit a target with the diameter of 90 cm from a distance of 70 meters, and the
53 Peddie 1996, 92, Table 4.
54 Benea 1980, 136.
55 Benea 1976, 77 sqq.
56 Goldsworthy 1996, 190.
37 Coulston 1985, 245-246, apudDixon, Southern 1992, 53.
38 Goldsworthy 1996, 185.
59 Vegetius 2. 23.
60 Goldsworthy 1996, 184.
61 Goldsworthy 1996, 184.
62 Goldsworthy 1996, 184.
254
Petru Ureche
bowmen horse riders use less stronger bows, thus with a short range of shooting63.
One of the main reasons behind these different opinions concerning the range of
action of a Roman bow is the fact that the skillfulness of the bowman is more
important than the bow’s manufacturing technology64.
The infantry archers’ quiver was fixed by the balteus, as sculptural
monuments show (a tomb stone in Walberdorf)65, and that of the horse riders in
the equitatae cohorts was usually wom on the right side of the saddle, behind
the rider66.
The recruitment of the Iturean archers, an Arab population that shared its
domination together with the Nabateans in Syria, is testified from the beginning of
the first Civil War67. These ones, on foot and on horseback, were frequently used
by Caesar68, while Pompeius preferred the ones from Crete69.
The troops of Iturei in Dacia acted on the northem and north-westem limes,
being found in the fortresses from Romita and then Porolissum (cohors I
Ituraeorum} respectively Porolissum and Buciumi (cohors I Augusta
Ituraerorum)1®. Regarding the Călugăreni stamps, loan Piso and Felix Marcu were
both of the opinion that cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum was also stationed here71.
The Iturean, Numidian and Cyrenian troops included other categories of
infantry warriors besides the archers, as well. They were used in pursuit actions,
after the enemy was forced to flee .
Cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum sagittariorum, cohors I Ituraeorum, cohors I
Antiochiensium were made of soldiers recruited from the Orient, who used the
composite bow that had an action range of up to 330-365 m73.
The sling was used, as well, besides the bow and spear, in order to sustain
the infantry. The first two originate from the Orient and the sling is also signaled in
David’s fight against Goliath74. The usage of slingers in the Roman army is less
63 Goldsworthy 1996, 184.
64 Goldsworthy 1996, 184.
65 Coulston 1985, 271, apwJDixon, Southern 1992, 57.
66 Schleiermacher 1984, No. 23, apwt/Dixon, Southern 1992, 57.
67 Țentea 2004, 805.
68 Caesar, Bell. Afr., 20; Cicero, Philippicae, II, 112.
69 Davies 1977, 261, apwt/Țentea 2004, 805.
70 Țentea 2004, 808.
71 Piso, Marcu 2008, 176-177.
72 Ruscu, Ruscu 1996, 225.
73 Peddie 1996, 92.
74 Peddie 1996, 82.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia
255
clarified than that of the archers. The Cretans75 and the Hispanians are mentioned
to use slings beside swords and spears76.
The slingers were probably included in other units, because cohorts of
soldiers specialized in using the sling remains unknown77. They were gathered in
special units in the light armed troops, especially the light infantry and probably
archers, so that together they could offer support to the infantry . The sling was a
popular weapon because of its light weight and simplicity in the construction and
usage. It is made of a piece of leather in which one puts the projectile and two side
straps, out of which one is fixed by the hand one throws with and the other is held
between the thumb and the index of the same hand. After one swing around the
head, the strap between the fingers is released. The range of action is influenced by
the throwing angle, the length of the side straps and by the thrower’s force79, as
weil as by the ability of the slinger or by the projectile’s weight. Given these
variables, it is difficult to establish the approximate range of action of the sling80.
Still, they assume an approximate reach of 27-37 meters81. The projectiles were
carried by the slingers of the Roman army in the folds of their cape, which was
thrown over their left arm, just as it is shown on Trajan’s Column .
Unlike the arrow or the spear, the projectile shot from the sling had the
advantage that it could not be seen in the air and consequently, it could not be
avoided. Likewise, it didn’t have to penetrate the armour or the helmet to put the
enemy out of action, which explains why, sometimes, the sling could be more
dangerous than the bow83.
Like the archers, the slingers had two possibilities of taking action: either
they established a precise target and hit it, or threw as many projectiles as possible
in the enemy area, leaving them to find them targets on their own. In this case, the
skillfulness did not lie in the ability to hit a certain target, but in sending as many
projectiles towards the enemy as possible. The second option was sometimes more
useful, especially when the enemy made up a dense body84. Acquiring the habit
75 Appian 2.71.
76 Strabo 3.4.15.
77 Goldsworthy 1996, 19, 186.
78 Peddie 1996,81.
79 Peddie 1996, 82.
80 Goldsworthy 1996, 186.
81 Peddie 1996, P.92, Table 4.
82 Richmond 1982, P.2, 19, fh 22, apud Peddie 1996, 82.
83 Goldsworthy 1996, 186.
84 Goldsworthy 1996, 186-187.
256
Petru Ureche
and then the great art of handling the sling was obtained, just like in the bow’s
oe
case, by continuous practice .
or
In the marching column, the slingers, being the scouts , were frequently
placed in front of the main body of troops.
The Batavian alae were considered to be elite forces, but the Batavian
infantry is not inferior to them, either. Cohors I Batavorum milliaria operated in
Dacia at Romita87. Tacitus mentions the Batavian cohorts that participated in
conquering Britain and covered themselves with glory88.
The Batavian cohorts were different from the rest of the cohorts in the
Roman army, maybe due to their extraordinary skillfulness and even swimming
talents89, and to the fact that after Crossing the river, they got out on the other side
in formation90. This capability is due to Batavians’ origin, they lived on the Rhine
riverside91.
In the description of the assault over the island Mona, Tacitus mentions
that the Batavian infantrymen landed on the island in ships and the equites swam
across with their horses, even if the water was extremely deep92.
There is not very much to say about the other cohorts that acted on the
territory of Dacia. Those troops were situated on the north-westem border, in the
east or inside the province. Thus, the following troops were on the north-westem
limes', cohors I Cannanefatium - testified in 164 in Tihău93, cohors V Lingonum in
Porolissum^ and cohors I Aelia gaesatorum milliaria, which was stationed in
Bologa95. These last ones took their name from gaesum, a special heavy lance, the
weapon they used in fights96. The troop in Tihău was recruited from the
Caninefatian people, who had an origin, language and virtues similar to the
Batavi97. These troops were integrated in the defense line in the north-west of the
85 Goldsworthy 1996, 186.
86 Peddie 1996, 83-84.
87 Petolescu 1995,240.
88 Tacitus, Historiae, IV, 12.
89 Fleuret 1998, 126.
90 Tacitus, Historiae IV, 12.1
91 Fleuret 1998, 126.
92 Tacitus, Annales XIV, 26.
93 Petolescu 1995, 248.
94 Petolescu 1995,266.
95 Petolescu 1995,254.
96 Petolescu 2002, 103-104.
97 Tacitus, Historiae IV, 15.1.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia
257
province, formed by the fortresses of Tihău, Porolissum, Romita, Românași,
Buciumi, Bologa.
Besides these, there still were a few to watch over the important roads of
the province. Thus, on the imperial road from Drobeta to Ulpia Traiana
Sarmizegetusa were stationed two such troops. The first was cohors III
Campestris, present only for a short while in Drobeta , then replaced by cohors I
sagittariorum milliaria. Then the cohors IV Cypria c. R. was stationed on a very
important road as weil, the one that connects Drobeta to Ulpia Traiana
Sarmizegetusa through the Jiu Valley; they were garrisoned in the fortress from
Bumbești-Jiu", where they could supervise and control the entire valley from.
This troop’s soldiers distinguished themselves by bravery in the wars against the
Dacians, thus receiving Roman citizenship. The cohort was replaced here by
cohors IAurelia Brittonum milliariaxw.
Little do we know about the next three troops, the last ones that we are
actually studying, the place where they were stationed being unknown. Cohors
Afrorum was testified only once in an inscription in Rome101, and the other two
troops, cohors I Pannoniorum veterana and cohors I Montanorum, participated
in the second war against the Dacians103, and then they went back to the provinces
they came from. Therefore, in 110, cohors I Montanorum had already come back
to Pannonia Inferior^ and cohors I Pannoniorum veterana reappeared in Moesia
Superior in the year 159105.
The cohortes peditatae had an extremely important role in the campaign,
where they took or maintained a special fighting position or fight line side by side
with the legions they accompanied. Likewise, being disposed in an organized
manner on several fight lines, they were extremely effective in the fights against
barbarian populations, whose organization during the attacks was not brilliant. In
peace time, these troops were stationed in fortresses on the limes, from where they
watched over the neighboring populations and repelled their attacks with specific
tactics, fundamentally aggressive and offensive, their defense being based on the
counter-attack106.
98 Petolescu 1995, 246.
99 Petolescu 1995, 253.
100 Petolescu 1995,253.
101 Petolescu 1995,237.
102 Petolescu 1995,267.
103 Petolescu 1995, 266.
104 Petolescu 1995,266.
105 Petolescu 1995,268.
106 Goldsworthy 1996, 227.
258
Petru Ureche
	Bibliography
Bejan 1998 Benea1976	A. Bejan, Dacia Felix. Istoria Daciei romane, Timișoara 1998. Doina Benea, Câteva precizări cu privire la monumentele epigrafice ale cohors I Sagittariorum la Drobeta, SCIVA 27,1,1976, 77 - 84.
Benea1980	Doina Benea, Numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium. Contribuții la istoria trupelor de palmyreni din Dacia, Apulum 18, 1980, 131-140.
Cheesman 1914	G. L. Cheesman, The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army, Oxford 1914.
Cichorius 1900 Coulston 1985	C. Cichorius, Cohors, in: RE VII (1900), 231-356. J. C. Coulston, Roman archery equipment, in: M. C. Bishop (ed.), The Production and Distribution of Roman Military Equipment: Proceedings of the Second Roman Military Equipment Seminar, Oxford, BAR International Series 275, 1985, 220-236.
Davies 1977	J. L. Davies, Roman arrowheads from Dinobern and the sagittarii of the Roman army, Britannia 8, 1977, 257-270.
Davies 1989	R. Davies, Service in the Roman Army, (ed. M. Roxan, J. Breeze 1993), London 1989.
Dixon, Southern	K.. Dixon, P. Southern, The Roman Cavalry, London 1992.
1992
Dumitrașcu 1993	S. Dumitrașcu, Dacia apuseană. Teritoriul dacilor liberi din vestul și nord-vestul României în vremea Daciei romane, Oradea 1993.
Eck, MacDonald, Pangerl 2001 Fleuret 1998	W. Eck, D. MacDonald, A. Pangerl, Neue Diplome fur Auxiliatruppen în den dakischen Provinzen, AMN 38, 2001, 27 -48. L. Fleuret, Les armees au combat dans les Annales de Tacite: etude de tactique, Nantes 1998.
Goldsworthy 1996	A. K. Goldsworthy, The Roman Army at War 100 B.C. - A.D. 200, Oxford 1996.
Goldsworthy 2007 Goldsworthy 2008 Gudea1997 Harmand 1967	A. K. Goldsworthy, Roman Warfare, London 2007. A. K. Goldsworthy, Totul despre armata romană, București 2008. N. Gudea, Castrul roman de la Buciumi, Zalău 1997. L. Harmand, L’armee et le soldat â Rome: de 107 â 50 avant notre ere, Paris 1967.
Luttwak 1976	E. Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire, Baltimore - London 1976.
Marcu 2004	F. Marcu, Comments on the identity and deployment of cohortes 1 Brittonum, AMN 39^10/1, 2004, 219 - 234.
Peddie 1996 Petolescu 1995	J. Peddie, The Roman War Machine, Boduin 1996. C. C. Petolescu, Unitățile auxiliare din Dacia romană (11). Cohortes, SCIVA 46, 3-4, 1995, 237 - 275.
Petolescu 2002	C. C. Petolescu, Auxilia Daciae. Contribuție la istoria militară a Daciei romane, București 2002.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia
259
Piso, Marcu 2008	La Cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum en Dacie, AMN 43-44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), 167-176.
Richmond 1982 Robinson 1975 Ruscu, Ruscu 1996	I. Richmond, Trajan’s Army onTrajan’s Column, London 1982. H. R. Robinson, The Armour of the Imperial Rome, London 1975. D. Ruscu, Ligia Ruscu, „EKTAEIE KATA AAANQN" a lui Arrian și strategia defensivă a Imperiului Roman în epocă hadrianică, EN 6, 1996, 205-235.
Sabin 2000 Schleiermacher 1984 Spaul 2000	P. Sabin, The face of Roman battle, JRS 90, 2000, 1-17. M. Schleiermacher, Romische Reitergrabsteine. Die kaiserzeitlichen Reliefs des triumphierenden Reiters, Bonn 1984. J. Spaul, Cohors. The Evidence for and a Short History of the Auxiliary Infantry Units of the Imperial Roman Army, BAR International Series 841,2000.
Țentea 2004	O. Țentea, Cohors 1 Ituraeorum sagittariorum equitata milliaria, in: Orbis Antiquus. Studia in honorem loannis Pisonis, Cluj-Napoca 2004, 806-815.
Ureche 2009	P. Ureche, Tactics, strategies andfightingparticularities of the equitatae cohorts in Roman Dacia, EN 19, 2009 (under press).
Weiss 2002	P. Weiss, Neue Diplome jur Soldaten des Exercitus Dacicus, ZPE 141, 2002, 241-251.
Zahariade 1976	M. Zahariade, Trupele de origine hispanică din Dacia, SCIVA 27, 4, 1976, 473^194.
Fig. 1. Dacian units based their fighting style.
O
^0
CD
2
c
2
o
CD
Fig. 2. The ethnic and provenience of the soldiers from the regular cohorts in Roman Dacia.
The auxiliary iunfantry in Roman Dacia

Acta Musei Napocensis, 43-44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 263-279
Speculatores in Dacia. Missions and careers
George Cupcea
Beginning with 168, the Dacian consular govemor recruited his personal
staff out of the two legions under his command, XIII Gemina and V Macedonica.
The number of officials attested as belonging to his staff is close to one hundred,
which explains why in Dacia we encounter one of the best substantiated officium
consularis.
It should be mentioned, right from the beginning, that such a staff gathered
at least two hundred people, mostly legionaires, standing on very different ranks,
and having their own internai hierarchy. The men serving in this staff were divided
into at least two categories. The superior part of the officium is crewed only with
principales, high-ranked soldiers, receiving one and a half or double pay. They had
passed the basic training in a legion, provided by the lower posts and the tactical
ranks. The inferior part is occupied only by low-rank soldiers, immunes, most of
them at the beginning of their careers, either technicians or secretaries1. The higher
ranks have more general duties and larger responsibilities, and the lower, more
specialized activities .
A parțial reconstruction of the superior part of an officium consularis, in a
province with only one legion, would look as follows: two cornicularii, two
1 Also called senior-staff and junior-staff posts. Breeze 1974, passim.
2 Austin, Rankov 1995, 151. The evidence for this staff is summoned by a series of epigraphical
resources, throughout the Empire. CIL VIII 2586 and AE 1917/18, 57, at Lambaesis, count two
cornicularii, two commentarienses, four speculatores, thirty beneficiarii consularis, four or five
quaestionarii and a haruspex. No mention of the lower posts, and probably only half of a regular
staff are attested, because it is well-known that the govemor of Numidia (also legionary legate of
III Augusta) shared his staff with the African proconsul. Another example is Tarraco, the capital of
a one-legion province, where CIL II 4122 counts two cornicularii, two commentarienses and ten
speculatores. CIL III 3524, at Aquincum, counts twenty speculatores, and CIL III 4452 from
Carnuntum reveals three cornicularii, three commentarienses, and thirty speculatores.
264
George Cupcea
commentarienses, ten speculatores, around sixty beneficiarii, about ten quaestores
and maybe a haruspex, altogether about two hundred men having their own
officers, plus the singulares3.
The tasks of this staff were numerous and identical to those of the
govemor. The bureaucrats assist the govemor in his most important mission, the
administration and implementation of provincial justice. Thus, literary and
epigraphical sources reveal these officers taking part in the actual enforcement of
justice: centurions inquire, cornicularii supervise capital executions, commentarienses
record every decision taken by the govemor, speculatores carry out the death
penalty, and beneficiarii or frumentarii assist it, quaestionarii lead inquiries or
even tortures. Additionally, one of the main common task of all these offiiciales
was to act as messengers throughout the province, or even the Empire.
The subject of this paper, speculatores, are a very interesting category in
the govemor staff, attending very different and important tasks. Their origin goes
back to late Republic. They first appear in Caesar's writings, involved in espionage
missions, as their name implies, (BG II.l 1.2-3, V.49.8, 50.3; BC III.66.1, 67.1)4.
Evidence of speculatores praetorii dates back to the time of the second
triumvirate, consisting in a coin of Mark Anthony, or the use of such special troops
by Augustus (a visit of such a speculator to Augustus is revealed by Suetonius,
Aug. 74). He later instated them, together with the praetorian cohorts, and they
begin to appear on monuments at about that time5. They seem to have had a special
position in the praetorium. A praetorian soldier could become a speculator after he
held at least one of the tactical ranks. He then became mounted and enlisted in the
special corps of speculatores praetoriani, counting about three hundred men6.
They acted as a campaign guard for the emperor and attend to special espionage
missions (as those revealed by Suetonius, Calig. 44, or Festus 69.L7). They
continued to be enlisted in the praetorian cohorts, even if, on several occasions,
they seem to have been granted a special position (the separate mention of the
praetorian cohorts and the equites speculatores by emperor Otho is listed in
Tacitus, Hist. II.l, II.33)8.
3 Austin, Rankov 1995, 152-153. Even if these calculations appear too mechanical, in fact, the
size of the officium consularis depended on the size of the army that the govemor had in command.
4 Austin, Rankov 1995, 154; Ducos 1995, 51.
5 Clauss 1973, 46. For the early history of the praetorian guard, see Keppie 1996.
6 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 20; Durry 1968, 109. However, B. Dobson argues that their
numbers are not exactly known (Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, X).
7 An important explanation of speculator and explorator is provided by Festus, 69.L: speculator
hostilia silentio perspicit, explorator pacata clamare cognoscit. Ducos 1995, 50.
8 Durry 1968, 108; Clauss 1973, 47-18.
Speculatores in Dacia
265
They most probably stand higher than the regular praetorians, on the same
level as a tactical rank and can be promoted to a quaestionibus praefecti or
beneficiarius praefecti. Furthermore, they have their own ranks, as revealed by
Tacitus (Hist. 1.25): optio and tesserarius9, the existence of a vexillarius and the
possibility of promotion to the centurionate being only presumed10.
When Trajan became emperor, in the year 98, he brought to Rome his
newly created guard, the equites singulares Augusti. He did not garrison them in
the same fort as the praetorians, but had the castra priora built for them, on mount
Caelius11. At about the same time, the corps of speculatores in the praetorian
cohorts lost their role and importance, and maybe even disappeared as a distinct
unit12. At one time in the 3rd Century they seemed to have re-emerged, in the time
of emperor Philippus Arabs, bearing the name of tectores , but this thesis proved
itself wrong, being based only on the analogy with protectores made by A. von
Domaszewski14.
By the time of mid-second century, when the consular governors' officia
were established, came into light the other kind of speculator appointed to this
staff, the one picked out from the legions of the province, the speculator legionis.
The first to notice that this kind of officer is part of the officium consularis was A.
von Domaszewski, due to the place of discovery for most of the monuments
belonging to these speculatores, the praetoria of the governors15. Moreover, he
was the first to state that these speculatores served only in the officium consularis,
because only the govemor posessed the capital jurisdiction16.
The literary and epigraphical sources have revealed a great variety of tasks
assigned to speculatores, as well as their organization and numbers. Inscriptions
discovered at Tarraco, Carnuntum or Aquincum, which were mentioned earlier in
this text17, ennumerate the speculatores present in every officium of these
provinces. Due to the different number of legions in these provinces, one can say
that ten speculatores were recruited out of each legion to participate in the officium
9 Ducos 1995, 50.
10 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 20; Durry 1968, 108-110.
" Speidel 1994,39.
12 Durry 1968, 32; Speidel 1994, 43. They continue to be a simple rank in the praetorian
cohorts, but are replaced by frumentarii and equites singulares Augusti (Clauss 1973, 56-57).
13 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 20; Durry 1968, 110.
14 Clauss 1973, 78-79. In fact, these tectores are a kind of immunes - technicians or workers.
15 Apud Clauss 1973, 59.
16 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32.
17 Supra, no. 1.
266
George Cupcea
consularis™. A very important fact is that they are also present in the staff of the
govemors in provinces with no legions. In this case, the recruitment was made
from legions in the adjacent provinces, as is the case of Dalmația (three legions),
Lugdunensis (four legions), or Africa proconsularis (one legion - III Augusta)™.
Their main task is to assist the govemor in the implementation of justice in
the province. This is why govemors with no legion have such officers in their
staff20. Most of the monuments attesting the speculatores were discovered in the
praetoria of the provincial govemors. Next to those, we encounter discoveries in
other places, where speculatores were sent in their misions, the stationes. Such
stationes, crewed with speculatores, were found in Dalmația, at Metulum (CIL III
3021), in Upper Moesia, at Ulpiana (CIL III 8173), or in Lower Dacia, at Aquae -
Cioroiu Nou (AE 1959, 330 = IDR II 141 )21.
The role of the speculator as a legal officer has been mentioned several
times by literary sources, and assumed by most of the modem day scholars,
beginning with A. von Domaszewski . He attended to tasks concerning legal
trials, in which case he had clerical duties. This is also certified by the perspective
promotions of speculatores to other higher clerical ranks, like the commentariensis
or the cornicularius .
Another very delicate mission of the speculatores was that of public
executioner. This is mainly revealed by literary sources, like the Digest 48.20.6 or
St. Mark’s Gospel 621. They chose the place and organized the execution, even if
supervised by a centurion, and they also applied the death penalty (Seneca, De
benef. 3.25)24.
Their most commonly mentioned task was, nevertheless, that of
messengers, which arises from literary and epigraphical sources, throughout the lst
and 2nd centuries (Tacitus, Hist. 11.73, Ann. 11.12; Livy XXXI.24.4)25. They acted
as messengers not only inside the provinces, but also outside them, being sent even
to Rome to dispatch important messages to the emperor, together with the
frumentarii and singulares. For their time spent in Rome, they were garrisoned
alongside the other emissaries, in the castra peregrina .
18 Clauss 1973,69; Austin, Rankov 1995, 151.
19 Clauss 1973, 70.
20 Clauss 1973,69.
21 Clauss 1973, 71. For the development of provincial stationes, see Dise 1996 and Dise 1997.
22 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32.
23 Clauss 1973,72.
24 Clauss 1973, 72-73; Austin, Rankov 1995, 151-155.
25 Austin, Rankov 1995, 155.
26 Rankov 1990, 180.
Speculatores in Dacia
267
Some speculatores are attested as performing local police missions. Such is
the case of a speculator in Lower Moesia, Tomis (AE 1960, 348), who handled the
local police work of a district along the Black Sea shore 27. All these various
missions that we encounter in the case of speculatores indicate the full availability
of these officials to any task that would appear and that they would have been
entrusted with by the governor, regardless of the fact that it was, most of the time,
some dirtyjob.
Most of the provincial officia throughout the empire have one or more
active speculatores attested at one time. As previously mentioned, all kinds of
govemors, with or without legions in command, had a similar officium and
recruited their men from where it was most available: Lusitania, Tarraconensis,
Britannia, Upper and Lower Germany, Dalmația, Upper and Lower Pannonia,
Upper and Lower Moesia, Aegyptus, Africa proconsularis, Numidia, and, of
no
course, Dacia .
No.	Name	Rank	Legion	Source	Location
1	P. Aelius Valerianus	speculator	XIII Gemina	IDR III/5, 721	Apulum
2	Ulpius Proculinus	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 990=IDR III/5, 31	Apulum
3	Statius Alexander	speculator	XIII Gemina	Apulum 40, 2007, 176-177	Apulum
	Collective	speculatores	XIII Gemina	CIL III 7794b=IDR III/5, 435	Apulum
4	Caius	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
5	Cocceius	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
6	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR 111/5,426	Apulum
7	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR 111/5,426	Apulum
8	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR 111/5,426	Apulum
9	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
10	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
11	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
12	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
13	Unknown	speculator	XIII Gemina	CIL III 14479=IDR 111/5,426	Apulum
14	Maximianus	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
15	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
16	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
17	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
18	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
19	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
20	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
21	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR III/5, 426	Apulum
27 Clauss 1973, 74, 99: mtEKkmcop IIovtiko<;.
28 For detailed information of speculatores in other provinces, see Clauss 1973, 59-68.
268
George Cupcea
No.	Name	Rank	Legion	Source	Location
22	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR II1/5, 426	Apulum
23	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 14479=IDR 111/5,426	Apulum
24	Unknown	speculator	V Macedonica	CIL III 7688	Potaissa
25	A[ur.?] Germanus	speculator	VII Claudia	AE 1959, 330=IDRII 141	Aquae
In Dacia, this rank is very well attested, mostly because of one particular
monument. A total number of twenty-four speculatores are known, plus a
collective dedication. Each legion had an almost identical number of documented
speculatores'. XIII Gemina - twelve, V Macedonica - eleven, and in the unusual
case of VII Claudia - one. The vast majority of these officers were present in the
provincial capital, at the praetorium consularis - twenty-three cases, and only two
such characters in other locations, Potaissa or Aquae-Cioroiu Nou. A unique
monument caught the attention of every scholar previously interested in this
matter. It is a marble plate , documenting the building of a schola speculatorum,
the headquarters of their own collegium, part of the praetorium consularis. It also
testifies for a number of twenty speculatores probably in place at that time.
Outside this monument, only five others attest this rank. A statue basis in
Apulum30, raised by Ulpius Proculinus, speculator legionis XIII Geminae
Gordianae, tells about a dream order issued by Apollo for the reconstruction of the
fountain of Deus Aeternus^.
Another example comes from Apulum as well, where a votive altar or
statue basis32 is dedicated by P. Aelius Valerianus, called simply speculator, to a
god/godess unknown, due to the bad state of the monument.
The next case is the outcome of a confusion. Two fragments of monuments
were mistakently associated, and the result was a dedication to the govemor P.
Septimius Geta, brother of emperor Severus, by groups of cornicularii,
commentarienses and speculatores. In fact, the two fragments do not belong
together, leaving only the actual mention of the three officer groups, with no other
information available33.
29 CIL III 14479 = AE 1901, 154 = IDR. III/5, 426.
30 CIL III 990 = IDR III/5, 31.
31 A common practice in Apulum, according to Popescu 2004, 281. Dated between 238-244.
32 IDR 111/5,721.
33 CIL III 7794a = IDR III/5, 434 and III 7794b = IDR I1I/5, 435. The association was initially
made by A. von Domaszewski, later asumed by M. Clauss (Clauss 1973, 64 and note no. 111), but
the clarification came from I. Piso, in IDR I1I/5, where he argued that the two fragments do not
belong together simply because the stone material is different. Therefore, the only fragment that
remains in our interest is the second, CIL 111 7794b = IDR 111/5, 435.
Speculatores in Dacia
269
At the other location of a legionary fortress in Dacia, Potaissa, on a list of
veterans honouring a sacerdotalis Daciae dating from the 3rd century, an unknown
veteran, former speculator, arrogates the highest position attested in the soldier
staff posts of V Macedonica^.
A more recent discovery reveals a soldier list engraved on a marble plate,
also in Apulum, coming from the area around the porta principalis dextra, in the
legionary fortress.35 The list contains about fourty soldier names, and, for some of
them, their ranks. Most of them are principales, standing on very different ranks.
Out of the fourty, one single speculator is attested, Statius Alexander. There is
not much more to be said about this monument, due to the scarce analysis in the
publication, except the fact that it also contains three centurial symbols, engraved
on the marble plate, which enables us to establish the sub-unit of most of the
legionaries mentioned.36 The speculator seems to be part of the century of the
princeps prior. This is very important, stating, once again, that these officiales
remain in their legions, even if on duty elsewhere.
A very special case is encountered in Aquae-Cioroiu Nou, in Lower Dacia.
A[urelius?| Germanus is a speculator legionis VII Claudiae [[Philippianae?]]
who dedicates an altar37 to three divinities, Diana, Mercurius gubernator and the
genius stationis. It seems to stand as a testimony for a statio located at Aquae, also
proving the fact that not only the beneficiarii consularis managed these posts, as it
has been confirmed by discoveries in other provinces . Left to be discussed is the
presence of a speculator coming from a legion not garrisoned in Dacia in one of
the stationes in this province, and even his association to the officium consularis of
Dacia. The latter is assumed by Clauss, who compared it to the situation found in
provinces with no legions, like Dalmația or Lugdunensis.39 However, there is a
small probability that this is the case here, because Dacia is in a completely
different situation than the other two examples provided by Clauss, having two
legions of its own, which was more than enough for the governor to draw his
officiales from. Germanus is most likely a speculator coming from the officium
consularis Moesiae superioris, dispached on a mission in Dacia40.
34 CILHI 7688.
33 Moga, Drâmbărean 2007, 175-179. The authors date the inscription at the beginning of the
3rd century.
36 Faure 2008, 297-299.
37 AE 1959, 330 = IDR II 141.
38 Supra, no. 21.
39 Clauss 1973,71.
u Moreover, his dedication towards Mercurius gubernator would indicate a voyage that he has
taken successfully, or is about to take. Popescu 2004, 282.
270
George Cupcea
Back to the marble plate previously mentioned41, we can certify that this is
one of the most important epigraphical pieces of evidence for the superior part of
an officium consularis. The soldier list revealed on this plate is as valuable as any
other list in Lambaesis, Aquincum or Tarraco. The monument marks the
construction of a collegium speculatorum headquarters inside the praetorium
consularis42 at Apulum, following an order of the govemor, Mevius Surus43,
dedicated to the health of the two emperors, Severus and Caracalla, and the Caesar
Geta. The men who actually paid for this edifice, are written on three columns, of
which only few names and ranks are clearly visible.
On the first column, the names and ranks of three centurions and two
cornicularii are mentioned, followed by other five parțial names, with no mention
of the ranks. On the second and third columns, the names of twenty speculatores
are written, from which only three are exactly known. These speculatores are
thought to have been the actual officers in state at that particular time, ten from
each legion. If this is so, then we know about yet another twenty speculatores,
even if not all of them have their name mentioned. The only three known officers
are Caius and Cocceius from XIII Gemina, and Maximianus from V Macedonica.
This fact is very important, and has been taken into consideration rather early on.
A. von Domaszewski was the first to realize the importance of this list and
compared it to the ones found in other provinces44. The confirmation for the
number of speculatores each legion had to provide to the officium consularis came
also from M. Clauss45. Finally, I. Piso also discussed the matter several times,
revealing and completing the older discussions46.
If the contents of the last two columns was a bit obvious to decrypt, the
first one poses the important question: who are these higher officers, centurions
and cornicularii? Since the beginning, they have been considered to be former
speculatores who were promoted to these ranks. If this is so, than new and
valuable information is available on the careers of the principales. The rank of
speculator is considered to stand above the beneficiarius consularis, evidence for
this being the number of promotions from the latter to the former.47 Also, the
speculatores attested at one time in a statio are thought to be former beneficiarii
41 Supra, no. 29.
42 As this is the place of discovery, according to Piso 1993, 158 and IDR 1II/5, XX.
43 He govemed Dacia in 198-199, Piso 1993, 156.
44 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32.
45 Clauss 1973,64.
46 Piso 1993, 156-158 and IDR 111/5, XX and no. 426.
47 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32; Clauss 1973, 75.
Speculatores in Dacia
271
having retumed with some kind of a mission in a familiar place after their
promotion, but this is not necessarily appropriate for each case48. However, on
several lists, one can recognize more than one beneficiarius that would later
become speculator and is attested elsewhere49.
The rank stands under the commentariensis and cornicularius and can be
promoted to them50. These kinds of promotions inside an officium are clearly
visible in many cases. The promotion to commentariensis is very well-
documented , as well as the one to cornicularius . The promotion to optio
speculatorum53, the headmaster of their collegium, is also possible and, beginning
with Severus' reign, even directly to the legionary centurionate54.
To these examples it is proper to add the ones provided by the inscription
from Apulum. In the first column, both the fourth and fifth soldier stand on the
rank of cornicularius, Aelius Valerius and Antonius Va(—). Had they been
speculatores previously, than the two promotions would confirm the thesis about
the direct promotion to cornicularius in the same officium. Following these two,
we know nothing about the last five soldiers whose names are written in the first
column. By assumption, one of them could as well be another cornicularius, for
there should be three cornicularii in the officium consularis of every province with
two legions55. On the other hand, this is not necessarily true, because there is no
need for the third cornicularius to be a former speculator and therefore, part of
their collegium. Leaving this as it is, there are still another four vacant places in the
first column. They have been assumed to be commentarienses, former speculatores
promoted to this rank56. This is highly probable and would indicate once again the
fact that the promotion of speculatores to the next rank in the hierachy, the
commentariensis, is the most regularly used practice for this kind of officiales51.
However, a small problem arises: only three commentarienses are attested for a
48 Clauss 1973, 75.
49 As it is the case of C. Caecilius Felix, in CIL VIII 2586 and AE 1917/18, 57, from
Lambaesis. Clauss 1973, 75 and note no. 179; Breeze 1974, 265.
50 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 30.
51 CIL II 4145 and 4179 in Tarraco; CIL XIII 1732 and III 2015 in Salona. Clauss 1973, 76;
Breeze 1974, 265-266.
52 CIL VIII 12128, Chusira. Clauss 1973, 76; Breeze 1974, 266.
53 CIL III 14137, Alexandria. Clauss 1973, 76.
34 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32.
53 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 30. By comparison to other two-legions provinces, he States that
at least two cornicularii are attested in this case, in Dacia.
36 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 31; Piso 1993, 158 and IDR III/5, 426.
37 For a detailed discussion about commentarienses, see Haensch 1995.
272
George Cupcea
province with two legions and, since Dacia follows the main pattem, at least in this
case, should display only three such clerks. This leaves room for yet another
officer, placed at the end of the first column, but necessarily higher in rank than
the twenty speculatores, and lower than the two already discussed.
This could only be the proper position for an optio speculatorum. This is
the headmaster of their collegium5*, probably not higher in rank, but only in
prestige, anyway, holding a post of mostly sacral duties. The promotion to this post
is known from Alexandria, as well59; even if the actual promotion is doubtful,
should we consider it only a special title grant60. Nevertheless, whether this
title/rank was granted to one of the twenty speculatores in function at one time, or
whether another officer was promoted to it, it is not actually known.
Another option for this position comes from elsewhere, but in the same
mănner. A marble plate from Aquincum61 marks the rebuilding of the schola
speculatorum in the praetorium of the govemor Flavius Aelianus, in the year 228.
It mentions the fact that the schola is being rebuilt by the people whose names are
written lower on the monument. Following the name of the govemor and the
consuls in function, there is a list of twenty speculatores, ten from each of the
legions in Lower Pannonia. Actually, the building is called schola speculatorum
legionum I et II Adiutricium piarum fidelium Severianarum. No mentions of any
higher rank, just like in the Apulum case, but the interesting fact comes from the
end of the monument. The last row reads: curante Aur. Pertinace frumentario. As
it can clearly be seen, the collegium had some prospective candidates, lower in
rank, who probably expected the promotion to speculator, and have been trying to
ensure tight relations and had a reputation built for. In the case of Aquincum, there
is a frumentarius, one of the ranks standing lower in the hierarchy of the officium
consularis, Aurelius Pertinax. He attends to the reconstruction of the schola,
probably delegated by the collegium speculatorum. This can easily be the case for
the monument in Apulum, as well. The only problem is that a frumentarius could
not stand higher on the soldier list than a speculator. This being the case, it is
possible for the list of the twenty speculatores to actually begin on the last row in
the first column, hence leaving the last place available for the junior-rank officer
that would have been attended to the construction.
Both of the Solutions presented above are possible, though neither of them
highly probable. A single fact remains: in the first column, there is at least one
38 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32.
39 Supra, no. 51.
60 Clauss 1973, 76 and note no. 183.
61 CIL III 3524.
Speculatores in Dacia
273
place available for another soldier, obviously bearing a high rank in the officium
consularis, connected in some manner to the collegium speculatorum and its
schola.
There is still a very important matter that is left to be commented on. The
first three officers mentioned on the list are all legionary centurions. Only Ulpius
Bacchius is a centurion of XIII Gemina, and both lulius Tacitus and Claudius
Claudianus are from V Macedonica. It has been said, quite a long time ago, that
beginning with Severus’ reign, the speculatores could have been promoted directly
to the centurionate62. However, other opinions tend to affirm that the examples
provided by A. von Domasewski are mere exceptions. Moreover, M. Clauss States
that the case of the inscription in Apulum, being a clear validation for such
promotions, is an accident caused by the civil wars that occured when Severus
came into reign63. Not even D. J. Breeze takes into consideration this version,
when he says that in the officium consularis only promotions to the next, higher
post, are possible, following a precise pattem: frumentarius - beneficiarius
consularis, beneficiarius consularis - speculator, speculator - commentariensis,
commentariensis - cornicularius consularis, cornicularius consularis - centurio
legionisM.
Nevertheless, the three cases of such a promotion occuring in Dacia,
exactly at the end of the 2nd century cannot be ignored. At one time, we have three
confirmations, that before the year 198, at least three speculatores from the
officium consularis III Daciarum were promoted directly to the legionary
centurionate. The cause for this promotion is, of course, only assumed. However,
the practice was not to be used if it had been considered unacceptable for that
period of time. Therefore, to say that this case is only an exception is not quite
accurate. More likely, at the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd centuries,
the changes that occur in the internai administration of the Roman army also
include promotion practices, this being reflected by the cases of promotions such
as these exposed earlier.
Last, but not least, a short debate is necessary, regarding the organization
of these speculatores. Military collegia are well-known throughout the Empire.
These ’associations of people involved in the same occupation’ were thought to
have been available only to principales, but other discoveries seem to reveal that
62 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 32. For other similar ranks in the officium consularis, like
beneficiarius, see Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 33.
63 Clauss 1973,76.
64 Breeze 1974, 269.
274
George Cupcea
immunes were also allowed to do so. They appeared about the time of Hadrian’s
reign and multiplied considerably by the time of Severus65. It has been revealed
that the military musicians, tubicen, cornicen or bucinator, who were clearly
immunes, have an optio as a headmaster of their collegium66. Within the cohortes
equitatae, the only clear atribute that indicates a special status of the equites is
simply their ability to associate into a collegium and own a schola equiturnf
Another category of simple soldiers that are able to associate like this are the
military doctors. Of course, there are many kinds of medici, some of them immunes,
other non-military, called medici ordinarii. However, they seem to be allowed to
associate in such collegia . Even veterans do it, although one could say that theirs is
a civilian collegium69. It seems, however, that simple soldiers did not have this right,
except for the legionaries in the first cohort, at least according to Hyginus70.
In Dacia we have more than one civil collegium attested in the main cities
of the province and, of course, some military ones. One of the most important is
that one attested in the inscription at Apulum, revealing the construction of their
headquarters . It is a collegium speculatorum, confirmed elsewhere, as it has been
presented above, having the same manner of organization and composition.
Another inscription revealing the three apparently very well-connected groups of
cornicularii, commentarienses and speculatores seems to attest a collegium as
weil, maybe the same as in the previous case, esspecially if we take into
consideration the place of discovery, which is also the praetorium consularis.
Lower in the officium consularis stands the quaestionarius, a rank reserved only to
the governor’s staff, due to its police duties. Six such quaestionarii are attested on
a list discovered in the praetorium consularis at Apulum, again revealing their
attendance to a collegium . There is only one other case of a collegium that has
been confirmed in Dacia, that of duplicării alae. Such a duplicarius dedicates a
marble relief to the optimum collegium duplariorum from ala I Hispanorum, at
Slâveni, in Lower Dacia74.
65 Campbell 1994, 136.
66 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 44.
67 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 58.
68 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 45. For more information about military medici, see Davies
1969 and Davies 1970.
69 CIL III 11189, Carnuntum; Campbell 1994, 139.
70 Apud Marcu 2006, 255.
71 Supra, no. 29.
72 CIL III 7794b = IDR 111/5, 435.
73 CIL III 7803 = IDR III/5, 459.
74 AE 1963, 125 = IDR II 505.
Speculatores in Dacia
275
About the headquarters of these collegia, there are some things to be said.
They are called scholae, and are attested in inscriptions in various places in
Dacia75. Outside the cases in Apulum, a few scholae are mentioned, in very
different circumstances. A group of beneficiarii belonging to the office of
governor L. Octavius lulianus raise an altar to the genius of their own schola, in
the legionary fortress’ principia, at Potaissa76. This is the case of yet another
collegium of officiales from the govemor’s staff , which, in a peculiar manner,
have their headquarters in the legionary fortress, instead of the praetorium
consularis. Perhaps this schola is only for the beneficiarii consularis that come
from V Macedonica, and thus their meeting place here.
In the auxiliary units of Dacia, two cases of scholae are confirmed. In the
first situation, two centurions principes dedicate an altar to the genius of a schola
ordinatorum, in Samum-Cășei, probably the headquarters of the collegium
gathering the centurions and decurions of the unit stationed here, cohors I
Britannica oo c. R. equitata . A second dedication to genius scholae is made by a
decurion of ala 1 Tungrorum Frontoniana, in Ilișua80, who contructs a temple,
outside the auxiliary fort.
Retuming to the most important inscription discussed in this paper, this is
the foundation plate for a schola speculatorum. The rather later construction date -
the years 198-199 - tends to induce the opinion that only by the time of Severus
had the soldiers enough money and favor, that they were able to build a
headquarters for their association. Thirty years later, we can witness the
reconstruction of a similar schola in the provincial capital of Lower Pannonia,
probably built at about the same time. This is to show that, most likely, the armies
that fought for Severus in the civil wars were compensated in many ways. In any
case, the role of these speculatores must have been very important in the
administration of the province, since they are granted such privileges, as to keep
their headquarters in the praetorium consularis, or since former such officiales,
75 For the archaeological description of such buildings, and their presence in Dacia, see Marcu
2006, passim.
76 CIL III 876. Octavius lulianus govems the three Daciae between 200 and 202/203, Piso
1993, 159-161.
77 Even if M. Bărbulescu considers them beneficiarii legati legionis. In such case, they should
have expressed their gratitude towards their legate. Bărbulescu 1987, 73.
78 CIL III 830 = 7631.
79 Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, 56-57. Especially because in the 3rd century auxiliary centurions
arc also called ordinați. However, D. Isac considers that this monument is raised by two
princip(ales), which not probable, though, Isac 2003, 45-46.
80 CIL III 7626.
276
George Cupcea
who later become even legionary centurions, do not forget their origin and actively
participate in the organization of their association.
The speculatores of Dacia are in no way different from the ones in other
provinces. They are attested regularly, to this contributing the soldier list in
Apulum. We also encounter special situations, like that of Germanus, of
speculatores in the time of their mission, dispached in adjacent provinces by their
govemor. The monuments in Apulum stand witness for very important aspects of
their organization. On the one hand, we have the tight connection between them
and their other colleagues in the superior part of the officium consularis, the
commentarienses and the cornicularii. They were close even to the inferior ranks,
like the beneficiarius or the frumentarius, as it was demonstrated in Aquincum. On
the other hand, the right to associate in military collegia that can have their own
headquarters built in the praetorium is also quite revealing. We should assume that
favor was the main condition for a successful career and that, once admitted in this
highest of circles, the govemor’s staff, a soldier would face a challenging but
prolific service, that would eventually culminate in the promotion to the legionary
centurionate. For the case of speculatores, this promotion would seem very close.
As it can clearly be seen from the epigraphical discoveries, most of the officiales in
the govemor’s staff are beneficiarii. One can assume that at least sixty of them
were dispatched from every legion of the province. From this point onwards, the
selection is very rigorous, because out of the sixty, only ten would eventually
become speculatores. This can indicate that only the best of them would be
selected for the highests post in the officium and for the prospective legionary
centurionate81.
The positions of speculatores, as well as other higher ones, are clearly a
distinct part of the officium. Out of the twenty speculatores, three will become
commentarienses at one time, other three cornicularii, and maybe some of the
most meritorious, even centurions. Naturaly, we cannot deny the possibility of
promotion to other outside ranks, like the auxiliary centurions or decurions, but
such promotions have not been attested. The Apulum example is just one of the
many of its kind confirming this high circle of officiales granted with substanțial
privileges, as that of the right to gather in a venue inside the praetorium consularis.
81 M. Clauss thinks otherwise, due to a certain number of inscriptions mentioning veteranus ex
speculatore. Clauss 1973, 77 and note no. 191. This should be looked upon especially from the
chronological point of view, because, as it was clearly demonstrated, promotions into and from the
ojfîcium consularis occured only in the second half of the 2"d century, and proliferated at its end
and the beginning of the 3rd, Breeze 1974, 271.
Speculatores in Dacia
277
The admittance in this superior part of the staff was not easy. It was very
selective and many would seek it. It is most probable that the access to it would
grant one the actual prospective promotion to the centurionate, this being the
source of technical an clerical officers for the Roman army. Mainly at the end of
the 2nd century, promotion practice would seek to procure centurions that are
trained in tactics and command, as are those coming from the ranks of signifer,
optio or aquilifer, and centurions trained in law and justice practices, or police and
intelligence matters, as those coming from the officium consularis.
Bibliography
Austin, Rankov 1995	N. J. E. Austin, N. B. Rankov, Exploratio. Military and Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople, London - New York 1995.
Bărbulescu 1987	M. Bărbulescu, Din istoria militară a Daciei romane. Legiunea V Macedonica și castrul de la Potaissa, Cluj-Napoca 1987.
Breeze 1974	D. J. Breeze, The Organization of the Career Strucuture of the immunes and principales of the Roman Army, BJb 174, 1974, 245-292.
Campbell 1994	B. Campbell, The Roman Army 31 BC - AD 337. A Sourcebook, London - New York 1994.
Clauss 1973	M. Clauss, Untersuchungen zu den principales des romischen Heeres von Augustus bis Diokletian. Cornicularii, speculatores, frumentarii, Diss. Bochum 1973.
Davies 1969	R. W. Davies, The medici of the Roman armed forces, Epigraphische Studien 8, 1969, 83-99.
Davies 1970	R. W. Davies, The Roman military medical service, SJ 27, 1970, 84-104.
Dise 1996	R. L. Dise, The beneficiarii procuratoris of Celeia and the development of the statio network, ZPE 113, 1996, 286-292.
Dise 1997	R. L. Dise, Trajan, the Antonines, and the governor’s staff, ZPE 116, 1997, 273-283.
Domaszewski-Dobson 1967	A. von Domaszewski, B. Dobson, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres2, Koln - Graz 1967.
Ducos 1995	Michele Ducos, La hierachie militaire dans les sources litteraires, in : Y. Le Bohec (ed.), La Hierachie (Rangordnung) de l'armee romaine sous le Haut-Empire, Paris 1995, 47-51.
Durry 1968 Faure 2008	M. Durry, Les cohortes pretoriennes, Paris 1968. P. Faure, Les symboles des centuries legionnaires, ZPE 165, 2008, 293-303.
278
George Cupcea
Haensch 1995	R. Haensch, A comentariis und comentariensis: Geschichte und Aufgaben eines Amtes im Spiegel seiner Titulaturen, in: Y. LeBohec (ed.), La Hierachie (Rangordnung) de l’armee romaine sous le Haut-Empire, Paris 1995, 267-284.
Isac 2003 Keppie 1996	D. Isac, Castrul roman de la Samum-Cășeiu, Cluj-Napoca 2003. L. Keppie, The Praetorian Guard before Sejanus, Athenaeum 84(1), 1996, 101-124.
Marcu 2006	F. Marcu, Scholae in the forts of Dacia, Dacia 50, 2006, 255- 267.
Moga, Drâmbărean 2007	V. Moga, M. Drâmbărean, Note epigrafice apulense, Apulum 44,2007, 175-179.
Piso 1993	1. Piso, Fasti provinciae Daciae I. Die senatorischen Amtstrăger, Bonn 1993.
Popescu 2004	M. Popescu, La religion dans l’armee romaine de Dacie, București 2004.
Rankov 1990	N. B. Rankov, Frumentarii, the castra peregrina and the provincial officia, ZPE 80, 1990, 176-182.
Speidel 1994	M. P. Speidel, Riding for Caesar. The Roman Emperors’ Horse Guards, London 1994.
Speculatores in Dacia
279
PROS
ĂLVTE’SEVEOETAlTd
dlamspecvLatorv
RIVS C
CH
IT
DIA
•/'LE
P'BA
I VL’TA
LA CL
AN
V
A
IVS
îfllAVtG-ETCETAECAES
fi	IMPEN
•SVRl’QOS-DACTnTK
----	' GAI
VS7-UC-
M<yORINM$VN'
EIVS
Van
[Pro s]alute‘Seueri [etAnto]nin[iA]ug[g(ustorum) el [Getae Caes(aris)]}
sclhojlawspecuflatorujmj^	impen]- dio suo’fecerufnt	]NN[.....J iussu'Me'ii(i)‘Suri‘c[o(n)s(ularis) Dac(iarum)] IIIm[om(irut) ?quor(um) injfr(a) scr'ip'(ta) [sunt]		
5	Vlp (ius) ’Bacchiusicenturio) Heg(ionis) ‘XIII	[...] Gaius	[... ?Max]imian(us)
G(eminae) Iul (ius) ‘Tacitus*!centurio) deg( ionis) ‘V	[...] Cocc[eius]	fl-11
M(acedonicae) p (iae) Cla(udius) Clautlianus^centurio)'leg(ionis)‘V	[■■■]Vr[-]	[—]ian(us)
M(acedonicae) p (iae) [A]el(ius) Valerius'comficularius)	l-J	[-]s
[?An]t(onius) Va[.	] corn(icularius)	l-}	l—]n(us)
10	[...]An[-]	l-J	[-]
[...]Cl[-]	l-l	l-J
[...JFa[~]	l-l	l-J
[-1	l-l	[-1
1-]	[-1	(-]
CIL III 14479 = AE 1901, 154 = IDR III/5, 426, graphical reconstruction and the reading,
after I. Piso.

Acta Musei Napocensis, 43-44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 281-285
La communaute assez restreinte des classicistes et des historiens de
l’Antiquite de Roumanie a subi encore une perte douloureuse; le 21 avril 2008 est
trepassee subitement notre collegue Adela Paki, epigraphiste et chercheur bien
affirme dans le domaine. Elle etait âgee de 49 ans â peine...
Nee le 6janvier 1961 dans la viile de Lupeni de la vallee du Jiu, Adela Paki
a beneficie tres tot d’une bonne education. Elle a suivi le college dans la viile
natale, et puis le repute lycee « Gheorghe Șincai » de Cluj, section litteraire.
Depuis le lycee deja elle a fait preuve d’un deșir et d’aptitudes pour l’etude, d’une
vaste culture et d’un reel penchant pour les langues. Assez tot elle a opte avec
conviction pour la profession d’historien de l’antiquite classique. Entre 1979 et
1983 elle a suivi les cours de la faculte d’Histoire de l’Universite de Cluj-Napoca,
qu’elle a fini comme major de sa promotion. Des les annees de faculte elle a
commence â faire de l’archeologie romaine, aussi bien sur le chantier-ecole
d’Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa que dans le cercle scientifique des etudiants. Et
pendant toutes ces annees elle a defini son domaine d’interet majeur, l’epigraphie
antique, dont elle ne cessera de s’occuper par la suite.
Mais les conditions de l’epoque ne favorisaient pas la poursuite de ces
preoccupations pour une jeune personne. Depuis la licence et jusqu’en 1990 Adela
Paki a travaille comme professeur d’histoire â une ecole generale de la viile de
Dej, faisant chaque jour une navette souvent difficile. En plus, elle avait deja une
282
Radu Ardevan
familie. Pourtant, elle n’a pas renonce et, avec de grands efforts, elle a poursuivi
l’etude de l’histoire ancienne et la recherche de la civilisation daco-romaine. Elle a
pris part regulierement aux campagnes archeologiques de Sarmizegetusa, a publie
des contributions scientifiques, a etudie avec tenacite et s’est inscrite meme au
doctorat. Ce n’est qu’apres le changement de regime en Roumanie qu’elle a reussi,
â l’instar de bien de jeunes gens meritants, â obtenir un poște dans sa specialite. En
1990 elle est entree par concours comme conservateur archeologue au Musee
National d’Histoire de la Transylvanie de Cluj-Napoca, ou elle a travaille d’abord
comme conservateur, puis comme chercheur, jusqu’en 2007.
Elle a soutenu sa these de doctorat ayant comme titre « La Population de la
Dacie Porolissensis » â l’Universite de Cluj, en 1998 (ouvrage reste inedit). Entre
temps elle avait publie un autre livre en collaboration. Elle a presente et fait
imprimer des etudes et des articles meritoires, la plupart traitant de problemes
d’histoire de la population daco-romaine, etudiee â partir des noms attestes
epigraphiquement. Ces contributions ont mieux mis en valeur ses connaissances et
ses aptitudes. Grâce â elles, Adela Paki a ete connue et appreciee aussi bien en
Roumanie qu’â l’etranger. Elle a participe â des symposiums et â des congres de
specialite, quelques-uns de niveau internațional - tels les congres d’epigraphie
grecque et latine de 1992 et 2002, les congres d’archeologie classique de
Tarragona (1993) et de Lugo (1996), ou bien les colloques roumano-suisses
consacres â la politique edilitaire dans les provinces de l’Empire romain. Dans le
meme sens, nous devons mentionner qu’elle a beneficie d’une bourse de
documentation de l’Universite de Geneve (1990) et d’une autre similaire de
l’Universite Columbus des Etats-Unis.
Mais l’epigraphie n’a pas ete pour elle l’unique champ d’activite
professionnelle. Elle a participe energiquement aux collectifs de travail sur des
chantiers archeologiques de sauvetage du departement de Cluj (Becaș, Micești,
Suceag, Chinteni, Cluj - rue V. Deleu etc.) ou aux fouilles de Roșia Montană. Elle
a fait aussi un travail de conservateur, avec tout ce qu’il implique. Elle a participe
â la redaction de bibliographies de specialite, ou â des actions de protocole et de
publicite de l’institution.
II faut mentionner egalement son implication civique apres 1990, dans la
presse, dans la vie politique ou dans l’organisation humanitaire «Amnesty
International». Pendant un certain temps du moins, Adela Paki a fait pârtie des
intellectuels engages et optimistes, qui ont soutenu l’evolution de notre jeune
democrație et y ont cru.
In memorian Adela Paki
283
Probablement que sa sânte fragile a souffert â la suite de tant d’efforts
accumules. Apres son retour d’Amerique, son interet pour le domaine dans lequel
elle s’etait affirmee et sa force de travail ont diminue considerablement. Pourtant
personne - meme pas elle-meme - n’a soupțonne comme elle etait faible. Elle
semblait meme impatiente de vivre de nouvelles experiences. A la surprise de tout
le monde, elle a renonce â son emploi et par la suite egalement au travail de
recherche en faveur d’autres preoccupations; de surcroît, elle est allee s’installer â
la campagne, optant pour des valeurs ecologistes. Une autre vie, une autre
familie ... Mais le temps n’a plus voulu patienter.
Disparue beaucoup trop tot et regrettee par tous ceux qui l’ont connue,
Adela Paki laisse derriere elle plus de trente ouvrages de specialite imprimes,
utiles et largement consultes. Mais surtout elle demeure dans le souvenir des
collegues comme l’image d’une personne d’une belle et vaste culture humaniste,
d’un chercheur passionne et competent de l’Antiquite classique, d’une âme
sensible et noble.
SlTSIBI TERRA LEVIS.
Radu Ardevan
Liste des publications
Două fragmente ceramice ștampilate de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, AMN
21, 1984,447^179.
Bibliografia Daciei romane (1), 1949-1965, AMN 22-23, 1985-1986, 569-588
(collab. avec S. Cociș).
O « inscripție inedită » din amfiteatrul roman de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa,
AMN 22-23, 1985-1886, 469-477 (collab. avec D. Alicu).
Teracote de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, Sargetia 20, 1986-1987, 487-488
(collab. avec S. Cociș).
Bibliografia Daciei romane (II), 1966-1971, AMN 24-25, 1987-1988, 567-589
(collab. avec S. Cociș).
Populația de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (I), SCIVA 39, 1988, 4, 355-368.
Populația Daciei Porolissensis (I). Porolissum, AMP 12, 1988, 215-226.
Populația de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (II), SCIVA 41, 1990, 2, 149-164.
Săpături de salvare la Cluj-Becaș 1989, EN 2, 1992, 7-17 (collab. avec F. Gogâltan,
S. Cociș).
284
Radu Ardevan
Epigraphica minora (I), AMN 26-30/1, 1989-1993, 291-301.
Săpăturile arheologice din 1984 de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, AMN 26-
30/1, 1989-1993, 409^132 (collab. avec H. Daicoviciu, D. Alicu, S. Cociș,
Al. Diaconescu, C. Pop. C. Opreanu).
Cercetările arheologice de la Suceag (jud. Cluj), campania din 1989. Cuptoarele
de ars ceramică (secolele III-1V), AMN, 26-30/1, 1989-1993, 477—494
(collab. avec C. Opreanu et S. Cociș).
Raport privind cercetările arheologice efectuate în satul Micești, jud. Cluj, AMN
26-30/1, 1989-1993, 495-514 (collab. avec D. Alicu, S. Cociș).
Bibliografia Daciei romane (III), 1972-1976, AMN 26-30/1, 1989-1993, 557-576
(collab. avec S. Cociș).
Dacia ludens, EN 3, 1993, 149-161 (collab. avec S. Cociș).
Les constructions ă Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa telles qu ’elles sont enregistrees
dans les inscriptions, dans D. Alicu, H. Boegli (eds.), La politique
edilitaire dans les provinces de l’Empire romain. Actes du Ier Colloque
roumano-suisse. Deva, 21-26 octobre 1991, Cluj-Napoca 1993, 111-122.
Bibliografia Daciei romane (IV), 1977-1980, AMN 31/1, 1994, 273-297 (collab.
avec S. Cociș).
Săpăturile arheologice din 1983 de la Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, AMN 31/1,
1994, 433^160 (collab. avec H. Daicoviciu, D. Alicu, S. Cociș, C. Ilieș,
C. Meylan, I. Piso).
Town Planning and Population in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, Oxford, B.A.R.
Int. Series 605, 1995, 91 p. (collab. avec D. Alicu).
Cercetări arheologice la Cluj-Napoca. Villa rustica din valea Chintăului.
Campania 1988, AMN 32/1, 1995, 619-633 (collab. avec D. Alicu, S. Cociș,
I. Ferenczi, C. Ilieș).
Raport preliminar privind cercetările arheologice din Str. V. Deleu în Cluj-
Napoca. I. Campaniile 1992-1994, AMN 32/1, 1995, 635-652 (collab.
avec S. Cociș, V. Voișian, M. Rotea).
Bibliografia Daciei romane (V), 1981-1989, AMN 32/1, 1995, 827-857 (collab.
avec S. Cociș).
Quelques remarques sur l’inscription CIL VIII 18085, dans Arculiana. Hommage â
Hans Boegli, Avenches, 1995, 493—498.
La colonisation de la Dacie romane, dans R. Frei-Stolba, H. Herzig (eds.), La
politique edilitaire dans les provinces de l’Empire romain, Ileme - IVeme
siecles apres J.-C. Actes du lle colloque roumano-suisse. Beme 1993,
Beme 1995, 19-38.
In memorian Adela Paki
285
Bibliografia Daciei romane (VI), 1990-1994, AMN 33/1, 1996, 699-715 (collab.
avec S. Cociș).
Quelques remarques sur la population rurale de la region de la Dacie orientale,
Specimina Nova, Pecs, 12, 1998, 283-294.
The Onomastics of the Roman town Napoca in Dacia, dans Los origens de la
ciudad en el noroeste Hispânico (Actos del Congrese Intemacional Lugo
15-18 Mayo 1996), I, Lugo 1998, 135-144.
Onomasticon Daciae (I). Die Patronymica der Provinz Dacia Porolissensis, AMN
35/1, 1998, 119-146.
The Prosopographical repertoire of Roman Dacia, AMN 38/1, 2001, 61-86.
Forme de habitat în punctul Balea, dans P. Damian (ed.), Albumus Maior I,
București 2003, 387-431 (collab. avec V. Rusu-Bolindeț, C. Roman,
E. Bota, A. Isac, F. Marcu, M. Bodea).
A Mundus at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. About the ritual of fundation of
ancient cities, dans C. Găzdac et alii (eds.), Orbis antiquus. Studia in
honorem loannis Pisonis, Cluj-Napoca 2004, 662-666.
Provincial prosopography - methodological approaches (I). Limits of research,
dans C. Gaiu, C. Găzdac (eds.), Fontes historiae. Studia in honorem
Demetrii Protase, Bistrița - Cluj-Napoca 2006, 499-511.
The Prosopographie method applied to the study of Roman provincial population
ab honestioribus ad humiliores, dans M. Mayer i Olive, G. Baratta, Al.
Guzman Almagro (eds.), Acta XII Congressus Intemationalis Epigraphiae
Graecae et Latinae, Barcelona 2002, Barcelona 2007, 1079-1087.

Acta Musei Napocensis, 43-44/1, 2006-2007 (2008), p. 287-289
Abbreviations - Abkurzungen - Abreviations
Die Abkurzungen im vorliegenden Bând befolgen jene der L’Annee Philologique.
Solche, die dort nicht vorkommen, werden im folgenden aufgelistet:
AAH	Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest.
ACMIT	Anuarul Comisiunii Monumentelor Istorice, Secțiunea pentru Transilvania, Cluj.
AHB	The Ancient History Bulletin, Calgary.
AE	L ’Annee Epigraphique, Paris.
AMN (= ActaMN) AMP Apulum	Acta Musei Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca. Acta Musei Porolissensis, Zalău. Apulum. Anuarul Muzeului Național al Unirii din Alba lulia, Alba lulia.
ArhMold	Arheologia Moldovei, Iași.
BAR	British Archaeological Reports, Oxford.
CA	Cercetări Arheologice, Muzeul Național de Istorie, București.
CAH Chiron	Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungaricae, Budapest. Chiron. Mitteilungen der Kommission fur Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des Deutschen Archăologischen Instituts, Miinchen.
CIL Dizionario Epigrafico	Corpus Inscripționam Latinarum, Berlin. E. di Ruggiero (ed.), Dizionario epigrafico di antichita romane, Roma, I (1895) - III (1922).
EN	Ephemeris Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca.
Epigraphischc Studien HSCPh	Epigraphische Studien, Bonn. Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Cambridge.
IDR	Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae, București - Paris.
IDRE	C. C. Petolescu, Inscriptions externes concernant l’histoire de la Dacie, I-II, București, 1996-2000.
IGBI	G. Mihailov, Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae, I, Inscriptiones orae Ponti Euxini. Editio altera emendata. Serdicae.
288
Abbreviations - Abkurzungen - Abreviations
IGLNovae	J. Kolendo, Violeta Bozilova, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Novae (Mesie Inferieure), Bordeaux - Paris 1997.
IGLR	Em. Popescu, Inscripțiile grecești și latine din secolele IV-XIII descoperite în România: culese, traduse în românește, însoțite de indici și comentate, București 1976.
ILD	C. Petolescu, Inscripții latine din Dacia, București, 2005.
ILBulg	B. Gerov, Inscriptiones Latinae in Bulgaria repertae, I, Sofia 1989.
ILS (= Dessau)	H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Berlin, I (1882) -IV (1916).
IMS ISM	Inscriptions de la Mesie Superieure, Belgrade, 1986. Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae, București.
JRGZM	Jahrbuch des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums zu Mainz, Mainz.
Marisia	Marisia. Studii și materiale. Arheologie, istorie, etnografie, Muzeul Județean Mureș, Târgu Mureș.
MCA Mei. Bidez	Materiale și cercetări arheologice, București. Melanges Joseph Bidez, Bruxelles, 1934 (= Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves, Bruxelles, 2, 1933-1934).
Montana II	V. Velkov, G. Alexandrov (ed.), EnuepafcKU naMemHuqu om Monmaua u pauoua, Cocuri 1994.
OPEL	Onomasticon Provinciarum Europae Latinarum, I-IV (B. Lorincz, F. Redo et alii, Budapest 1994-2002).
PBF PIR2	Prdhistorische Bronzefunde, Berlin. E. Groag, A. Stein et alii, Prosopographia Imperii Romani2, Berlin 1933 sqq.
Pontica	Pontica. Studii și materiale istorice, arheologie și muzeografie, Constanța.
PZ	Prăhistorische Zeitschrift, Berlin.
RE	Real-Encyclopădie der classischen Altertums-wissenschaft, Stuttgart 1894 sqq.
RGZM	B. Pferdehirt, Romische Militardiplome und Entlassungs- urkunden in der Sammlung des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, I—II, Mainz - Bonn 2004.
RMD	M. M. Roxan, P. Holder, Roman Military Diplomas, London.
RMI	Revista Monumentelor Istorice, București.
Sargetia	Sargeția. Buletinul Muzeului Județean Hunedoara, Deva.
	Abbreviations - Abkiirzungen - Abreviations	289
SCIV(A)	Studii și cercetări de istorie veche (și arheologie - since 1975), București.
SMMIM	Studii și materiale de muzeografie și istorie militară. București.
StComSatuMare TAPA	Studii și comunicări, Satu Mare. Transactions of the American Philological Association, Baltimore.
Thraco-Dacica	Thraco-Dacica. Institutul de Tracologie, București.